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^ubltcattons  of  tfjc  prince  i^octetp. 




Publications  of  ti)e  prince  g>ocietp. 

Ertabliflied  May  25th,   1858. 





By  John  Wilson  and  Son. 















Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1883,  by 

The  Prince  Society, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

lEtutor : 



Preface v-vi 

Thomas   Morton  of  Merry-Mount 1-98 

Bibliography  of  New  English  Canaan 99-I°5 

New  English  Canaan 106-345 

Book  I.    The  Origin  of   the    Natives ;   their   Manners   and 

Cufloms 115-78 

Book  II.    A  Defcription  of  the  Beauty  of  the  Country       .     .  179-242 

Book  III.    A  Defcription  of  the  People 243-345 

Table  of  Contents  of  the  New  English  Canaan  ....      347-9 

Officers  of  the  Prince  Society 353 

The  Prince  Society,  1883 354-8 

Publications  of  the  Prince  Society       359 

Volumes  in  Preparation  by  the  Prince  Society     ....  360 

Index 361-81 


EFORE  undertaking  the  prefent  work  I  had  no  expe- 
rience as  an  editor.  It  is  unneceffary  for  me  to  fay, 
therefore,  that,  were  I  now  to  undertake  it,  I  fliould 
purfue  a  fomewhat  different  courfe  from  that  which 
I  have  purfued.  The  New  Englifli  Canaan  is,  in  many 
refpects,  a  lingular  book.  One  of  its  moft  fingular  features  is  the 
extent  of  ground  it  covers.  Not  only  is  it  full  of  obfcure  refer- 
ences to  incidents  in  early  New  England  hiftory,  but  it  deals  directly 
with  the  aborigines,  the  trees,  animals,  fifh,  birds  and  geology  of 
the  region  ;  befides  having  conftant  incidental  allufions  to  literature, 
—  both  claffic  and  of  the  author's  time,  —  to  geography,  and  to  then 
current  events.  No  one  perfon  can  poffefs  the  knowledge  neceffary 
to  thoroughly  cover  fo  large  a  field.  To  edit  properly  he  muft  have 
recourfe  to  fpecialifts. 

It  was  only  as  the  labor  of  inveftigation  increafed  on  my  hands 
that  I  realized  what  a  wealth  of  fcientific  and  fpecial  knowledge  was 
to  be  reached,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bofton,  by  any  one  engaged  in 
fuch  multifarious  inquiry.  Were  I  again  to  enter  upon  it  I  mould 
confine  my  own  labors  chiefly  to  correfpondence  ;  for  on  every  point 
which  comes  up  there  is  fome  one  now  in  this  vicinity,  if  he  can  only 
be  found  out,  who  has  made  a  ftudy  of  it,  and  has  more  information 

than  the  moft  laborious  and  fkilful  of  editors  can  acquire. 


vi  Preface. 

In  this  edition  of  the  New  Canaan  I  have  not  laid  fo  many  of 
thefe  fpecialifts  as  I  now  wifh,  under  requifition  ;  and  yet  the  lift  is 
a  tolerably  extenfive  one.  In  every  cafe,  alfo,  the  affiftance  alked  for 
has  been  rendered  as  of  courfe,  in  the  true  fcientific  fpirit.  My  cor- 
refpondence  has  included  Meffrs.  Deane,  Winfor  and  Ellis  on  events 
in  early  New  England  hiftory  ;  Profeffor  Whitney  on  geographical 
allufions  ;  Profeffors  Lane  and  Greenough,  Dr.  Everett  and  Mr.  T. 
W.  Higginfon,  on  references  to  the  Greek  and  Latin  claffics,  or  quo- 
tations from  them  ;  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Norton  on  Scriptural  allufions. 
Mr.  J.  C.  Gray  has  hunted  up  for  me  legal  precedents  five  centuries 
old,  and  Mr.  Lindfay  Swift  has  explained  archaic  expreffions,  to  the 
meaning  of  which  I  could  get  no  clew.  On  the  fubje6t  of  trees  and 
herbs  I  called  on  Profeffors  Gray  and  Sargent ;  in  regard  to  birds, 
Mr.  William  Brewfter  was  indefatigable ;  Mr.  Allen,  though  in  very 
poor  health,  took  the  chapter  on  animals  ;  Profeffor  Shaler  difpofed 
of  the  geology  ;  Meffrs.  Agafliz  and  Lyman  inftructed  me  as  to  filh, 
and  Profeffor  Putnam  as  to  ihell-heaps.  I  met  fome  allufions  to 
early  French  and  other  explorers,  and  naturally  had  recourfe  to 
Meffrs.  Parkman  and  Slafter  ;  while  in  regard  to  Indian  words  and 
names,  I  have  been  in  conftant  correfpondence  with  the  one  author- 
ity, Mr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  who  has  recognized  to  the  fulleft 
extent  the  public  obligation  which  a  maftery  of  a  fpecial  fubjecl: 
impofes  on  him  who  mafters  it. 

In  clofing  a  pleafant  editorial  tafk,  my  chief  regret,  therefore,  is 
that  the  notes  in  this  volume  contain  fo  much  matter  of  my  own. 
They  mould  have  been  even  more  eclectic  than  they  are,  and  each 
from  the  higheft  poffible  authority  on  the  fubjecl;  to  which  it 

C.  F.  A.,  Jr. 

Ouincy,  Mass.,  April  4,  1883. 


N  the  fecond  book  of  his  hiflory  of  Plymouth 
Plantation,  Governor  Bradford,  while  dealing 
with  the  events  of  the  year  1628  though  writing 
at  a  dill  later  period,  fays :  — 

"  Aboute  fome  three  or  four  years  before  this  time,  ther  came  over  one 
Captaine  Wolaflone  (a  man  of  pretie  parts) ,  and  with  him  three  or  four  more 
of  fome  eminencie,  who  brought  with  them  a  great  many  fervants,  with  pro- 
vifions  and  other  implaments  for  to  begine  a  plantation ;  and  pitched  them- 
felves  in  a  place  within  the  Maffachufets,  which  they  called,  after  their 
Captains  name,  Mount-Wollafton.  Amongft  whom  was  one  Mr.  Morton, 
who,  it  fhould  feeme,  had  fome  fmall  adventure  (of  his  owne  or  other  mens) 
amongft  them."  x 

There  is  no  other  known  record  of  Wollafton  than  that 
contained  in  this  paffage  of   Bradford.2      His  given   name 


thirty  men  and  near  all  ftarved,"  whom 
Smith  encountered  in  1615,  while  a  cap- 
tive in  the  hands  of  the  French  free- 
booters. Though  it  has  found  a  place 
in  biographical  dictionaries  on  account 
of  two  eminent  men  of  one  family  from 
Staffordfhire  who  bore  it,  the  name  of 


1  Bradford,  pp.  235-6. 

2  A  Captain  Wollifton  is  mentioned 
by  Smith  (Defcription  of  New  England, 
III.  Mafs.  Ffift.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  136)  as 
the  lieutenant  of  "one  Captain  Barra, 
an  Englifh  pirate,  in  a  fmall  fhip,  with 
fome  twelve  pieces  of  ordnance,  about 

2  Thomas  Morton 

even  is  not  mentioned.  It  may  be  furmifed  with  tolerable 
certainty  that  he  was  one  of  the  numerous  traders,  generally 
from  Briftol  or  the  Weft  of  England,  who  frequented  the 
hilling  grounds  and  the  adjacent  American  coaft  during  the 
early  years  of  the  feventeenth  century.  Nothing  is  actually 
known  of  him,  however,  until  in  1625  he  appeared  in  Maffa- 
chufetts  Bay,  as  Bofton  Harbor  was  then  called,  at  the  head 
of  the  expedition  which  Bradford  mentions. 

His  purpofe  and  that  of  his  "companions  was  to  eftablifh 
a  plantation  and  trading-pott  in  the  country  of  the  Mafia- 
chufetts  tribe  of  Indians.  It  was  the  third  attempt  of  the 
kind  which  had  been  made  fince  the  fettlement  at  Plym- 
outh, a  little  more  than  four  years  before.  The  firft  of  thefe 
attempts  had  been  that  of  Thomas  Wefton  at  Weffaguffet, 
or  Weymouth,  in  the  fummer  of  1622.  This  had  refulted 
in  a  complete  failure,  the  ftory  of  which  is  told  by  Bradford 
and  Window,  and  forms  one  of  the  more  ftriking  pages  in 
the  annals  of  early  New  England.  The  fecond  attempt, 
and  that  which  next  preceded  Wollafton's,  had  clofely  fol- 
lowed the  firft,  being  made  in  the  fummer  of  1623,  under 
the  immediate  direction  of  the  Council  for  New  England. 
At  the  head  of  it  was  Captain  Robert  Gorges,  a  younger 
fon  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.     Wefton's  expedition  was  a 


Wollafton  is  rarely  met  with.     It  is  not  Wollifton,  therefore,  whom   Smith  fell 

found,  for  inftance,  in  the  prefent  di-  in  with  in    1615    may   have   been,   and 

rectories  of  either  Bofton  or  New  York,  probably  was,  the  fame  who  ten  years 

and  but  twice  in  that  of  Philadelphia,  later    gave    his    name    to    the    hill    on 

It  has  been  given  to  iflands  in  both  the  Quincy  Bay.     It  is  not  likely  that  two 

Arctic  and    the  Antarctic   oceans,  but  Captain  Wollaftons  were  fea-adventur- 

the  family  to  which  it  belonged  feems  ers  at  the  fame  time.     That  it  actually 

to  have  originated  in  an  inland  Englifh  was  the  fame  man  is,  however,  matter 

county.    (Lower's  Patronymica  Britan-  of  pure  furmife. 
nica).       The    Captain,    or    Lieutenant, 

Of  Merry -Mount  3 

mere  trading  venture,  having  little  connection  with  anything 
which  went  before  or  which  came  after.  That  of  Gorges, 
however,  was  fomething  more.  As  will  prefently  be  feen, 
it  had  a  diftincl:  political  and  religious  fignificance. 

Robert  Gorges  and  his  party  arrived  in  Bofton  Bay  in 
1623,  during  what  is  now  the  latter  part  of  September. 
They  eftablifhed  themfelves  in  the  buildings  which  had 
been  occupied  by  Wefton's  people  during  the  previous  win- 
ter, and  which  had  been  deferted  by  them  a  few  days  lefs 
than  fix  months  before.  The  fite  of  thofe  buildings  cannot 
be  definitely  fixed.  It  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  on  Phillips 
Creek,  a  fmall  tidal  inlet  of  the  Weymouth  fore-river,  a  fhort 
diftance  above  the  Quincy-Point  bridge.  The  grant  made 
to  Robert  Gorges  by  the  Council  for  New  England,  and 
upon  which  he  probably  intended  to  place  his  party,  was  on 
the  other  fide  of  the  bay,  covering  ten  miles  of  fea-front  and 
ftretching  thirty  miles  into  the  interior.  It  was  fubfe- 
quently  pronounced  void  by  the  lawyers  on  the  ground  of 
being  "  loofe  and  uncertain,"  but  as  nearly  as  can  now  be 
fixed  it  covered  the  fhore  between  Nahant  and  the  mouth 
of  the  Charles,  and  the  region  back  of  that  as  far  weft  as 
Concord  and  Sudbury,  including  Lynn  and  the  molt  thickly 
inhabited  portions  of  the  prefent  county  of  Middlefex. 

Reaching  New  England,  however,  late  in  the  feafon, 
Gorges's  firft  anxiety  was  to  fecure  fhelter  for  his  party 
againft  the  impending  winter,  for  the  frofts  had  already 
begun.  Fortunately  the  few  favages  thereabouts  had  been 
warned  by  Governor  Bradford  not  to  injure  the  Weffa- 
guffet  buildings,  and  thus  they  afforded  a  welcome  fhelter 
to  the  newcomers.     Thefe  were  people  of  a  very  different 


4  Thomas  Morton 

clafs  from  thofe  who  had  preceded  them.  Among  them 
were  men  of  education,  and  fome  of  them  were  married 
and  had  brought  their  wives.  Their  fettlement  proved  a 
permanent  one.  Robert  Gorges,  it  is  true,  the  next  fpring 
returned  to  England  difgufted  and  difcouraged,  taking  back 
with  him  a  portion  of  his  followers.  Others  of  them 
went  on  to  Virginia  in  fearch  of  a  milder  climate  and  a 
more  fertile  foil.  A  few,  however,  remained  at  Weffa- 
guffet,1  and  are  repeatedly  referred  to  by  Morton  in  the 
New  Canaan"1  as  his  neighbors  at  that  place. 

When,  therefore,  Wollafton  failed  into  the  bay  in  the 
early  fummer  of  1625,  its  mores  were  not  wholly  unoccu- 
pied. His  party  confifted  of  himfelf  and  fome  three  or 
four  partners,  with  thirty  or  more  fervants,  as  they  were 
called,  or  men  who  had  fold  their  time  for  a  period  of  years 
to  an  employer,  and  who  flood  in  the  relation  to  him  of 
apprentice  to  matter.  Rafdall,  according  to  Bradford,  was 
the  name  of  one  of  the  partners,  and  Fitcher  would  feem  to 
have  been  that  of  another.  Thomas  Morton,  the  author  of 
the  New  EngliJJi  Canaan,  was  a  third. 

Not  much  more  is  known  of  Morton's  life  prior  to  his 
coming  to  America  than  of  Wollafton's.  He  had  certainly 
an  education  of  that  fort  which  was  imparted  in  the  fchools 
of  the  Elizabethan  period,  for  he  had  a  fmattering  knowl- 
edge of  tlie  more  familiar  Latin  authors  at  leaft,  and  was  fond 
of  claffic  allufion.  Governor  Dudley,  in  his  letter  to  the 
Countefs  of  Lincoln,  fays  that  while  in  England  he  was  an 
attorney  in  "  the  weft  countries."3    He  further  intimates  that 


1  Bradford,  p.  154.  8  Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  321. 

2  Infra,  *44,  *  124- 127,  *I38. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  5 

he  had  there  been  implicated  in  fome  foul  mifdemeanor,  on 
account  of  which  warrants  were  out  againft  him.  Nathaniel 
Morton  in  his  Memorial1  fays  that  the  crime  thus  referred 
to  was  the  killing  of  a  partner  concerned  with  him,  Thomas 
Morton,  in  his  firft  New  England  venture.  Thomas  Wig- 
gin,  however,  writing  in  1632  to  Sir  John  Cooke,  one  of 
*  King  Charles's  fecretaries  for  foreign  affairs  and  a  member 
of  the  Privy  Council,  ftates,  upon  the  authority  of  Morton's 
"  wife's  fbnne  and  others,"  that  he  had  fled  to  New  England 
"  upon  a  foule  fufpition  of  murther." 2  While,  therefore,  it 
would  feem'  that  grave  charges  were  in  general  circulation 
againft  Morton,  connecting  him  with  fome  deed  of  violence, 
it  is  neceffary  to  bear  in  mind  that  confiderable  allowance 
muft  be  made  before  any  accufation  againft  him  can  be  ac- 
cepted on  the  word  of  either  the  Maffachufetts  or  the  Ply- 
mouth authorities,  or  thofe  in  fympathy  with  them.  Yet 
Morton  was  a  recklefs  man,  and  he  lived  in  a  time  when 
no  great  degree  of  fanclity  attached  to  human  life ;  fo  that 
in  itfelf  there  is  nothing  very  improbable  in  this  charge. 
It  is  poffible  that  before  coming  to  America  he  may  have 
put  fome  one  out  of  the  way.  Neverthelefs,  as  will  pref- 
ently  be  feen,  though  he  was  fubfequently  arrefted  and  in 
jail  in  England,  the  accufation  never  took  any  formal  fhape. 
That  he  was  at  fome  time  married  would  appear  from  the 
letter  of  Wiggin  already  referred  to,  and  the  allufions  in  the 
New  Canaan  fhow  that  he  had  been  a  man  paffionately  fond 
of  field  fports,  and  a  good  deal  of  a  traveller  as  well.  He 
fpeaks,  for  inftance,  of  having  been  "  bred  in  fo  genious  a 

way  " 

1  N.  E.  Memorial,  p.  160.  2  ill.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  p.  323. 

6  Thomas  Morton 

way  "  that  in  England  he  had  the  common  ufe  of  hawks  in 
fowling;  and,  in  another  place,  he  alludes  to  his  having  been 
fo  near  the  equator  that  "  I  have  had  the  fun  for  my  zenith." 1 
On  the  titlepage  of  his  book  he  defcribes  himfelf  as  "  of 
Cliffords  Inne  gent,"  which  of  courfe  he  would  not  have  ven- 
tured to  do  had  he  not  really  been  what  he  there  claimed  to 
be ;  for  at  the  time  the  New  Canaan  was  publifhed  he  was 
living  in  London  and  apparently  one  of  the  attorneys  of  the 
Council  for  New  England.2  Bradford,  fpeaking  from  mem- 
ory, fell  into  an  error,  therefore,  when  he  defcribed  him  as 
a  "kind  of  petie-fogger  of  Furnefells  Inne."3  That  in 
1625  he  was  a  man  of  fome  means  is  evident  from  the  facl 
that  he  owned  an  intereft  in  the  Wollafton  venture ;  though 
here  again  Bradford  takes  pains  to  fay  that  the  fhare  he 
reprefented  ("of  his  owne  or  other  mens")  was  fmall,  and 
that  he  himfelf  had  fo  little  refpect  amongft  the  reft  that  he 
was  flighted  by  even  the  meanefl:  fervants. 

In  all  probability  this  was  not  Morton's  firft  vifit  to  Maffa- 
chufetts  Bay.  Indeed,  he  was  comparatively  familiar  with  it, 
having  already  paffed  one  feafon  on  its  fhores.  His  own  flate- 
ment,  at  the  beginning  of  the  firft  chapter  of  the  fecond  book 
of  the  Canaan,  feems  to  be  conclufive  on  this  point.  He  there 
fays:  "  In  the  month  of  June,  Anno  Salutis  1622,  it  was  my 
chance  to  arrive  in  the  parts  of  New  England  with  thirty  fer- 
vants, and  provifion  of  all  forts  fit  for  a  plantation  ;  and,  while 
our  houfes  were  building,  I  did  endeavor  to  take  a  furvey  of 
the  country." 4    There  was  but  one  fhip  which  arrived  in  New 


1  Infra,  *I3,  *ji,  343,  note.  3  Bradford,  p.  236. 

2  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  401,  n.  4  Infra,  *iy,  130,  note  2,  *$g. 

Of  Merry-Mount  7 

England  in  June,  1622,  and  that  was  the  Charity  z1  and  the 
Charity  brought  out  Wefton's  party,  which  fettled  at  Wef- 
faguffet,  anfwering  in  every  refpect  to  Morton's  defcrip- 
tion  of  the  party  he  came  with.  Andrew  Wefton,  a  younger 
brother  of  the  chief  promoter  of  the  enterprife,  had  then 
come  in  charge  of  it,  and  is  defcribed  as  having  been  "  a 
heady  yong  man  and  violente." 2  After  leaving  Wefton's 
company  at  Plymouth,  the  Charity  went  on  to  Virginia, 
but  returned  from  there  early  in  October,  going  it  would 
feem  directly  to  Bofton  Bay  and  Weffaguffet.8  One  part 
of  the  colonifts  had  then  been  there  three  months,  and 
it  was  during  thofe  three  months  that  Morton  apparently 
took  the  furvey  of  the  country  to  which  he  refers.  As  the 
Weffaguffet  plantation  was  now  left  under  the  charge  of 
Richard  Greene,  it  would  feem  that  young  Wefton  went  back 
to  England  in  the  Charity,  and  the  inference  is  that  Morton, 
who  had  come  out  as  his  companion,  went  back  with  him. 

In  any  event,  the  impreffion  produced  on  Morton  by  this 
firft  vifit  to  New  England  was  a  ftrong  and  favorable  one.  It 
looked  to  him  a  land  of  plenty,  a  veritable  New  Canaan. 
Accordingly,  he  gave  vent  to  his  enthufiafm  in  the  warm 
language  of  the  firft  chapter  of  his  fecond  book.4  With 
the  fubfequent  fate  of  Wefton's  party  he  feems  to  have  had 
no  connection.  He  muft  at  the  time  have  heard  of  it,  and 
was  doubtlefs  aware  of  the  evil  reputation  that  company  left 
behind.  This  would  perfectly  account  for  the  fact  that  he 
never  mentions  his  having  himfelf  had  anything  to  do  with 


1  Bradford,  p.  118.  s  Young's  Chron.  of  PL,  p.  299. 

2  Bradford,  p.  120.  4  Infra,  *6o. 

8  Thomas  Morton 

it.  Yet  it  may  be  furmifed  that  he  returned  to  England 
poffeffed  with  the  idea  of  connecting  himfelf  with  fome 
enterprife,  either  Wefton's  or  another,  organized  to  make  a 
fettlement  on  the  fhores  of  Boflon  Bay  and  there  to  open 
a  trade  in  furs.  He  had  then  had  no  experience  of  a  New 
England  winter;  though,  for  that  matter,  when  he  after- 
wards had  repeated  experiences  of  it,  they  in  no  way  changed 
his  views  of  the  country.  To  the  laft,  apparently,  he  thought 
of  it  as  he  firft  faw  it  during  the  fummer  and  early  autumn 
of  1622,  when  it  was  a  green  frefh  wildernefs,  nearly  devoid 
of  inhabitants  and  literally  alive  with  game. 

News  of  the  utter  failure  of  Wefton's  enterprife  muft  have 
reached  London  in  the  early  fummer  of  1623.  Whether 
Morton  was  in  any  way  perfonally  affected  thereby  does  not 
appear,  though  from  his  allufions  to  Wefton's  treatment 
by  Robert  Gorges  at  Plymouth,  during  the  winter  of  1623-4, 
it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  he  was.1  During  the  follow- 
ing year  (1624)  he  is  not  heard  of;  but  early  in  1625  he  had 
evidently  fucceeded  in  effecting  fome  fort  of  a  combination 
which  refulted  in  the  Wollafton  expedition. 

The  partners  in  this  enterprife  would  feem  to  have  been 
the  mereft  adventurers.  So  far  as  can  be  afcertained,  they 
did  not  even  trouble  themfelves  to  take  out  a  patent  for  the 
land  on  which  they  propofed  to  fettle,2  in  this  refpect  fliow- 
ing  themfelves  even  more  carelefs  than  Wefton.3  With  the 
exception  of  Morton,  they  apparently  had  no  practical 
knowledge  of  the  country,  and  their  defign  clearly  was  to 


1  Infra,  *i  13— 1 18.  however,  writing  to  Lord  Clarendon  in 

2  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  397.  the  year  1661,  afferts  that  Morton  had 
8  Lowell  Injl.  Leftures  of Mafs.  Hid.     a  patent.     Coll.  N.  V.  Hiji.  Soc.   1869, 

Soc.    1869,  p.  147.     Samuel    Maverick,     p.  40. 

Of  Merry-Mount  9 

eftablifli  themfelves  wherever  they  might  think  good,  and 
to  trade  in  fuch  way  as  they  faw  fit. 

When  the  party  reached  its  deftination  in  Maffachufetts 
Bay,  they  found  Weffaguffet  ftill  occupied  by  fuch  as  were 
left  of  Robert  Gorges's  company,  who  had  then  been  there 
nearly  two  years.  They  had  neceffarily,  therefore,  to  eftablifli 
themfelves  elfewhere.  A  couple  of  miles  or  fo  north  of  Wef- 
faguffet, on  the  other  fide  of  the  Monatoquit,  and  within  the 
limits  of  what  is  now  the  town  of  Quincy,  was  a  place  called 
by  the  Indians  Paffonageffit.  The  two  localities  were  fepa- 
rated  from  each  other  not  only  by  the  river,  which  here 
widens  out  into  a  tidal  efluary,  but  by  a  broad  bafin  which 
filled  and  emptied  with  every  tide,  while  around  it  were 
extenfive  fait  marflies  interfered  by  many  creeks.  The  up- 
land, too,  was  interfperfed  with  tangled  fwamps  lying  be- 
tween gravel  ridges.  At  Paffonageffit  the  new-comers  ef- 
tablilhed  themfelves,  and  the  place  is  ftill  known  as  Mount 

In  almoft  all  refpecls  Paffonageffit  was  for  their  purpofe 
a  better  locality  than  Weffaguffet.  They  had  come  there 
to  trade.  However  it  may  have  been  with  the  others,  in 
Morton's  calculations  at  leaft  the  plantation  muft  have  been 
a  mere  incident  to  the  more  profitable  dealing  in  peltry. 
A  prominent  pofition  on  the  fhore,  in  plain  view  of  the 
entrance  to  the  bay,  would  be  with  him  an  important  con- 
fideration.  This  was  found  at  Paffonageffit.  It  was  a  fpa- 
cious  upland  rifing  gently  from  the  beach  and,  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  or  fo  from  it,  fwelling  into  a  low  hill.1     It  was  not 


1  Palfrey  (vol.  i.  p.  222)  fpeaks  of  it  as     from  where  Morton's  houfe  flood  to  the 
"a bluff."    This  is  an  error.     The  flope     water  is  very  gradual. 


Thomas  Morton 

connected  with  the  interior  by  any  navigable  ftream,  but 
Indians  coming  from  thence  would  eafily  find  their  way  to 
it;  and,  while  a  portion  of  the  company  could  always  be 
there  ready  to  trade,  others  of  them  might  make  excurfions 
to  all  points  on  the  neighboring  coaft  where  furs  were  to  be 

Mount  Wollaston.1 

had.  Looking  feaward,  on  the  left  of  the  hill  was  a  confid- 
erable  tidal  creek ;  in  front  of  it,  acrofs  a  clear  expanfe  of 
water  a  couple  of  miles  or  fo  in  width,  lay  the  iflands  of  the 
harbor  in  apparently  connected  fucceffion.  Though  the  an- 
choring grounds  among  thefe  iflands  afforded  perfect  places 


1  This  View  of  Mount  Wollaflon  is 
taken  from  Rev.  Dr.  William  P.  Lunt's 
Two  Difcourfes  on  Occafton  of  the  Two 
Hundredth  Anniverfary  of  the  Gather- 
ing of  the  Firfl  Congregational  Church, 
Quincy,  (p.  37).  It  reprefents  the  place 
very  accurately  as  it  appeared  in  1.S40, 
and  as  it  is  fuppofed  to  have  appeared 
from  the  time  of  the  firfl  fettlement  until 
recently.  The  fingle  tree  was  a  lofty  red- 

cedar,  which  muft  have  been  there  when 
Wollafton  landed,  as  it  was  a  large  tree 
of  a  long-lived  fpecies,  and  died  from  age 
about  1850.  The  trunk  is  ftill  (1882) 
{landing;  and,  though  all  the  bark  has 
dropped  off,  it  meafures  fome  66  inches 
in  circumference.  The  central  part  of 
the  above  cut,  including  the  tree,  has 
been  adopted  as  a  feal  for  the  town  of 
Quincy,  with  the  motto  "  Manet." 

Of  Merry-Mount.  1 1 

of  refuge  for  veffels,  Paffonageffit  itfelf,  as  the  fettlers  there 
muft  foon  have  realized,  labored,  as  a  trading-point,  under 
one  ferious  difadvantage.  There  was  no  deep  water  near 
it.  Except  when  the  tide  was  at  leaft  half  full,  the  fhore 
could  be  approached  only  in  boats.  On  the  other  hand,  fo 
far  as  planting  was  concerned,  the  conditions  were  favorable. 
The  foil,  though  light,  was  very  good  ;  and  the  fpot,  lying 
as  it  did  clofe  to  "  the  Maffachufetts  fields,"  had  fome  years 
before  been  cleared  of  trees  by  the  Sachem  Chickatawbut, 
who  had  made  his  home  there.1  He  had,  however,  aban- 
doned it  at  the  time  when  the  great  peftilence  fwept  away 
his  tribe,  and  tradition  ftill  points  out  a  fmall  favin-covered 
hummock,  near  Squantum,  on  the  fouth  fide  of  the  Nepon- 
fet,  as  his  fubfequent  dwelling-place.  Morton  fays  that 
Chickatawbut's  mother  was  buried  at  Paffonageffit,  and 
that  the  Plymouth  people,  on  one  of  their  vifits,  incurred  his 
enmity  by  defpoiling  her  grave  of  its  bear  fkins.2  So  far  as 
the  natives  were  concerned,  however,  any  fettlers  on  the 
fhores  of  Bofton  Bay,. after  the  year  1623,  had  little  caufe 
for  difquietude.  They  were  a  thoroughly  crufhed  and  bro- 
ken-fpirited  race.  The  peftilence  had  left  only  a  few  hun- 
dred of  the  whole  Maffachufetts  tribe,  and  in  1631  Chicka- 
tawbut had  but  fome  fifty  or  fixty  followers.3  It  was  a  dying 
race ;  and  what  little  courage  the  peftilence  had  left  them 
was  effectually  and  forever  crufhed  out  by  Miles  Standifh, 
when  at  Weffaguffet,  in  April,  1623,  he  put  to  death  feven 
of  the  ftrongeft  and  boldeft  of  their  few  remaining  men. 


1  Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  395.  8  Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  305. 

2  Infra,  *5i,  106. 

12  Thomas  Morton 

Having  felecled  a  fite,  Wollafton  and  his  party  built  their 
houfe  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  fummit  of  the  hill,  on 
a  gentle  wefterly  Hope.  It  commanded  towards  the  north 
and  eafl  an  unbroken  view  of  the  bay  and  all  the  entrances 
to  it;  while  on  the  oppofite  or  landward  fide,  fome  four  or 
five  miles  away,  rofe  the  heavily-wooded  Blue  Hills.  Acrofs 
the  bay  to  the  north  lay  Shawmut,  beyond  the  intervening 
peninfulas  of  Squantum  and  Mattapan.  Weffaguffet  was  to 
the  fouth,  acrofs  the  marfhes  and  creeks,  and  hidden  from 
view  by  foreft  and  uplands. 

During  their  firft  feafon,  the  fummer  of  1625,  Wollafton's 
party  muft  have  been  fully  occupied  in  the  work  of  building 
their  houfes  and  laying  out  their  plantation.  The  winter 
followed.  A  fmgle  experience  of  a  winter  on  that  fhore 
feems  to  have  fufficed  for  Captain  Wollafton,  as  it  had 
before  fufficed  for  Captain  Gorges.  He  apparently  came  to 
the  conclufion  that  there  was  little  profit  and  no  fatisfaction 
for  him  in  that  region.  Accordingly,  during  the  early  months 
of  1626,  he  determined  to  go  elfewhere.  The  only  account  of 
what  now  enfued  is  that  contained  in  Bradford ;  for  Morton 
nowhere  makes  a  fingle  allufion  to  Wollafton  or  any  of  his 
affociates,  nor  does  he  give  any  account  of  the  origin,  com- 
pofition  or  purpofes  of  the  Wollafton  enterprifeo  His  filence 
on  all  thefe  points  is,  indeed,  one  of  the  Angular  features 
in  the  New  Canaan.  Such  references  as  he  does  make  are 
always  to  Wefton  and  Wefton's  attempt ; 5  and  he  feems  to 
take  pains  to  confound  that  attempt  with  Wollafton's.  Once 
only  he  mentions  the  number  of  the  party  with  which  he 


1  Infra,  *i 15-18. 

Of  Merry-Mount  1 3 

landed,1  and  the  fact  that  it  was  fubfequently  diffolved ; 2  but 
how  it  came  to  be  diffolved  he  does  not  explain.  The  in- 
ference from  this  is  unavoidable.  Morton  was  free  enough 
in  talking  of  what  he  did  and  faw  at  Paffonageffit,  of  his 
revels  there,  of  how  he  was  arretted,  and  perfecuted  out  of 
the  country.  That  he  fays  not  a  word  of  Wollafton  or  his 
other  partners  muff  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  fubject  was 
one  about  which  he  did  not  care  to  commit  himfelf.  Never- 
thelefs  Bradford  could  not  but  have  known  the  facts,  for  not 
only  at  a  later  day  was  Morton  himfelf  for  long  periods  of 
time  at  Plymouth,  but  when  the  events  of  which  he  fpeaks 
occurred  Bradford  muff  have  been  informed  of  them  by  the 
Weffaguffet  people,  as  well  as  by  Fitcher.  As  we  only 
know  what  Bradford  tells  us,  it  can  beft  be  given  in  his  own 
words  :  — 

"  Having  continued  there  fome  time,  and  not  finding  things  to  anfwer  their 
expectations,  nor  profit  to  arife  as  they  looked  for,  Captain  Wollafton  takes  a 
great  part  of  the  fervants  and  tranfports  them  to  Virginia,  where  he  puts  them 
off  at  good  rates,  felling  their  time  to  other  men ;  and  writes  back  to  one  Mr. 
Rafdall,  one  of  his  chief  partners  and  accounted  their  merchant,  to  bring  an- 
other part  of  them  to  Virginia  likewife  ;  intending  to  put  them  off  there,  as  he 
had  done  the  reft.  And  he,  with  the  confent  of  the  faid  Rafdall,  appointed 
one  Fitcher  to  be  his  Lieutenant,  and  govern  the  remains  of  the  plantation  till 
he,  or  Rafdall,  returned  to  take  further  order  thereabout.  But  this  Morton, 
abovefaid,  having  more  craft  than  honefty,  in  the  others'  abfence  watches  an 
opportunity,  (commons  being  but  hard  amongft  them,)  and  got  fome  ftrong 
drink  and  other  junkets,  and  made  them  a  feaft ;  and  after  they  were  merry, 
he  began  to  tell  them  he  would  give  them  good  counfel.  '  You  fee,'  faith  he, 
'  that  many  of  your  fellows  are  carried  to  Virginia ;  and  if  you  ftay  till  this 
Rafdall  returns,  you  will  alfo  be  carried  away  and  fold  for  flaves  with  the 


1  Infra,  *59.  2  Infra,  *H4. 


Thomas  Morton 

reft.  Therefore,  I  would  advife  you  to  thrufl  out  this  Lieutenant  Fitcher ; 
and  I,  having  a  part  in  the  plantation,  will  receive  you  as  my  partners  and 
confociates.  So  may  you  be  free  from  fervice ;  and  we  will  converfe,  trade, 
plant  and  live  together  as  equals,  and  fupport  and  protect  one  another  :  '  or 
to  like  effect.  This  counfel  was  eafily  received;  fo  they  took  opportunity 
and  thruft  Lieutenant  Fitcher  out  a-doors,  and  would  fuffer  him  to  come  no 
more  amongft  them ;  but  forced  him  to  feek  bread  to  eat,  and  other  relief, 
from  his  neighbors,  till  he  could  get  paffage  for  England." 1 

Wollafton's  procefs  of  depletion  to  Virginia  had  reduced 
the  number  of  fervants  at  Paffonageffit  from  thirty  or  thirty- 
five,  as  Morton  varioully  flates  it,2  to  fix  at  moft.3  It  was  as 
the  head  of  thefe  that  Morton  eftablifhed  himfelf  in  con- 
trol at   Merry-Mount,  as  he  called  the  place,4  fometime,  it 


1  Bradford,  pp.  236-7. 

2  Infra,  *io3,  *ii7. 

3  Infra,  *i4i-o. 

4  Morton  uniformly  fpeaks  of  the  place 
as  Ma-re-Mount,  and  John  Adams  on 
this  point  commented  in  his  notes  as 
follows  :  —  "  The  Fathers  of  Plymouth, 
Dorchefter,  Charleftown,  &c,  I  fuppofe 
would  not  allow  the  name  to  be  Ma-re- 
Mount,  but  infifted  upon  calling  it  Mer- 
ry-Mount, for  the  fame  reafon  that  the 
common  people  in  England  will  not  call 
gentlemen's  ornamental  grounds  gar- 
dens, but  infift  upon  calling  them  pleaf- 
ure-grounds,  i.  e.,  to  excite  envy  and 
make  them  unpopular." 

Ma-re-Mount,  however,  was  a  charac- 
teriftic  bit  of  Latin  punning  on  Morton's 
part,  defigned  to  teafe  his  more  auftere 
neighbors.  He  himfelf  fays  (infra, 
*I32) :  "  The  inhabitants  of  Paflbnageffit, 
having  tranflated  the  name  of  their  hab- 
itation from  that  ancient  falvage  name 
to  Ma-re-Mount  .  .  .  the  precife  fepe- 
ratifts  that  lived  at  New  Plimmouth 
flood  at  defiance  with  the  place  threat- 

ening to  make  it  a  woefull  mount  and 
not  a  merry  mount."  (Infra,  *I34-)  In 
view  of  the  fituation  of  the  place,  Ma-re- 
Mount  was  a  very  appropriate  name,  but 
it  may  well  be  queftioned  whether  it 
was  ever  fo  called  by  any  human  being 
befides  Morton,  or  by  him  except  in 
print.  Bradford  calls  it  Merie-mounte. 
(p.  237.)  The  expreffion  ufed  by  Mor- 
ton, that  they  "  tranflated  the  name" 
from  Paflbnageffit  to  Ma-re-Mount, 
would  naturally  fuggeft  that  the  Indian 
name  might  find  its  equivalent  in  the 
Latin  one,  and  mean  Amply  "a  hill  by 
the  fea."  On  this  point,  however,  J. 
Hammond  Trumbull  writes  :  "Morton's 
'  Paflbnageffit '  has  been  a  puzzle  to  me 
every  time  it  has  caught  my  eye  fince 
I  fir  ft  marked  it  twenty  years  ago  or 
more  with  double  (??).  Morton,  as  he 
fhows  in  chap.  ii.  of  book  I.,  could  not 
write  the  moft  fimple  Indian  word  with- 
out a  blunder.  What  may  have  been 
the  name  he  makes  '  Paflbnageffit '  we 
cannot  guefs,  unlefs  it  furvives  in 
fome  early  record.    There  is  no  trace  of 

'  fea,' 

Of  Merry-Mount.  1 5 

would  feem,  in  the  fummer  of  1626.  He  had  now  two  dif- 
tincl  objects  in  view :  one  was  enjoyment,  the  other  was 
profit ;  and  apparently  he  was  quite  recklefs  as  to  the  meth- 
ods he  purfued  in  fecuring  either  the  one  or  the  other.  If 
he  was  troubled  by  his  former  partners  appearing  to  affert 
their  rights,  as  he  probably  was,  no  mention  is  made  of  it. 
There  were  no  courts  to  appeal  to  in  America,  and  thoie  of 
Europe  were  far  away ;  nor  would  it  have  been  eafy  or 
inexpenfive  to  enforce  their  procefs  in  New  England.  Ac- 
cordingly nothing  more  is  heard  of  Wollafton  or  Rafdall, 
though  Bradford  does  fay  that  Morton  was  "  vehemently 
fufpecled  for  the  murder  of  a  man  that  had  adventured 
moneys  with  him  when  he  firft  came."1  There  is  a  vague 
tradition,  referred  to  John  Adams,  that  Wollafton  was  fub- 
fequently  loft  at  fea ; 2  but  as  a  full  century  muffc  have 
elapfed  between  the  occurrence  of  the  event  and  the  birth  of 
John  Adams,  this  tradition  is  quite  as  unreliable  as  tradi- 
tions ufually  are. 

Paffionately  fond  of  field  fports,  Morton  found  ample  op- 
portunity for  the  indulgence  of  his  taftes  in  New  England 
He  loved  to  ramble  through  the  woods  with  his  clog  and 
gun,  or  fail  in  his  boat  on  the  bay.  The  Indians,  too,  were  his 
allies,  and  naturally  enough  ;  .for  not  only  did  he  offer  them 
an  open  and  eafy-going  market  for  their  furs,  but  he  was 


I  fea,'  or  'water,'  or  'mount'  in  it.     If  well  to  the  locality.      Mount  Wollafton 

it  ftands  for  Pafco-naig-ef-it,  it  means  is  a  part  of  the  neck  which  connects 

'at  [a  place]  near  the  little  point,'  but  the  peninfulas  locally  known  in  Ouincy 

I  know  fo  little  of  the  local  topography  as  Germantown  and  Hough's  Neck  with 

that  I  hefitate  to  fuggeft  this  interpreta-  the  mainland. 

tion."    The  rendering  here  fugsrefted  by         '  Bradford,  p.  253. 

Dr.    Trumbull    does    apply   fufficiently        2  Whitney's  Hijl  of  Quhicy,  p.  18. 


Thomas  Morton 

companionable  with  them.  They  fhared  in  his  revels.  He 
denies  that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  felling  them  fpirits,1  but 
where  fpirits  were  as  freely  ufed  as  Morton's  account  mows 
they  were  at  Merry-Mount,  the  Indians  undoubtedly  had 
their  fhare.  Nor  were  his  relations  confined  to  the  Indian 
men.  The  period  of  Elizabeth  and  James  I.  was  one  of 
probably  as  much  fexual  incontinency  as  any  in  Englifh 
hiftory.  Some  of  the  earlier  writers  on  the  New  England 
Indians  have  fpoken  of  the  modefty  of  the  women,  — 
Wood,  in  his  Pro/peel,  for  inftance,  and  Joffelyn,  in  the 
fecond  of  his   Two    Voyages?     Morton,  however,  is  fignifi- 


1  Infra,  *55. 

2  Joffelyn  fays  of  the  "  Indeffes,"  as 
he  calls  them,  "  All  of  them  are  of  a 
mocleft  demeanor,  confidering  their  fav- 
age  breeding ;  and  indeed  do  fhame  our 
EnglifJi  rufticks  whofe  rudenefs  in  many 
things  exceedeth  theirs."  {Two  Voya- 
ges,^. 12,45.)  When  the  Maffachu- 
fets  Indian  women,  in  September,  162 1, 
fold  the  furs  from  their  backs  to  the  firft 
party  of  explorers  from  Plymouth,  Winf- 
low,  who  wrote  the  account  of  that  ex- 
pedition, fays  that  they  "tied  boughs 
about  them,  but  with  great  fhamefaced- 
nefs,  for  indeed  they  are  more  modeft 
than  fome  of  our  Englifh  women  are." 
{Motirt,  p.  59.)  See  alfo,  to  the  fame 
effecl,  Wood's  Profpecl,  (p.  82.)  It  fug- 
gefts,  indeed,  a  curious  inquiry  as  to 
what  were  the  cuftoms  among  the  ruder 
claffes  of  the  Britifh  females  during  the 
Elizabethan  period,  when  all  the  writers 
agree  in  fpeaking  of  the  Indian  women 
in  this  way.  Roger  Williams,  for  in- 
ftance, referring  to  their  clothing,  fays: 
"Both  men  and  women  within  doores, 
leave  off  their  beafts  fkin,  or  Englifh 
cloth,  and  fo  (excepting  their  little  apron) 
are  wholly  naked ;    yet  but  few  of  the 

women  but  will  keepe  their  fkin  or  cloth 
(though  loofe)  neare  to  them,  ready  to 
gather  it  up  about  them.  Cuftome  hath 
ufed  their  minds  and  bodies  to  it,  and  in 
fuch  a  freedom  from  any  wantonneffe 
that  I  have  never  seen  that  wantonneffe 
amongft  them  as,  (with  griefe)  I  have 
heard  of  in  Europe."  {Key,  pp.  1 10-1 1.) 
And  he  adds,  "  More  particular: 

"  Many  thoufand  proper  Men  and  Women, 
I  have  feen  met  in  one  place  : 
Almoft  all  naked,  yet  not  one 

Thought  want  of  clothes  difgrace." 

In  Parkman's  Jefuits  in  North  Amer- 
ica (ch.  iv.)  there  is  a  very  graphic  ac- 
count of  the  miffionary  Le  Jeune's  expe- 
rience among  the  Algonquins,  in  which 
he  defcribes  the  interior  of  the  wigwam 
on  a  winter's  evening.  "  Heated  to  fuf- 
focation,  the  forcerer,  in  the  clofeft  pof- 
fible  approach  to  nudity,  lay  on  his  back, 
with  his  right  knee  planted  upright  and 
his  left  leg  croffed  on  it,  difcourfing  vol- 
ubly to  the  company,  who,  on  their  part, 
littened  in  poftures  fcarcely  lefs  remote 
from  decency."  Le  Jeune  fays,  "  Les 
filles  et  les  jeunes  femmes  font  a  l'exte- 
rieur  tres  honneltement  couvertes,  mais 


Of  Merry-Mount  1 7 

cantly  filent  on  this  point,  and  the  idea  of  female  chaftity  in 
the  Indian  mind,  in  the  rare  cafes  where  it  exifted  at  all, 
feems  to  have  been  of  the  vaguell  poffible  defcription.1 
Morton  was  not  a  man  likely  to  be  faftidious,  and  his  refer- 
ence to  the  "  laffes  in  beaver  coats  " 2  is  fuggeftive.  Merry- 
Mount  was  unqueftionably,  fo  far  as  temperance  and  morality 
were  concerned,  by  no  means  a  commendable  place.3 

Morton's  inclination  to  boifterous  revelry  culminated  at 
laft  in  that  proceeding  which  fcandalized  the  Plymouth  eld- 
ers and  has  paffed  into  hiftory.  In  the  fpring  of  1627  he 
erected  the  May-pole  of  Merry-Mount.  To  erect  thefe  poles 
feems  at  that  time  to  have  been  a  regular  Englifh  obferv- 
ance,  which  even  the  fifhermen  on  the  coaft  did  not  neglect. 
When,  for  inftance,  the  forerunners  of  Wefton's  colony  at 
Weffaguffet  reached  the  Damarifcove  Iflands,  in  the  fpring 
of  1622,  the  firft  thing  they  faw  was  a  May-pole,  which  the 
men  belonging  to  the  fhips  there  had  newly  fet  up,  "and 
weare  very  mery." 4  There  is  no  room  for  queftion  that  in 
England,  during  the  fixteenth   and  feventeenth  centuries, 


entre  elles  leurs  difcours  font  puants,  Judging  by  an  incident  mentioned   by 

comme  des  cloaques ; "    and  Parkman  Morton,    however,    adultery   does    not 

adds,  "  The  focial  manners  of  remote  feem  to  have   been  looked  upon  as  a 

tribes  of  the   prefent   time    correfpond  very  grave  offenfe  among  the  Indians  of 

perfectly  with    Le   Jeune's   account   of  the  vicinity  in  which  he  lived,     {Infra, 

thole   of  the    Montagnais."      See  alfo  *32.)  On  the  general  fubjecl:  of  morality 

Voyages   of  Champlain,    Prince    Soc,  among  young  Indian  women,  efpecially 

vol.  iii.  pp.  168-70.  in  the  vicinity  of  trading-pofts,  fee  Park- 

1  Parkman  fays  that  "chaftity  in  wo-  man's   Jefnits  in  North  America  (pp. 

men  was  recognized  as  a  virtue  by  many  xxxiv,  xlii)  and  the  letter  from  Father 

tribes."     (Jefcits   in    A'orth  America,  Carheil  to  the  Intendant  Champigny,  in 

p.  xxxiv.)     Of  the  New  England  Indi-  The  Old  Regime  in  Canada  (p.  427)- 
ans  Williams  remarks,  —  "Single   for-         2  hifra,  *I35- 

nications  they  count    no  fin,  but  after        3  I.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  in.  p.  62. 
marriage  then  they  count  it  heinous  for        4  iv.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  p.  478. 
either  of  them  to  be  falfe."  {Key,  p.  138.) 

J8  Thomas  Morton 

May-day  feftivities  were  affociated  with  a  great  deal  of 
licenfe.  They  were  fo  affociated  in  the  minds  of  Governor 
Bradford  and  his  fellows.  Chriftmas  was  at  leaft  a  Chrif- 
tian  feftivity.  Not  fo  May-day.  That  was  diftinclly  Pagan 
in  its  origin.  It  reprefented  all  there  was  left  of  the  Satur- 
nalia and  the  worfhip  of  the  Roman  courtefan.  May-day 
and  May-day  feftivities,  accordingly,  were  things  to  be  alto- 
gether reformed.  They  were  by  no  means  the  innocent, 
grateful  welcoming  of  fpring  which  modern  admirers  of  the 
so-called  good  old  times  —  which,  in  point  of  fa<5t,  were  very 
grofs  and  brutal  times  —  are  wont  to  picture  to  themfelves. 
"  I  have  heard  it  credibly  reported,"  wrote  Stubbes  in  his 
Anatomy  of  Abufes,  "(and  that  viva  voce)  by  men  of  great 
gravitie,  credite  and  reputation,  that  of  fourtie,  three  score,  or 
a  hundred  maides  goyng  to  the  woode  over  night  [a-Maying], 
there  have  fcarcely  the  thirde  parte  of  them  returned  home 
againe  undefiled.  " 1  All  this  it  is  neceffary  to  now  bear  in 
mind,  left  what  Bradford  wrote  down  in  his  hiflory  of  Mor- 
ton's doings  mould  feem  grotefque.  He  was  fpeaking  of 
what  reprefented  in  his  memory  a  period  of  uncleannefs,  a 
fort  of  carnival  of  the  fexes. 

Morton's  own  account  of  the  feftivities  at  Merry-Mount 
on  the  May-day  of  1627,  which  came  on  what  would  now  be 
the  nth  of  the  month,  will  be  found  in  the  fourteenth  chap- 
ter of  the  third  book  of  the  Canaan}  It  does  not  need  to 
be  repeated  here.     Bradford's  account  was  very  different : 

"  They  allfo  fet  up  a  May-pole,  drinking  and  dancing  aboute  it  many  days 
togeather,  inviting  the  Indean  women,  for  their  conforts,  dancing  and  frifking 


1  Hazlitt's  Popular  Antiquities  of  fubjec~t,  Strutt  s  Sports  and  Paftimes, 
Great  Britain,  p.  121.     See  alfo  on  this     p.  352.  2  Infra,  *  132-7. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  1 9 

togither,  (like  fo  many  fairies,  or  furies  rather,)  and  worfe  practifes.  As  if 
they  had  anew  revived  and  celebrated  the  feafts  of  the  Roman  Goddes  Flora, 
or  the  beafly  pra<5tiefes  of  the  madd  Bacchanalians.  Morton  likvvife  (to  fhew 
his  poetrie,)  compofed  fundry  rimes  and  verfes,  fome  tending  to  lafcivioufnes, 
and  others  to  the  detraction  and  fcandall  of  fome  perfons,  which  he  affixed  to 
this  idle  or  idoll  May-polle."  1 

Morton's  verfes  can  be  found  in  their  proper  place  in 
the  New  Canaan,  but  the  principal  charge  now  to  be  made 
againft  them  is  their  incomprehenfibility.  Judged  even  by 
the  ftandard  of  the  prefent  day,  much  more  by  that  of  the 
day  when  they  were  written,  they  are  not  open  to  criticifm 
becaufe  of  their  "  lafcivioufnes."  They  are  decent  enough, 
though  very  bad  and  very  dull.  As  to  the  "  detraction  and 
fcandall  of  fome  perfons,"  alleged  againft  them,  —  if  indeed 
they  contained  anything  of  the  fort,  —  it  was  fo  very  care- 
fully concealed  that  no  one  could  eafily  have  underftood 
it  then,  and  Morton's  own  efforts  at  explanation  fail  to  make 
it  intelligible  now. 

The  feftivities  around  the  May-pole  were,  however,  but 
Morton's  amufements.  Had  he  confined  himfelf  to  thefe  he 
might,  fo  far  as  the  people  at  Plymouth  at  leaft  were  con- 
cerned, to  the  end  of  his  life  have  lived  on  the  mores  of  Bof- 
ton  Bay,  and  erected  a  new  pole  with  each  recurring  fpring. 
The  only  refinance  he  would  have  had  to  overcome  would 
have  been  a  remonftrance  now  and  then,  hardly  lefs  comical 
than  it  was  earneft.  The  bufmefs  methods  he  purfued  were 
a  more  ferious  matter.  He  had  come  to  New  England  to 
make  money,  as  well  as  to  enjoy  the  licenfe  of  a  frontier 
life.     He  was  fully  alive  to  the  profits  of  the  peltry  trade, 


1  Bradford,  p.  237. 

20  Thomas  Morto7i 

and  in  carrying  on  that  trade  he  was  retrained  by  no 
fcruples.  The  furs  of  courfe  came  from  the  interior, 
brought  by  Indians.  In  his  dealings  with  the  Indians 
Morton  adopted  a  policy  natural  enough  for  one  of  his 
recklefs  nature,  but  which  imperilled  the  exiftence  of  every 
European  on  the  coaft.  The  two  things  the  favages  moft 
coveted  were  fpirits  and  guns, — fire-water  and  fire-arms. 
Beads  and  knives  and  hatchets  and  colored  cloth  ferved  very 
well  to  truck  with  at  firft.  But  thefe  very  foon  loft  their 
attraction.  Guns  and  rum  never  did.  For  thefe  the  Indians 
would  at  any  time  give  whatever  they  poffeffed.  The  trade 
in  fire-arms  had  already  attained  fome  proportions  when,  in 
1622,  it  was  ftriclly  forbidden  by  a  proclamation  of  King 
James,  iffued  at  the  inftance  of  the  Council  for  New  England. 
The  companion  trade  in  fpirits,  lefs  dangerous  to  the  whites 
but  more  deftruclive  to  the  favages,  was  looked  upon  as 
fcandalous,  but  it  was  not  prohibited.  Morton  cared  equally 
little  for  either  law  or  morals.  He  had  come  to  New  Eng- 
land for  furs,  and  he  meant  to  get  them. 

"  Hearing  what  gain  the  French  and  fifhermen  made  by  trading  of  pieces, 
powder  and  fhot  to  the  Indians,  he,  as  the  head  of  this  confortfhip,  began 
the  practice  of  the  fame  in  thefe  parts.  And  firft  he  taught  them  how  to  ufe 
them,  to  charge  and  difcharge,  and  what  proportion  of  powder  to  give  the 
piece,  according  to  the  fize  and  bignefs  of  the  fame  ;  and  what  fhot  to  ufe 
for  fowl  and  what  for  deer.  And  having  thus  inftructed  them,  he  employed 
fome  of  them  to  hunt  and  fowl  for  him,  fo  as  they  became  far  more  active  in 
that  employment  than  any  of  the  Englifh,  by  reafon  of  their  fwiftnefs  of  foot 
and  nimblenefs  of  body ;  being  alfo  quick  fighted,  and  by  continual  exercife 
well  knowing  the  haunts  of  all  forts  of  game.  So  as  when  they  faw  the  exe- 
cution that  a  piece  would  do,  and  the  benefit  that  might  come  by  the  fame, 
they  became  mad,  as  it  were,  after  them,  and  would  not  ftick  to  give  any 


Of  Merry-Mount  2 1 

price  they  could  attain  to  for  them ;  accounting  their  bows  and  arrows  but 
bawbles  in  companion  of  them."  1 

This  was  Bradford's  ftory,  nor  does  Morton  deny  it.  That 
he  would  have  denied  it  if  he  could  is  apparent.  The  prac- 
tices complained  of  were  forbidden  by  a  royal  proclama- 
tion, iffued  at  the  inftance  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.  In  his 
fpeech  in  defence  of  the  great  patent,  before  the  Houfe  of 
Commons  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  in  1621,  Gorges  had 
emphatically  dwelt  on  the  fale  of  arms  and  ammunition  to 
the  favages  as  an  abuie  then  praclifed,  which  threatened  the 
extinction  of  the  New  England  fettlements.2  Fifteen  years 
later,  when  he  wrote  the  New  Canaan,  Morton  was  a  de- 
pendent of  Gorges.  The  fact  that  he  had  dealt  in  fire-arms, 
in  contemptuous  defiance  of  the  proclamation,  was  openly 
charged  againft  him.  He  did  deny  that  he  had  fold  the 
favages  fpirits.  Thefe,  he  faid,  were  the  life  of  trade  ;  the 
Indians  would  "  pawn  their  wits  "  for  them,  but  thefe  he 
would  never  let  them  have.  In  the  matter  of  fire-arms,  how- 
ever, he  preferved  a  difcreet  and  fignificant  filence.  He 
made  no  more  allufion  to  them  than  he  did  to  Wollafton  or 
his  partners  at  Merry-Mount. 

In  the  whole  record  of  the  early  Plymouth  fettlement, 
from  the  firft  fkirmifh  with  the  Cape  Cod  favages,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1620,  to  the  Weffaguffet  killing,  there  is  no  mention  of 
a  gun  being  feen  in  an  Indian's  hands.  On  the  contrary, 
the  favages  flood  in  mortal  terror  of  fire-arms.  But  now  at 
laft  it  feemed  as  if  Morton  was  about  not  only  to  put  guns 

in  their  hands,  but  to  inftrucl  them  in  their  ufe. 

"  This 

1  Bradford,  p.  238.  See  alfo  note  202  in  Trumbull's  ed.  of 

2  in.  Mnfs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  70.     Lechford's  Plaine  Dealing,  p.  117. 

22  Thomas  Morton 

"  This  Morton,"  fays  Bradford,  "  having  thus  taught  them  the  ufe  of  pieces, 
he  fold  them  all  he  could  fpare ;  and  he  and  his  conforts  determined  to  fend 
for  many  out  of  England,  and  had  by  fome  of  the  mips  fent  for  above  a  fcore. 
The  which  being  known,  and  his  neighbors  meeting  the  Indians  in  the  woods 
armed  with  guns  in  this  fort,  it  was  a  terror  unto  them,  who  lived  flraglingly, 
and  were  of  no  ftrength  in  any  place.  And  other  places  (though  more  re- 
mote) faw  this  mifchief  would  quickly  fpread  over  all,  if  not  prevented. 
Befides,  they  faw  they  mould  keep  no  fervants,  for  Morton  would  entertain 
any,  how  vile  foever,  and  all  the  fcum  of  the  country,  or  any  difcontents, 
would  flock  to  him  from  all  places,  if  this  neft  was  not  broken ;  and  they 
fhould  ftand  in  more  fear  of  their  lives  and  goods  (in  fhort  time)  from  this 
wicked  and  debauched  crew  than  from  the  favages  themfelves."  1 

Thus,  in  the  only  branches  of  trade  the  country  then 
afforded,  Morton  was  not  only  preffing  all  the  other  fettlers 
hard,  but  he  was  preffing  them  in  an  unfair  way.  If  the 
favages  could  exchange  their  furs  for  guns,  they  would  not 
exchange  them  for  anything  elfe.  Thofe  not  prepared  to 
give  guns  might  withdraw  from  the  market.  The  bufmefs, 
too,  conducted  in  this  way,  was  a  moft  profitable  one.  Mor- 
ton fays  that  in  the  courfe  of  five  years  one  of  his  fervants 
was  thought  to  have  accumulated,  in  the  trade  in  beaver 
fkins,  no  lefs  than  a  thoufand  pounds;2  and  a  thoufand 
pounds  in  1635  was  more  than  the  equivalent  of  ten  thou- 
fand now.  This  ftatement  was  undoubtedly  an  exaggera- 
tion ;  yet  it  is  evident  that  at  even  ten  fhillings  a  pound  in 
England,  which  Morton  gives  as  the  current  price,  though 
Bradford  fays  he  never  knew  it  lefs  than  fourteen,  beaver 
fkins,  which  coft  little  or  nothing  in  America,  yielded  a  large 
profit.  As  Morton  expreffed  it,  his  plantation  "  beganne  to 
come    forward."3      When,   in    1625,    the    Plymouth    people 


1  Bradford,  p.  240.     2  Infra,   *78,  218,  ;/.     8  Infra,  *i37- 

Of  Merry- Mount  23 

found  their  way  up  into  Maine,1  and  firft  opened  a  trade 
with  the  favages  there,  Morton  was  not  flow  in  following 
them.  In  1628  they  eftablifhed  a  permanent  ftation  on  the 
Kennebec,2  yet  apparently  as  early  at  leaft  as  1627,  if  not  in 
1626,  Morton  had  foreftalled  them  there,  and  hindered  them 
of  a  feafon's  furs.3 

The  injury  done  to  the  other  fettlers  in  a  trading  point  of 
view,  however,  ferious  as  it  unqueflionably  was,  became  in- 
fignificant  in  comparifon  with  the  confequences  which  muft 
refult  to  them  from  the  prefence  on  the  coaft  of  fuch  a  refort 
as  Merry-Mount.  The  region  was  vaft,  and  in  it  there  was 
no  pretence  of  any  government.  It  was  the  yearly  rendezvous 
of  a  rough  and  lawlefs  clafs  of  men,  only  one  ftep  removed 
from  freebooters,  who  cared  for  nothing  except  immediate 
gain.  Once  let  fuch  a  gathering-place  as  that  of  which 
Morton  was  now  head  become  fixed  and  known,  and  foon  it 
would  develop  into  a  nefl  of  pirates.  Of  this  there  could  be 
no  doubt;  the  Plymouth  people  had  good  caufe  for  the 
alarm  which  Bradford  expreffed.  It  mattered  not  whether 
Morton  realized  the  confequences  of  what  he  was  doing,  or 
failed  to  realize  them ;  the  refult  would  be  the  fame. 

It  gradually,  therefore,  became  apparent  to  all  thofe  dwell- 
ing along  the  coaft,  from  the  borders  of  Maine  to  Cape  Cod, 
that  either  the  growing  nuifance  at  Merry-Mount  muft  be 
abated,  or  they  would  have  to  leave  the  country.  The  courfe 
to  be  purfued  in  regard  to  it  was,  however,  not  equally  clear. 
The  number  of  the  fettlements  alone  the  coaft  had  confider- 
ably  increafed  fince  Wollafton's  arrival.4     The  Hiltons  and 


1  Bradford,  p.  204.  3  Infra  *I49- 

2  lb.  p.  233.  *  Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bojlon,  vol.  i.  p.  83. 

24  Thomas  Morton 

David  Thomfon  had  eftablifhed  themfelves  at  Dover  Neck 
and  Pifcataqua  as  early  as  1623;  and  fometime  in  1625 
apparently,  Thomfon,  bringing  with  him  his  young  wife  and 
a  fervant  or  two,  had  moved  down  into  Bofton  Bay,  and 
eftablifhed  himfelf,  only  a  mile  or  two  away  from  Mount 
Wollafton,  on  the  ifland  which  ftill  bears  his  name.  He 
had  died  a  little  while  after,  and  in  1628  his  widow  was 
living  there  alone,  with  one  child  and  fome  fervants.  In 
1625  or  1626  the  Weffaguffet  fettlement  had  divided. 
Thofe  of  Gorges's  following  who  remained  there  had  never 
been  wholly  fatisfied.  It  was  no  place  for  trade.  Accord- 
ingly Blackftone,  Maverick  and  Walford,  the  two  laft  being 
married  and  taking  their  wives  with  them,  had  moved  acrofs 
the  bay,  and  eftablifhed  themfelves  refpeclively  at  Shawmut 
or  Bofton,  at  Noddle's  Ifland  or  Eaft  Bofton,  and  at  Mifha- 
wum  or  Charleftown.  Jeffreys,  Burfley  and  fome  others  had 
remained  at  Weffaguffet,  and  were  Morton's  neighbors  at 
that  place,  whom  he  fays  he  was  in  the  cuftom  of  vifiting 
from  time  to  time,  "  to  have  the  benefit  of  company."  1  At 
Hull,  already  known  by  that  name,2  there  were  the  Grays  and 
a  few  other  fettlers.  Thefe  had  been  joined  by  Lyford  and 
Oldham  and  their  friends,  when  the  latter  were  expelled  from 
Plymouth  in  the  fpring  of  1625  ;  but  the  next  year,  finding 
the  place  probably  an  uninviting  one,  Lyford  had  croffed 
over  to  Cape  Ann,  and  thence  a  year  later  paffed  on  to 
Virginia.     Oldham  ftill  remained  at  Nantafket. 

Such  were  thofe  neighbors  of  Morton,  the  chiefs  of  the 
ftraggling  plantations,  referred  to  by  Bradford  as  being  of 


1  Infra,  *I24-  2  Infra,  *i8i. 

Of  Merry-Mount  2  5 

"no  ftrength  in  any  place."  Together  they  may  poffibly 
have  numbered  from  "fifty  to  an  hundred  fouls.  The  Plym- 
outh fettlement  was,  comparatively  fpeaking,  organized  and 
numerous,  confuting  as  it  did  of  fome  two  hundred  perfons, 
dwelling  in  about  forty  houfes,  which  were  protected  by  a 
ftockade  of  nearly  half  a  mile  in  length.  Neverthelefs  even 
there,  by  the  fummer  of  1627,  the  alarm  at  the  increafe  of 
fire-arms  in  the  hands  of  the  favages  began  to  be  very  great. 
They  had  fpread  "  both  north  and  fouth  all  the  land  over," 1 
and  it  was  computed  that  the  favages  now  poffeffed  at  leaft 
fixty  pieces.  One  trader  alone,  it  was  reported,  had  fold 
them  a  fcore  of  guns  and  an  hundred  weight  of  ammunition. 
Bradford  thus  takes  up  the  ftory :  — 

"  So  fundry  of  the  chiefs  of  the  draggling  plantations,  meeting  together, 
agreed  by  mutual  confent,  to  folicit  thofe  of  Plymouth,  (who  were  then  of 
more  ftrength  than  them  all,)  to  join  with  them  to  prevent  the  further  growth 
of  this  mifchief,  and  fupprefs  Morton  and  his  conforts  before  they  grew  to 
further  head  and  ftrength.  Thofe  that  joined  in  this  action,  (and  after  con- 
tributed to  the  charge  of  fending  him  to  England,)  were  from  Pifcataqua, 
Naumkeag,  Winnifimmet,  Weffaguffet,  Nantafket,  and  other  places  where  any 
Englifh  were  feated.  Thofe  of  Plymouth  being  thus  fought  to  by  their  mef- 
fengers  and  letters,  and  weighing  both  their  reafons  and  the  common  danger, 
were  willing  to  afford  them  their  help,  though  themfelves  had  leaft  caufe  of 
fear  or  hurt.  So,  to  be  fhort,  they  firft  refolved  jointly  to  write  to  him,  and, 
in  a  friendly  and  neighborly  way,  to  admonifh  him  to  forbear  thefe  courfes ; 
and  fent  a  meffenger  with  their  letters  to  bring  his  anfwer.  But  he  was  fo 
high  as  he  fcorned  all  advice,  and  afked  —  Who  had  to  do  with  him  ?  —  he  had 
and  would  trade  pieces  with  the  Indians  in  defpite  of  all :  with  many  other 
fcurrilous  terms  full  of  difdain. 

"  They  fent  to  him  a  fecond  time,  and  bade  him  be  better  advifed,  and 

more  temperate  in  his  terms,  for  the  country  could  not  bear  the  injury  he  did  ; 

1  1.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  in,  pp.  63,  64. 

26  Thomas  Morton 

it  was  againft  their  common  fafety,  and  againft  the  King's  proclamation.  He 
anfwered  in  high  terms,  as  before  ;  and  that  the  King's  proclamation  was  no 
law  :  demanding,  what  penalty  was  upon  it  ?  It  was  anfwered,  more  than  he 
could  bear,  his  Majefty's  difpleafure.  But  infolently  he  perfifted,  and  faid 
the  King  was  dead,  and  his  difpleafure  with  him ;  and  many  the  like  things ; 
and  threatened,  withal,  that  if  any  came  to  moleft  him,  let  them  look  to  them- 
felves ;  for  he  would  prepare  for  them." 1 

However  it  may  have  been  with  the  pofition  he  took  as  a 
matter  of  public  policy,  Morton  at  leaft  fhowed  himTelf  in 
this  difpute  better  verfed  in  the  law  of  England  than  thofe 
who  admonifhed  him.  On  the  firft  of  the  two  points  made 
by  him  he  was  clearly  right.  King  James's  proclamation  was 
not  law.  This  had  been  definitely  decided  more  than  fifteen 
years  before,  when  in  1610,  in  a  cafe  referred  to  all  the 
judges,  Lord  Coke,  in  reporting  their  decifion,  had  ftated 
on  his  own  authority  that  "  the  King  cannot  create  any 
offence,  by  his  prohibition  or  proclamation,  which  was  not 
an  offence  before,  for  that  was  to  change  the  law,  and  to 
make  an  offence,  which  was  not ;  for  ubi  non  eft  lex,  ibi  non 
eft  tranfgrejjio ;  ergo,  that  which  cannot  be  punifhed  with- 
out proclamation  cannot  be  punifhed  with  it." 2 

In  regard  to  the  fecond  point  made  by  Morton,  that  the 
King's  proclamation  died  with  him,  the  fame  diftinclion 
between  ftatutes  and  proclamations,  that  the  former  were  of 
perpetual  obligation  until  repealed  and  that  the  latter  loft 
their  force  on  the  demife  of  the  crown,  —  this  diftinclion  was, 
a  century  and  a  half  later,  ftated  by  Hume3  to  have  exifted 
in  James's  time.  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Campbell  has,  how- 

1  Bradford,  p.  241.  8  Hijl.  of  England  (Edition  of  Har- 

'J  xii.  Coke,  p.  75.  per  Bros.)  vol.  iv.  p.  280. 

Of  Merry-Mount  2  7 

ever,  exclaimed  againft  the  ftatement  as  a  difplay  of  igno- 
rant "  audacity,"  and  declares  that  he  was  unable  to  find 
in  the  authorities  a  trace  of  any  fuch  doctrine.1  On  this 
point,  therefore,  the  law  of  Thomas  Morton  was  probably  as 
bad  as  that  of  David  Hume.  Neverthelefs  the  paffage  in 
Bradford  affords  a  curious  bit  of  evidence  that  fome  fuch 
diftinction  as  that  drawn  by  Hume,  though  it  may  not  have 
got  into  the  books,  did  exift  in  both  the  legal  and  the  public 
mind  of  the  firft  half  of  the  feventeenth  century. 

Whether  Morton's  law  on  the  fubje6t  of  proclamations 
was  or  was  not  found  mattered  little  however.  It  was  not 
then  to  be  debated,  as  the  queftion  with  the  fettlers  was  one 
of  felf-prefervation.  The  Plymouth  magistrates  had  gone 
too  far  to  flop.  If  they  even  hefitated,  now,  there  was  an 
end  to  all  order  in  New  England.  Morton  would  not  be 
flow  to  realize  that  he  had  faced  them  down,  and  his  info- 
lence  would  in  future  know  no  bounds. 

"  So  they  mutually  refolved  to  proceed,  and  obtained  of  the  Governor  of 
Plymouth  to  fend  Captain  Standifh,  and  fome  other  aid  with  him,  to  take 
Morton  by  force.  The  which  accordingly  was  done  ;  but  they  found  him  to 
ftand  ftiffly  in  his  defence,  having  made  faft  his  doors,  armed  his  conforts, 
fet  divers  difhes  of  powder  and  bullets  ready  on  the  table  ;  and,  if  they  had 
not  been  over  armed  with  drink,  more  hurt  might  have  been  done.  They 
fummoned  him  to  yield,  but  he  kept  his  houfe,  and  they  could  get  nothing 
but  feoffs  and  fcorns  from  him ;  but  at  length,  fearing  they  would  do  fome 
violence  to  the  houfe,  he  and  fome  of  his  crew  came  out,  but  not  to  yield, 
but  to  moot.  But  diey  were  fo  fteeled  with  drink  as  their  pieces  were  too 
heavy  for  them ;  himfelf,  with  a  carbine  (overcharged  and  almoft  half  filled 
with  powder  and  (hot,  as  was  after  found)  had  thought  to  have  fhot  Captain 

Standifh ; 

1  Lives  of  the  Chief  Juftices,  vol.  i.p.  lamations,"  in  Difraeli's  Curiofities  of 
283.    See  alfo  a  paper  on  "  Royal  Proc-     Literature  (ed.  1863),  vol.  iii.,  p.  371. 

28  Thomas  Morton 

Standifh ;  but  he  flept  to  him,  and  put  by  his  piece  and  took  him.  Neither 
was  there  any  hurt  done  to  any  of  either  fide,  fave  that  one  was  fo  drunk  that 
he  ran  his  own  nofe  upon  the  point  of  a  fword  that  one  held  before  him  as 
he  entered  the  houfe  ;  but  he  loft  but  a  little  of  his  hot  blood." 1 

Morton's  own  account  of  "  this  outragious  riot,"  as  he 
calls  it,  is  contained  in  the  fifteenth  chapter  of  the  third 
book  of  the  New  Canaan?  It  differs  confiderably  from 
Bradford's,  but  not  in  effentials.  He  fays  that  the  occur- 
rence took  place  in  June  ;  and  as  Bradford's  letters  of  expla- 
nation, fent  with  the  prifoner  to  England,  are  dated  the  9th 
of  June,3  it  muft  have  been  quite  early  in  the  month.  He 
further  fays  that  he  was  captured  in  the  firft  place  at  Weffa- 
guffet,  "  where  by  accident  they  found  him  ;  "  but  efcaping 
thence  during  the  night,  through  the  careleffnefs  of  thofe 
fet  on  guard  over  him,  he  made  his  way  in  the  midft  of  a 
heavy  thunder-ftorm  to  Mount  Wollafton,  going  up  the 
Monatoquit  until  he  could  crofs  it.  The  whole  diflance  from 
point  to  point  was,  for  a  perfon  familiar  with  the  country, 
perhaps  eight  miles.  Getting  home  early  the  next  morn- 
ing he  made  his  preparations  for  refiftance  in  the  way  de- 
fcribed  by  Bradford.  Of  the  whole  party  at  Merry-Mount 
more  than  half,  four  apparently,  were  then  abfent  in  the 
interior  getting  furs.  This  fact,  indeed,  was  probably  well 
known  to  his  neighbors,  who  had  planned  the  arreft  accord- 
ingly. Standifh,  having  eight  men  with  him,  followed 
Morton  round  to  Mount  Wollafton,  probably  by  water,  the 
morning  fucceeding  his  efcape ;  and  what  enfued  feems  to 
•have  been  fufficiently  well  defcribed  by  Bradford.     One  at 


1  Bradford,  p.  241-2.  8  I.  Ma/s,  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  63-4. 

2  Infra,  *i37-43- 

Of  Merry-Mount.  29 

leaft  of  the  Merry-Mount  garrifon  got  extremely  tipfy  before 
the  attacking  party  appeared,  and  Morton,  feeing  that  refin- 
ance was  hopelefs,  furrendered,  after  in  vain  trying  to  make 
fome  terms  for  himfelf. 

Having  been  arretted  he  was  at  once  carried  to  Plymouth, 
and  a  council  was  held  there  to  decide  upon  the  difpofition 
to  be  made  of  him.  According  to  his  own  account  certain 
of  the  magistrates,  among  whom  he  fpecially  names  Stand- 
ifli,  advocated  putting  him  to  death  at  once,  and  fo  ending 
the  matter.  They  were  not  in  favor  of  fending  him  to 
England.  Such  a  courfe  as  this  was,  however,  wholly  out 
of  keeping  with  the  character  of  the  Plymouth  colony,  and 
it  is  tolerably  fafe  to  fay  that  it  was  never  really  propofed. 
Morton  imagined  it ;  but  he  alfo  circumftantially  afferts  that 
when  milder  councils  prevailed,  and  it  was  decided  to  fend 
him  to  England,  Standifh  was  fo  enraged  that  he  threatened 
to  fhoot  him  with  his  own  hand,  as  he  was  put  into  the 

Either  becaufe  they  did  not  care  to  keep  him  at  Ply- 
mouth until  he  could  be  fent  away,  or  becaufe  an  outward- 
bound  flfhing-veffel  was  more  likely  at  that  feafon  to  be 
found  at  the  fiihing-ftations,  Morton  was  almoft  immediate- 
ly fent  to  the  Ifles  of  Shoals.  He  remained  there  a  month  ; 
and  of  his  experiences  during  that  time  he  gives  a  wholly 
unintelligible  account  in  the  New  Canaan?  At  laft  a  chance 
offered  of  fending  him  out  in  a  fifhing-veffel  bound  to 
old  Plymouth,  England.  He  went  under  charge  of  John 
Oldham,  who  was  chofen  to  reprefent  the  affociated  planters 


1  Infra,*  1 50.  2  Infra,  *I44,   155. 


Thomas  Morton 

in  this  matter,  and  who  carried  two  letters,  in  the  nature  of 
credentials,  prepared  by  Governor  Bradford,  the  one  ad- 
dreffed  to  the  Council  for  New  England  and  the  other  to 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  perfonally.1  In  thefe  letters  Brad- 
ford fet  forth  in  detail  the  nature  of  the  offences  charged 
againft  Morton,  and  afked  that  he  might  be  brought  "  to  his 
anfwer  before  thofe  whom  it  may  concern."  Thefe  letters 
were  figned  by  the  chiefs  of  the  feveral  plantations,  at  whofe 
common  charge  the  expenfes  of  Oldham's  miffion,  as  well 
as  Standi fh's  arreft,  were  defrayed,  and  towards  this  charge 
they  contributed  as  follows,  though  Bradford  fays  the  total 
coft  was  much  more :  — 

From  Plymouth, 

David  Thomfon's  widow, 
William  Blackftone, 
Edward  Hilton,2 





.       I 




.       2 









1  The  letters  in  full  are  in  Bradford's 
Letter-Book,  in.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol. 
iii.  pp.  62-4. 

2  The  names  of  neither  Maverick  nor 
Walford  appear  in  tin's  lift,  though  in 
his  hiftory  Bradford  efpecially  mentions 
Winnifimmet  (p.  241)  as  one  of  the  places 
the  fettlers  at  which  contributed  to  the 
charge.     They  may,  as  Savage  fuggefts, 

{Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *43  n.)  have  been 
included  with  Blackftone,  though,  con- 
fidcring  what  Maverick's  means  were, 
this  does  not  feem  probable.  Edward 
Hilton  lived  at  Dover,  eight  miles  above 
Pifcataqua.  (Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs., 
p .  315.  Proc.  of  Mafs.  Hifl.  Soc.  1875- 
6,  pp.  362-8.)  Mr.  Deane  fuggefts  that 
Little  Harbor,  the  place  formerly  occu- 

Of  Merry-Mount  3 1 

Oldham  and  Morton  reached  Plymouth  during  the  later 
fummer  or  early  autumn  of  1628.  They  muft,  therefore, 
have  paffed  the  outward-bound  expedition  of  Endicott,  the 
forerunners  of  the  great  Puritan  migration  of  1630-7,  in 
mid-ocean,  as  on  the  6th  of  September  the  latter  reached 
Naumkeag.  The  grant  of  the  Maffachufetts  Company,  which 
Endicott  reprefented,  had  been  regularly  obtained  from  the 
Council  for  New  England,  and  bore  date  the  19th  of  March, 
1628.  It  covered  the  fea-front  within  the  fpace  of  three 
Englifti  miles  to  the  northward  of  the  Merrimack  and  to 
the  fouthward  of  the  Charles,  "  or  of  any  and  every  part  of 
either  of  thefe  ftreams ; "  while  it  extended  "  from  the  At- 
lantick  and  Weftern  Sea  and  Ocean  on  the  Eaft  Parte,  to 
the  South  Sea  on  the  Weft  Parte."  It  alfo  included  every- 
thing lying  within  the  fpace  of  three  miles  to  the  fouthward 
of  the  fouthernmoft  part  of  Maffachufetts,  by  which  was 
meant  Bofton  Bay.1  It  was  clear,  therefore,  that  Mount 
Wollafton  was  included  in  this  grant. 

Morton's  eftablifhment  was  thus  brought  within  Endicott's 
government.  Its  exiftence  and  character  muft  already  have 
been  well  known  in  England,  and  it  is  not  at  all  improbable 
that  its  fuppreffion  had  been  there  decided  upon.  Whether 
this  was  fo  or  not,  however,  Endicott  certainly  learned,  as 
foon  as  he  landed  at  Naumkeag,  of  the  action  which  had 
been  taken  three  months  before.  It  commended  itfelf  to 
him ;  though  he  doubtlefs  regretted  that  more  condign  pun- 


pied  by  Thomfon,  was  meant  by  Pifcat-  open  to  queftion.    (Proc.  of  Mafs.  Hiji. 

aqua.  {lb.,  368.)     The  locality  of  Burfley  Soc.  1878,  p.  198.) 

and  Jeffreys  greatly  confufed  the  author-         x  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  243. 

ities  for  a  time,  but  it  no  longer  feems 

32  Thomas  Morton 

ifliment  had  not  been  adminiftered  to  Morton  and  his  crew 
on  the  fpot,  and  did  not  delay  to  take  fuch  fteps  as  were 
ftill  in  his  power,  to  make  good  what  in  this  refpecl  had 
been  lacking.  As  Bradford  fays,  "  vifiting  thofe  parts  [he] 
caufed  that  May-polle  to  be  cutt  downe,  and  rebuked  them 
for  their  profannes,  and  admonifhed  them  to  looke  ther 
fhould  be  better  walking ;  fo  they  now,  or  others,  changed 
the    name    of   their   place   againe,  and  called   it    Mounte- 

"  i 


Morton  and  Oldham,  meanwhile,  were  in  England.  As 
Oldham  bore  letters  to  Gorges  and  landed  at  Plymouth,  of 
which  place  the  latter  then  was  and  for  many  years  had 
been  the  royal  governor,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Morton 
was  at  once  brought  before  him.  As  refpects  New  Eng- 
land Gorges's  curiofity  was  infatiable.  Any  one  who  came 
from  there,  whether  a  favage  or  a  fea-captain,  was  eagerly 
queflioned  by  him  ;  and  his  collection  of  charts,  memoirs, 
letters,  journals  and  memorials,  relating  to  the  difcovery  of 
thofe  parts,  is  faid  to  have  been  unequalled.2  Oldham  and 
Morton  had  lived  there  for  years.  They  knew  all  that  was 
then  known  about  the  country  and  its  refources.  They  both 
of  them  had  unlimited  faith  in  its  poffibilities,  and  talked 
about  an  hundred  per  cent  profit  within  the  year,  as  if  it 
were  a  thing  eafily  compaffed.3  Talk  of  this  kind  Gorges 
liked  to  hear.      It  fuited  his  temperament ;    and  it  would 


1  Bradford,  p.  238;  Infra,  *I34-  Da-  8  Oldham's  "vaft  conceits  of  extraor- 
gon  was  the  fea-god  of  the  Philiftines,  dinary  gain  of  three  for  one  "  afterwards 
upon  the  occafion  of  whofe  feaft,  at  caufed  "  no  fmall  diffraction"  to  the  fo- 
Gaza,  Samfon  pulled  down  the  pillars  ber-minded  governor  and  affiftants  of 
of  the  temple.    Judges,  xvi.  the  Maffachufetts   Company.     Young's 

2  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  79.  Chro?i.  of  Mafs.,  p.  147. 

Of  Merry- Mount  33 

feem  not  improbable  that  Morton  foon  found  this  out,  and 
bore  himfelf  accordingly. 

Meanwhile  it  was  not  poffible  for  the  Council  for  New 
England  and  the  Maffachufetts  Company  to  long  move  in 
harmony.  The  former  was  an  affociation  of  courtiers,  and 
the  latter  one  of  Puritans.  The  Council  planned  to  create 
in  the  New  World  a  fcore  or  two  of  great  feudal  domains 
for  Englifh  noblemen  ;  the  Company  propofed  to  itfelf  a 
commonwealth  there.  Accordingly  difficulties  between  the 
two  at  once  began  to  crop  out.  The  original  grant  to  the 
Company  of  March  19,  1628,  had  been  made  by  the  Council, 
with  the  affent  of  Gorges.  The  tract  already  conceded  to 
Robert  Gorges,  in  1622,  was  included  in  it;  but  Sir  Ferdi- 
nanclo  infilled  that  the  fubfequent  and  larger  grant  was 
made  with  a  diftincl:  faving  of  all  rights  vefted  under  the 
prior  one.1  This  the  Company  was  not  prepared  to  admit ; 
and,  as  the  bufinefs  of  the  Council  was  habitually  done  in  a 
carelefs  flipfhod  way,  the  record  was  by  no  means  clear.  A 
queftion  of  title,  involving  fome  three  hundred  fquare  miles 
of  territory  in  the  heart  of  the  Company's  grant,  was  there- 
fore raifed  at  once. 

Captain  Robert  Gorges  meanwhile  had  died,  and  the  title 
to  his  grant  had  paffed  to  his  brother  John.  It  would  feem 
that  Oldham,  who  was  a  pufhing  man,  had  come  out  to  Eng- 
land with  fome  fcheme  of  his  own  for  obtaining  a  patent 
from  the  Council,  and  organizing  a  ftrong  trading  company 
to  operate  under  it.  The  refult  was  that  John  Gorges  now 
deeded  to  him  a  portion  of  the  Robert  Gorges  grant,  being 


1  ill.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  80. 

34  Thomas  Morton 

the  whole  region  lying  between  the  Charles  and  the  Saugus 
rivers,  for  a  diftance  of  five  miles  from  the  coaft  on  the 
former  and  three  miles  on  the  latter.  This  deed  may  and 
probably  did  bear  a  date,  January  10,  1629,  fimilar  to  that 
of  another  deed  of  a  yet  larger  tract  out  of  the  fame  grant, 
which  John  Gorges  executed  to  Sir  William  Brereton. 
The  lands  thus  conveyed  were  diftinctly  within  the  limits 
covered  by  the  grant  to  the  Maffachufetts  Company,  and  a 
ferious  queftion  of  title  was  raifed.  The  courfe  now  pur- 
fued  by  the  Company  could  not  but  have  been  fingularly 
offenfive  to  Gorges.  They  outgeneralled  him  in  his  own 
field  of  action.  They  too  had  friends  at  court.  Accord- 
ingly they  went  directly  to  the  throne.  A  royal  confir- 
mation of  their  grant  from  the  Council  was  folicited  and 
obtained.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1629,  King  Charles's  char- 
ter of  the  Maffachufetts  Company  paffed  the  feals. 

It  now  became  a  race,  for  the  actual  poffeffion  of  the  dif- 
puted  territory,  between  the  reprefentatives  of  the  Company 
on  the  one  fide  and  the  Gorges  grantees  on  the  other.  The 
former,  under  advice  of  counfel,  denied  the  validity  of  the 
Robert  Gorges  grant  of  1622.  It  was,  they  claimed,  void 
in  law,  being  "  loofe  and  uncertain."  1  They  inftructed  En- 
dicott  to  hurry  a  party  forward  to  effect  an  actual  occuj:>a- 
tion.  This  he  at  once  did ;  and  the  fettlement  of  Charlef- 
tovvn,  in  the  fummer  of  1629,  was  the  refult.  Meanwhile 
Oldham,  having  in  vain  tried  to  coax  or  browbeat  the  Com- 
pany into  an  arrangement  fatisfactory  to  himfelf,  was  en- 
deavoring to  fit  out  an   expedition  of  his  own.2     He   had 


1  Young's   Chron.  of  Afafs.,p.  171  ;        2  Young's  Chron.  o/Mafs.,  p.  147. 
Hutchinfon,  vol.  i.  p.  6. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  3  5 

not  the  means  at  his  difpofal ;  and,  convinced  of  this  at  laft, 
he  gave  up  the  conteft. 

At  an  early  ftage  in  thefe  proceedings  he  would  feem 
to  have  wholly  loft  fight  of  fo  much  of  the  bufinefs  he 
had  in  hand  as  related  to  Thomas  Morton.  Bradford's 
expreffion,  in  referring  to  what  took  place,  is  that  Morton 
"  foold  "  Oldham.1  Morton  himfelf,  however,  fays2  that  Old- 
ham did  the  belt,  he  could,  and  tried  to  fet  the  officers  of  the 
law  at  work,  but  was  advifed  that  Morton  had  committed 
no  crime  of  which  the  Englifh  courts  could  take  cognizance. 
He  had  at  molt  only  difregarded  a  proclamation.  All  this 
feems  very  probable.  Neverthelefs,  for  violating  a  procla- 
mation, he  could  at  that  time  have  been  proceeded  againft 
in  the  Star  Chamber.  It  is  true  that  in  their  decifion  in 
1 6 10,  already  referred  to,3  the  twelve  judges  had  faid,  "  Laftly, 
if  the  offence  be  not  punifhable  in  the  Star  Chamber,  the 
prohibition  of  it  by  proclamation  cannot  make  it  punifhable 
there."4  This,  however,  was  the  language  of  the  bench  in 
the  days  of  James,  when  Coke  was  Chief  Juftice.  In  1629 
the  current  of  opinion  was  running  ftrongly  in  the  oppofite 
direction.  Sir  Nicholas  Hyde,  as  Chief  Juftice,  was  then 
"  fetting  law  and  decency  at  defiance  "  in  fupport  of  pre- 
rogative,5 and  a  few  years  later  Sir  John  Finch  was  to  an- 
nounce "  that  while  he  was  Keeper  no  man  mould  be  fo 
faucy  as  to  difpute  thefe  orders "  of  the  Lords  of  the 
Council.6      Law  or  no  law,  therefore,  Morton  could  eafily 


1  Bradford,  p.  243.  5  Campbell's   Chief  Juflices,  vol.  ii. 

2  Infra,  *i56.  p.  42. 

3  Supra,  p.  26.  6  Campbell's  Lord  Chancellors,  vol. 

4  xil.  Coke,  p.  76.  iii.  p.  256. 

36  Thojnas  Morton 

have  been  held  to  a  fevere  account  in  the  Star  Chamber, 
had  Gorges  been  difpofed  to  prefs  matters  againft  him  there. 
He  clearly  was  not  fo  difpofed.  The  inference,  therefore,  is 
that  Morton  had  fucceeded  in  thoroughly  ingratiating  him- 
felf  with  Gorges ;  and  Oldham,  as  he  was  now  a  grantee  of 
Gorges's  fon,  did  not  fee  his  account  in  preffmg  matters. 
Accordingly  Bradford's  letters  and  complaints  were  quietly 
ignored ;  and  his  "  lord  of  mifrule,"  and  head  of  New  Eng- 
land's firfl  "  fchoole  of  Athifme,  " *  efcaped  without,  fo  far  as 
could  be  difcovered,  even  a  rebuke  for  his  mifdeeds. 

Nor  was  this  all.  Ifaac  Allerton  was  at  that  time  in 
London,  as  the  agent  of  the  Plymouth  colony.  The  moffc 
important  bufinefs  he  had  in  hand  was  to  procure  a  new 
patent  for  the  Plymouth  people,  covering  by  correct  bounds 
a  grant  on  the  Kennebec,  with  which  region  they  were  now 
opening  a  promifmg  trade.  They  alfo  wanted  to  fecure,  if 
poffible,  a  royal  charter  for  themfelves  like  that  which  had 
juffc  been  iffued  to  the  Maffachufetts  Company.  In  the 
matter  of  the  patent,  Allerton  had  to  deal  with  the  Council 
for  New  England  ;  the  granting  of  the  charter  lay  at  White- 
hall. Altogether  it  was  a  troublefome  and  vexatious  bufi- 
nefs,  and  the  agent  foon  found  that  he  could  make  no  head- 
way except  through  favor.  The  influence  of  Gorges  became 
neceffary.  In  the  light  of  fubfequent  events  it  would  feem 
altogether  probable  that  Morton  now  made  himfelf  ufeful. 
At  any  rate,  when  Allerton  returned  to  New  England,  in 
1629,  with  the  patent  but  without  a  charter,  he  aftonifhed 
and  fcandalized  the  Plymouth  community  by  bringing  Mor- 

1  Bradford,  p.  237. 

Of  Merry-Mount  37 

ton  back  with  him.  They  apparently  landed  fometime  in 
Auguft,1  and  we  have  two  accounts  of  Morton's  reception  at 
Plymouth  ;  one  his  own,  and  the  other  Governor  Bradford's. 
Both  are  characteriftic.    Morton  fays  that 

"Being  fhip'd  againe  for  the  parts  of  New  Canaan,  [he]  was  put  in  at 
Plimmouth  in  the  very  faces  of  them,  to  their  terrible  amazement  to  fee  him 
at  liberty ;  and  [they]  told  him  hee  had  not  yet  fully  anfwered  the  matter  they 
could  object  againft  him.  Hee  onely  made  this  modeft  reply,  that  he  did 
perceave  they  were  willfull  people,  that  would  never  be  anfwered  :  and  he  de- 
rided them  for  their  praclifes  and  loffe  of  laboure."  2 

Bradford,  looking  at  the  tranfaction  from  the  other  point 
of  view,  favs:  — 

"  Mr.  Allerton  gave  them  great  and  juft  ofence  in  bringing  over  this  year, 
for  bafe  gaine,  that  unworthy  man,  and  inftrumente  of  mifcheefe,  Morton,  who 
was  fent  home  but  the  year  before  for  his  mifdemenors.  He  not  only 
brought  him  over,  but  to  the  towne,  (as  it  were  to  nofe  them,)  and  lodged  him 
at  his  owne  houfe,  and  for  awhile  ufed  him  as  a  fcribe  to  doe  his  buffines."  3 

In  view  of  Morton's  efcape  from  all  punifhment  in  Eng- 
land, and  his  return  a  little  later  to  Mount  Wollafton,  Brad- 
ford fpeaks  of  the  trouble  and  charge  of  his  arreft  as  hav- 
ing been  incurred  "  to  little  effect." 4  This,  however,  was 
not  fo.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  not  often  that  an  act  of  gov- 
ernment repreffion  produces  effects  equally  decifive.  The 
nuifance  was  abated  and  the  danger  difpelled  ;  the  fact  that 
there  was  a  power  on  the  coaft,  ready  to  affert  itfelf  in  the 
work  of  maintaining  order,  was  eftablifhed  and  had  to  be 
recognized ;    and,  finally,  a  wholly  unfcrupulous  competitor 


1  Bradford,  p.  250.  3  Bradford,  p.  252. 

2  Infra,  *i$7-  i  I.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  63. 

38  Thomas  Morton 

was  driven  out  of  trade.  Thefe  refults  were  well  worth  all 
that  Morton's  arreft  coft,  and  much  more. 

It  does  not  appear  how  long  Morton  now  remained  at 
Plymouth.  It  could  not,  however,  have  been  more  than  a 
few  weeks  before  Allerton,  who  himfelf  went  back  to  Eng- 
land the  fame  feafon,  was,  as  Bradford  puts  it,  "  caufed  to 
pack  him  away."  He  then  returned  to  Mount  Wollafton, 
where  he  feems  to  have  found  a  remnant  of  his  old  com- 
pany,—  apparently  the  more  modeft  of  them  and  fuch  as 
had  looked  to  their  better  walking.  Hardly,  however,  had 
he  well  gotten  back  when  he  was  in  trouble  with  Endicott. 
The  firft  difficulty  arofe  out  of  the  jealoufy  which  exifted 
between  the  "  old  planters,"  as  they  were  called,  and  thofe 
who  belonged  to  the  Maffachufetts  Company.  The  old 
planters  were  the  very  men  who  had  affociated  themfelves, 
eighteen  months  before,  to  bring  about  the  fuppreffion  of 
the  eftablifhment  at  Mount  Wollafton.  Now  they  alfo  were 
beginning  to  feel  the  preffure  of  authority,  and  they  did 
not  like  it.  In  their  helplefs  anger  they  even  fpoke  of  them- 
felves as  "  flaves  "  of  the  new  Company.1  They  could  no 
longer  plant  what  they  chofe  or  trade  with  whom  they 

On  thefe  points  Endicott  had  explicit  inftructions.  They 
were  contained  in  the  letters  of  Cradock  of  April  17  and 
May  28,  1629,  which  are  to  be  found  in  Young's  Chronicles 
of  Maffachufetts,  and  contain  the  policy  of  the  company,  fet 
forth  in  clear  vigorous  Englifh.  In  purfuance  of  thofe  in- 
ftruclions,  Endicott  feems  to  have  fummoned   all    the   old 


1  Young's  Chron.  of  Mqfs.,  p.  145. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  39 

planters  dwelling  within  the  limits  of  the  patent  to  meet  in  a 
General  Court  at  Salem,  fometime  in  the  latter  part  of  1629. 
There  he  doubtlefs  advifed  them  as  to  the  policy  which  the 
Company  intended  to  purfue ;  and  Morton  fays  that  he 
then  tendered  all  prefent  for  fignature  certain  articles  which 
he  and  the  Rev.  Samuel  Skelton  had  drawn  up  together. 
The  effence  of  thofe  articles  was  that  in  all  caufes,  ecclefiaf- 
tical  as  well  as  political,  the  tenor  of  God's  word  mould  be 
followed.1     The  alternative  was  banifliment. 

Morton  claims  that  he  alone  of  thofe  prefent  refufed  to 
put  his  hand  to  this  paper,  infilling  that  a  provifo  fhould 
firft  be  added  in  thefe  words,  "  So  as  nothing  be  done  con- 
trary or  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  the  Kingdom  of  England." 
Thefe  are  almoft  the  exact  words  of  King  Charles's  charter ; 2 
and  it  would  feem  as  though  Morton,  in  propofing  them, 
fought  an  opportunity  to  difplay  his  legal  acumen.  Wheth- 
er his  fuggeftion  was  adopted,  and  the  articles  modified  ac- 
cordingly, does  not  appear.  It  probably  was,  though  the 
change  was  not  one  which  Endicott  would  have  looked 
upon  with  favor.  If  he  affented  to  it  he  certainly  did  fo 
grimly.  The  matter  of  regulating  the  trade  in  beaver  fkins 
was  next  brought  up.  This  was  intended  to  be  a  Company 
monopoly,  to  meet  the  charge  of  providing  churches  and 
forts.3  It  was  accordingly  propofed  that  a  fort  of  general 
partnerfhip  for  the  term  of  one  year  fhould  be  effected  to 
carry  it  on.  Morton  fays  that  on  this  matter  alfo  he  flood 
out,  and  it  feems  altogether  probable  that  he  did.  It  is 
fafe  to  fay  that  he  was  there  to  make  whatever  trouble  he 


1  Infra,  *i$8-g.  3  Young's  Chron.  of  Ma/s.,   pp.  96, 

2  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  252.  14S. 

40  Thomas  Morton 

could.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  not  poffible  for  Endicott 
to  miftake  his  inflruclions.  They  were  as  plain  as  words 
could  make  them.  He  was  to  fee  to  it  that  "  none  be  par- 
takers of  [the  Company's]  privileges  and  profits,  but  fuch  as 
be  peaceable  men,  and  of  honefl  life  and  converfation,  and 
defirous  to  live  amongft  us,  and  conform  themfelves  to  good 
order  and  government."  And  further,  if  any  factious  fpirit 
developed  itfelf  he  was  enjoined  "  to  fupprefs  a  mifchief 
before  it  take  too  great  a  head  .  .  .  which,  if  it  may  be 
done  by  a  temperate  courfe,  we  much  defire  it,  though  with 
fome  inconvenience,  fo  as  our  government  and  privileges  be 
not  brought  in  contempt.  .  .  .  But  if  neceffity  require  a 
more  fevere  courfe,  when  fair  means  will  not  prevail,  we 
pray  you  to  deal  as  in  your  difcretions  you  fhall  think  ntteft." 
Such  inflruclions  as  thefe,  in  Endicott's  hands  to  execute, 
boded  ill  for  Morton. 

Matters  foon  came  to  a  crifis.  Morton  paid  no  regard  to 
the  Company's  trade  regulations.  The  prefumption  is  that  he 
was  emboldened  to  take  the  courfe  he  now  did  by  the  belief 
that  he  would  find  fupport  in  England.  He  unqueftionably 
was  informed  as  to  all  the  details  of  the  trouble  between  the 
Maffachufetts  Company  and  the  Council  for  New  England, 
and  knew  that  Oldham,  whom  he  by  the  way  fpeaks  of  as 
"a  mad  Jack  in  his  mood,"1  held  a  grant  from  John  Gorges, 
and  was  ftraining  every  nerve  to  come  out  and  take  adverfe 
poffeffion  of  the  territory  covered  by  it.  He  probably  hoped, 
day  by  day,  to  fee  Oldham  appear  at  the  head  of  a  Gorges 
expedition.     There  is  reafon  to  fuppofe  that  he  was  himfelf 


1  Infra,  *i  19. 

Of  Merry-Mount  4 1 

at  this  time  an  agent  of  Gorges,—  that,  indeed,  he  had  come 
back  to  New  England  as  fuch,  and  was  playing  a  part  very 
much  like  that  of  a  fpy.  He  was  certainly  in  fuch  corre- 
fpondence  with  Sir  Ferdinando  as  the  means  of  communica- 
tion permitted,  and  the  confidant  of  his  plans.1 

When,  therefore,  he  offered  all  the  oppofition  to  Endicott 
which  he  dared,  and  thwarted  him  fo  far  as  he  could,  he  was 
not  acting  for  himfelf  alone.  He  reprefented,  in  a  degree  at 
leaft,  what  in  England  was  a  powerful  combination.  Accord- 
ingly, with  an  over-confidence  in  the  refult  born  of  his  fan- 
guine  faith  in  the  power  and  influence  of  his  patron,  he  now 
feems  to  have  gone  back  to  the  lefs  objectionable  of  his  old 
courfes.  He  did  not  renew  the  trade  in  fire-arms  and  am- 
munition, for  he  probably  had  none  to  fpare,  and  experience 
had  taught  him  how  dangerous  it  was.  He  did,  however, 
deal  with  the  favages  as  he  faw  fit,  and  on  his  own  account, 
openly  expreffmg  his  contempt  for  Endicott's  authority,  and 
doing  all  he  could  to  excite  the  jealoufy  and  difcontent  of 
the  "  old  planters."  2  His  own  profits  at  this  time  were,  he 
fays,  fix  and  feven  fold. 

This  ftate  of  things  could  not  continue.  Accordingly,  as 
the  year  drew  to  a  clofe,  Endicott  made  an  effort  to  arreft 
him.  Morton,  however,  was  now  on  his  guard.  Getting 
wind  of  what  was  intended,  he  concealed  his  ammunition 
and  moft  neceffary  goods  in  the  foreft ;  and,  when  the  mef- 
fengers,  fent  acrofs  the  bay  to  feize  him,  landed  on  the 
beach  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Wollafton,  he  was  nowhere  to 
be  found.     He  fays  that  they  ranfacked  his  houfe,  and  took 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *57.  2  Infra,  *i6o. 

42  Thomas  Mortoit 

from  it  all  the  provender  they  could  find ;  but  when  they 
were  gone  he  replenifhed  his  fupplies  with  the  aid  of  his 
gun,  and  "  did  but  deride  Captain  Littleworth,  that  made 
his  fervants  fnap  fhorte  in  a  country  fo  much  abounding 
with  plenty  of  foode  for  an  induftrious  man."  This  hap- 
pened about  Chriftmas,  1629.1 

Could  Endicott  now  have  laid  hands  upon  him  there  can 
be  little  room  for  doubt  that  Morton  would  have  been  fum- 
marily  dealt  with ;  but  for  the  prefent  the  deputy-gov- 
ernor's attention  was  otherwife  occupied.  This  was  that 
winter  of  1629-30,  the  famine  and  ficknefs  of  which  came  fo 
near  to  bringing  the  Salem  fettlement  to  a  premature  end. 
During  that  ffruggle  for  exiftence  the  magiftrate  had  no 
time  to  attend  to  Morton's  cafe.  But  he  was  not  the  man 
to  forget  it. 

With  the  following  fummer  the  great  migration,  which 
was  to  fix  the  character  of  New  England,  began.  Inftead 
of  a  veffel  fitted  out  for  Oldham  under  the  patronage  of 
Gorges,  the  Mary  &  John,  chartered  by  the  Maffachufetts 
Company  and  having  on  board  140  paffengers  from  the 
Weft  of  England,  anchored  off  Hull  on  the  30th  of  May. 
A  fortnight  later  Governor  Winthrop  reached  Salem,  and 
on  the  17th  of  June  he  alfo  came  into  Bofton  Harbor;  and 
Morton,  from  Mount  Wollafton,  muft  have  watched  his 
veffel  with  anxious  eyes  as,  in  full  view  from  his  houfe,  it 
made  its  way  up  the  channel  to  the  mouth  of  the  Myftic. 
He  muft  alfo  have  realized  that  its  appearance  in  thofe 
waters  boded  him  no  good. 


1  Infra,  *i6i. 

Of  Merry-Mount  43 

In  a  few  days  more  the  whole  fleet,  numbering  twelve 
fail  in  all,  was  at  anchor  off  Charleftown,  and  the  work  of  dis- 
charging paffengers  was  going  actively  on.  Of  thefe  there 
were  nearly  a  thoufand ; x  and  now  the  bufy  and  fatal  fum- 
mer  experience  of   1630  was  fairly  entered  upon. 

For  a  few  weeks  longer  Morton  continued  to  live  undif- 
turbed  at  Mount  Wollafton.  The  confufion  and  buftle  of 
landing,  and  afterwards  the  terror  and  fenfe  of  bereavement 
which  followed  hard  on  peftilence,  protected  him.  It  was 
not  until  the  23d  of  Auguft,  or  the  prefent  2d  of  September, 
that  the  magiftrates  held  any  formal  feffion.  They  then  met 
at  the  great  houfe  at  Charleftown,2  as  it  would  feem,  Win- 
throp,  Dudley,  Saltonftall,  Pynchon,  Bradftreet  and  others 
being  prefent.  After  fome  more  important  bufinefs  had  been 
difpofed  of,  "  It  was  ordered,  that  Morton,  of  Mount  Woolifon, 
fliould  prefently  be  Tent  for  by  proceffe." 3  Of  the  circum- 
ftances  of  his  arreft  under  the  warrant  thus  iffued  Morton 
has  given  no  account.  Apparently  he  felt  it  was  ufelefs  to 
try  to  evade  the  meffengers,  and  refiftance  was  wholly  out  of 
the  queftion.  At  the  next  feffion  of  the  magiftrates,  held 
two  weeks  later,  on  what  would  now  be  the  1 7th  of  Septem- 
ber, he  was  formally  arraigned.  In  addition  to  thofe  already 
named  as  being  at  the  earlier  meeting,  Endicott  was  now 
prefent.  He  had  probably  come  down  from  Salem  to  give 
his  perfonal  attention  to  Morton's  cafe.  It  muft  from  the 
outfet  have  been  apparent  to  the  prifoner  that  the  tribunal 
before  which   he  flood  was  one  from  which  he  had  nothing 


1  Young's  Chron.  of  Ma/s.,  p.  311.  e  Records,  vol.  i   p.  74. 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *3o. 

44  Thomas  Morton 

to  hope.  The  proceedings  were  in  fact  fummary.  It  would 
feem,  from  his  own  account  of  them,1  that  he  endeavored  to 
humble  himfelf,  and,  that  failing,  he  made  a  fort  of  plea  to 
the  jurifdiclion  of  the  Court.  Neither  fubmiffion  nor  plea 
produced  any  effecl:.  On  the  contrary  he  was  apparently 
cut  fhort  in  his  defence  and  his  proteft  by  impatient  excla- 
mations, and  even  bidden  to  hold  his  peace  and  hearken  to 
his  fentence.     It  appears  in  the  records  as  follows :  — 

"  It  is  ordered  by  this  prefent  Court,  that  Thomas  Morton,  of  Mount  Wal- 
lifton,  fhall  prefently  be  fett  into  the  bilbovves,  and  after  fent  prifoner  into 
England,  by  the  fhipp  called  the  Gifte,  nowe  returning  thither ;  that  all  his 
goods  fhalbe  feazed  upon  to  defray  the  charge  of  his  tranfportation,  payment 
of  his  debts,  and  to  give  fatisfaclion  to  the  Indians  for  a  cannoe  hee  unjuftly 
tooke  away  from  them  ;  and  that  his  hovvfe,  after  the  goods  are  taken  out,  fhal- 
be burnt  downe  to  the  ground  in  the  fight  of  the  Indians,  for  their  fatisfaclion, 
for  many  wrongs  hee  hath  done  them  from  tyme  to  tyme."  2 

Unfortunately,  Winthrop's  admonitory  remarks  in  impof- 
ine  this  fentence  have  not  been  preferved.  There  is,  how- 
ever,  in  the  New  Cajiaan,  an  expreffion  which  apparently 
formed  a  part  of  them.3  It  is  that  in  which  it  is  affigned  as 
a  reafon  for  the  deftruclion  of  the  houfe  at  Mount  Wollaf- 
ton,  that  "  the  habitation  of  the  wicked  mould  no  more 
appear  in  Ifrael."  In  compliance  with  the  terms  of  this 
fentence,  Morton  was  fet  in  the  flocks  ;  and  while  there,  he 
tells  us,  the  favages  came  and  looked  at  him,  and  wondered 
what  it  all  meant.  He  was  not,  however,  fent  back  to  Eng- 
land in  the  Gift,  as  the  mailer  of  that  veffel  declined  to 
carry  him  ;  for  what  reafon  does  not  appear.     It  was  not  in 


1  Infra,  *i63-  8  Infra,  *i6y 

2  Records,  vol   i    p.  75. 

Of  Merry-Mount  45 

fact  until  nearly  four  months  after  his  arrefl  that  a  paffage 
was  fecured  for  him  in  the  Handmaid.  Even  then,  Mave- 
rick afterwards  ftated  that  Morton,  obdurate  to  the  laft, 
refufed  to  go  on  board  the  veffel,  upon  the  ground  that  he 
had  no  call  to  go  there,  and  fo  had  to  be  hoifted  over  her 
fide  by  a  tackle.1  His  houfe  alfo  was  burned  down  ;  but  the 
execution  of  this  part  of  his  fentence,  he  afferts, — and  his 
affertion  is  confirmed  by  Maverick,  —  was  vindictively  de- 
layed until  he  was  on  his  way  into  banifhment,  when  it  was 
executed  rather  in  his  fight,  it  would  feem,  than  in  that  of 
the  favages.  Of  the  voyage  to  England  there  is  an  account 
in  the  New  Canaan  that  is  rather  more  rambling  and  inco- 
herent than  is  ufual  even  with  Morton.2 

The  Handmaid  appears  to  have  been  unfeaworthy,  and 
infufficiently  fupplied.  She  had  a  long  and  tempeftuous 
paffage,  in  the  courfe  of  which  Morton  came  very  near 
ftarving,  no  provifion  having  been  made  for  his  fubfiftence 
except  a  very  inadequate  one  out  of  his  own  fupplies. 

The  fecond  arrefl  of  Morton  was  equally  defenfible  with 
the  firft.  According  to  his  own  account  he  had  fyftemati- 
cally  made  himfelf  a  thorn  in  Endicott's  fide.  He  had 
refufed  to  enter  into  any  covenants,  whether  for  trade  or 
government,  and  he  had  openly  derided  the  magiftrate  and 
eluded  his  meffengers.  This  could  not  be  permitted.  He 
dwelt  within  the  limits  of  the  Maffachufetts  charter,  and  the 
Company  was  right  when  it  inftrucled  Endicott  that  all  liv- 
ing there  "  mufl  live  under  government  and  a  like  law." 
It  was  neceffary,  therefore,  that  Morton  fhould  either  give  in 


*  Coll.  ofN.  Y.  Hijl.  Sac.  (1869),  p.  42.  2  fnfa,  *l86-7- 

46  Thomas  Morton 

his  adhefion,  or  that  he  fliould  be  compelled  to  take  himfelf 
off.  This,  however,  was  not  the  ground  which  the  magiftrates 
took.  Nothing  was  faid  in  the  fentence  of  any  difregard  of 
authority  or  difobedience  to  regulation.  No  reference  was 
made  to  any  illicit  dealings  with  the  Indians,  or  to  the  trade 
in  fire-arms.  Offences  of  this  kind  would  have  juftified  the 
extreme  feverity  of  a  fentence  which  went  to  the  length  of 
ignominious  phyfical  punifhment,  complete  confifcation  of 
property  and  banifhment ;  leaving  only  whipping,  mutila- 
tion or  death  uninflicled.  No  fuch  offences  were  alleged. 
Thofe  which  were  alleged,  on  the  contrary,  were  of  the  moft 
trivial  character.  They  were  manifeftly  trumped  up  for  the 
occafion.  The  accufed  had  unjuftly  taken  away  a  canoe  from 
fome  Indians  ;  he  had  fired  a  charge  of  fhot  among  a  troop 
of  them  who  would  not  ferry  him  acrofs  a  river,  wounding  one 
and  injuring  the  garments  of  another;  he  was  "a  proud,  in- 
folent  man  "  againft  whom  a  "  multitude  of  complaints  were 
received,  for  injuries  done  by  him  both  to  the  Englifh  and 
the  Indians."1  Thofe  fpecified,  it  may  be  prefumed,  were 
examples  of  the  reft.  They  amount  to  nothing  at  all,  and 
were  afterwards  very  fitly  characterized  by  Maverick  as 
mere  pretences.  Apparently  confcious  of  this,  Dudley,  the 
deputy-governor,  in  referring  to  the  matter  a  few  months 
later  in  his  letter  to  the  Countefs  of  Lincoln,  fays  that 
Morton  was  fent  to  England  "for  that  my  Lord  Chief 
Juftice  there  fo  required,  that  he  might  punifli  him  capi- 
tally for  fouler  mifdemeanors  there  perpetrated."  Bradford 
alfo,  in    referring   to   the   matter,  ftates    that    Morton   was 

"  vehemently 

1  Young's  Chron.  o/Afafs.,  p.  321  ;  Proc.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc,  1860-2,  p.  133. 

Of  Merry-Mount  47 

"  vehemently  fufpected  "  of  a  murder,  and  that  "  a  warrant 
was  fent  from  the  Lord  Chief  Juftice  to  apprehend  him."  x 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  there  was  a  warrant  from  the 
King's  Bench  againft  Morton  in  Winthrop's  hands,2  but  in 
all  probability  it  was  nothing  more  nor  lefs  than  a  fort  of 
Enelifh  lettre  de  cachet.  Morton's  record  in  New  England 
was  perfectly  well  known  in  London  at  the  time  Winthrop 
was  making  his  preparations  to  crofs.  His  relations  with 
Oldham  and  Gorges  muft  often  have  been  difcuffed  at  the 
afliftants'  meetings,  and  they  were  not  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that  he  had  gone  back  to  Plymouth  with  Allertdn.  They 
muft  have  fufpected  that  he  went  back  as  an  agent  or  emif- 
fary  of  Gorges,  and  they  may  have  known  that  he  fo  went 
back.  In  any  event,  they  did  not  propofe  to  have  him  live 
within  the  limits  of  their  patent.  He  was  an  undefirable 
character.  The  warrant,  therefore,  was  probably  obtained 
in  advance,  on  fome  vague  report  or  fufpicion  of  a  criminal 
act,  to  be  at  hand  and  ready  for  ufe  when  needed.3  It  could 
not  legally  run  into  New  England,  any  more  than  it  could 
into  Scotland  or  Ireland.4  Then,  and  at  no  later  time,  would 
Winthrop  have  recognized  it  in  any  other  cafe ;  and,  even 
in  this  cafe,  no  reference  is  made  to  it  in  the  colony  records. 
Had  it  been  so  referred  to,  it  might  have  been  cited  as  a 

Moreover  fuch  a  requifition,  though  it  might  have  war- 
ranted the  return   of  Morton  to  England,  certainly  did  not 


1  Bradford,  p.  253.  ment   muft   not   be   brought   by    Iosua 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *$J.  [Winthrop]  in  vaine." 

3  Morton    fays    (Infra,   *i63)    "the  4  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc,  Lowell  Inft.  Lec- 
Snare   muft  now  be  ufed ;   this  inftru-  tures  (1869)^.377. 

48  Thomas  Morto7i 

warrant  the  confutation  of  all  his  property  and  the  burning 
of  his  houfe  in  advance  of  trial  and  conviction  there.  In 
point  of  fact,  the  requifition  was  a  mere  pretext  and  cover. 
The  Maffachufetts  magiftrates,  fo  far  as  Morton  was  con- 
cerned, had  made  up  their  minds  before  he  flood  at  their  bar. 
He  was  not  only  a  "  libertine,"  as  they  termed  it,  but  he  was 
fufpected  of  being  a  fpy.  His  prefence  at  Mount  Wollaflon 
they  did  not  confider  defirable,  and  fo  they  propofed  to  purge 
the  country  of  him  ;  and  if  not  in  one  way,  then  in  another. 
His  cafe  is  not  fingular  in  Maffachufetts  annals  ;  it  is  merely 
the  firft  of  its  kind.  It  eftablifhed  a  precedent  much  too 
often  followed  thereafter.  Morton  was  one  of  thofe  who,  as 
it  was  expreffed  in  a  tract  of  the  time  printed  in  London, 
"  muff  have  elbow-roome,  and  cannot  abide  to  be  fo  pinioned 
with  the  ftricf  government  in  the  Commonwealth,  or  difci- 
pline  in  the  church.  Now  why  fhould  fuch  live  there  ?  As 
Ireland  will  not  brooke  venomous  beafts,  fo  will  not  that 
land  [New  England]  vile  perfons  and  loofe  livers."  1 

Many  times,  in  the  years  which  followed,  the  country  was 
purged  of  other  of  thefe  "  vile  perfons  and  loofe  livers,"  in 
much  the  fame  way  that  it  was  now  purged  of  Morton.  It 
may,  however,  well  be  queftioned  whether  it  ever  derived  ben- 
efit from  the  procefs.  Certainly  Morton's  cafe  was  as  ftrong 
as  any  cafe  well  could  be.  There  was  abfolutely  nothing  to 
be  faid  in  his  favor.  He  was  a  lawlefs,  recklefs,  immoral 
adventurer.  And  yet,  as  the  refult  will  fhow,  in  fending  Mor- 
ton back  to  England,  the  victim  of  high-handed  juftice,  the 
Maffachufetts  magiftrates  committed  a  ferious  blunder.    They 


1  I.  Ma/s.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  250. 

Of  Merry-Mount  49 

had  much  better  have  left  him  alone  under  the  harrow  of 
their  authority.  At  Mount  Wollaflon  he  was  at  worft  but  a 
nuifance.  They  drove  him  away  from  there  and  fent  him 
back  to  London  ;  and  at  Whitehall  he  became  a  real  danger. 
This  part  of  his  ftory  is  now  to  be  told. 

Bradford  fays,  and  he  is  generally  correct  in  his  ftate- 
ments,  that  when  at  laft  Morton  reached  England  "  he  lay 
a  good  while  in  Exeter  jail." x  There  is  no  allufion  to  any- 
thing: of  the  fort  in  the  New  Canaan  ;  and  it  would  not  feem 
that  he  could  have  been  very  long  a  prifoner,  as  the  next 
affizes  and  jail-delivery  mull  have  fet  him  free.  There  could 
have  been  nothing-  on  which  to  make  him  {land,  a  trial. 
Accordingly  the  following  year  he  was  at  liberty  and  bufily 
concerned  in  Gorges's  intrigues  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
Maffachufetts  charter. 

The  houfe  in  which  Gorges  lived  —  as  formerly  it  had 
been  the  point  of  gathering  of  all  who  had  vifited  the  Amer- 
ican coaft,  or  could  add  anything  to  the  flock  of  information 
concerning  it  —  was  now  the  headquarters  for  thofe  who  had 
any  complaint  to  make  or  charges  to  prefer  againft  the 
magiflracy  of  Maffachufetts.  Acting  in  concert  with  Captain 
John  Mafon,  the  patentee  of  New  Hampfhire,  he  was  exerting 
himfelf  to  the  utrnofl  to  fecure  a  revocation  of  King  Charles's 
charter.  The  attack  was  made  on  the  19th  of  December, 
1632,  and  it  was  a  formidable  one.  It  affumed  the  fhape  of 
a  petition  to  the  Privy  Council,  afking  the  Lords  to  inquire 
into  the  methods  through  which  the  royal  charter  for  the 
Maffachufetts   Bay  had  been  procured,  and  into  the  abufes 


1  Bradford,  p.  253. 

50  Thomas  Morton 

which  had  been  practifed  under  it.  Befides  many  injuries 
inflicted  on  individuals  in  their  property  and  perfons,  the 
Company  was  alfo  charged  with  feditious  and  rebellious 
defiens,  fubverfive  alike  of  church  and  of  ftate.  The  various 
allegations  were  bafed  on  the  affidavits  of  three  witneffes, — 
Thomas  Morton,  Philip  Ratcliff  and  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardi- 
ner. Behind  thefe  was  the  active  and  energetic  influence 
of  Gorges  and  Mafon.1 

It  is  not  neceffary  in  this  connection  to  go  into  any 
detailed  ftatement  of  the  wrongs  complained  of  by  Ratcliff 
and  Gardiner.  They  were  of  the  fame  nature,  though  even 
more  pronounced  than  thofe  of  Morton.  The  country  had 
in  fact  been  purged  of  all  three  of  thefe  individuals.  The 
original  document  in  which  they  fet  forth  their  cafes,  and 
made  accufation  againfl;  the  magiftrates,  has  unfortunately 
been  loft.  In  referring  to  it  afterwards  Winthrop  faid  that 
it  contained  "  fome  truths  mifrepeated."  2  Apart  from  fevere 
judgments  on  alleged  wrong-doers,  including  whipping, 
branding,  mutilating,  banifliment  and  confifcation  of  proper- 
ty, the  burden  of  the  accufation  lay  in  the  difpofition  to 
throw  off  allegiance  to  the  mother  country,  which  was  dif- 
tinctly  charged  againfl  the  colony. 

A  harfh  coloring  was  doubtlefs  given  in  the  petition  to 
whatever  could  be  alleged.  So  far  as  cafting  off  their  alle- 
giance to  the  mother  country  was  concerned,  nothing  can 
be  more  certain  than  that  neither  the  leaders  nor  the 
common  people  of  New  England  entertained  at  that  time 
any  thought  of  it ;  but  it  is  quite  equally  certain  that  the 


1  Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bojlon,  vol.  i.  p.  336.  2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *I02. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  5 1 

leaders  at  leaft  were  deeply  diffatisfied  with  the  courfe  public 
affairs  were  then  taking  in  England.  They  were  Puritans, 
and  this  was  the  period  of  the  Star  Chamber  and  the  High 
Commiffion.  No  parliament  had  been  called  fmce  1629, 
and  it  was  then  publicly  announced  at  Court  that  no 
more  parliaments  were  to  be  called.  There  is  no  reafon 
to  fuppofe  that  the  early  fettlers  of  Maffachufetts  were  a 
peculiarly  reticent  race.  On  the  contrary  it  is  well  known 
that  they  were  much  given  to  delivering  themfelves  and 
bearing  evidence  on  all  occafions  ;  and  in  doing  fo  they 
unqueflionably  railed  and  declaimed  quite  freely  againft 
thofe  then  prominent  in  the  council-chamber  and  among 
the  bifhops.  That  there  was  a  latent  fpirit  in  New  England 
ripe  for  rebellion  was  alfo,  probably,  afferted  in  the  loft 
document.  However  Winthrop  might  deny  it,  and  deny  it 
honeftly,  this  alfo  was  true ;  and  fubfequent  events,  both  in 
Maffachufetts  and  in  England,  mowed  it  to  be  fo.  In  the 
light  of  their  fympathies  and  fufferings,  Morton  and  Gardi- 
ner probably  realized  the  drift  of  what  they  had  heard  faid 
and  feen  done  in  New  England  a  good  deal  better  than 

The  refult  of  the  Morton-Gardiner  petition  was  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  committee  of  twelve  Lords  of  the  Council, 
to  whom  the  whole  matter  was  referred  for  inveftigation  and 
report.  The  committee  was  empowered  to  fend  for  perfons 
and  papers,  and  a  long  and  apparently  warm  hearing  enfued. 
The  friends  of  the  Company  found  it  neceffary  to  at  once 
beftir  themfelves.  Cradock,  Saltonftall  and  Humfrey  filed  a 
written  anfwer  to  the  complaint,  and  fubfequently,  at  the 
hearing,  they  received  efficient  aid  from  Emanuel  Downing, 


52  Thomas  Morton 

Winthrop's  brother-in-law,  and  Thomas  Wiggin,  who  lived 
at  Pifcataqua,  but  now  moft  opportunely  chanced  to  be  in 

At  the  Court  of  Charles  I.  everything  was  matter  of  influ- 
ence or  purchafe.  The  founders  of  Maffachufetts  were  men 
juft  abreaft  of  their  time,  and  not  in  advance  of  it.  There 
is  good  ground  on  which  to  fufpect  that  they  did  not  hefi- 
tate  to  have  recourfe  to  the  means  then  and  there  neceffary 
to  the  attainment  of  their  ends.  It  has  never  been  explained, 
for  inftance,  how  the  charter  of  1629  was  originally  fecured.1 
When  Allerton,  at  the  fame  time,  tried  to  obtain  a  fimilar 
charter  for  the  Plymouth  colony,  he  found  that  he  had  to 
buy  his  way  at  every  ftep,  and  Bradford  complained  bitterly 
of  the  "  deale  of  money  veainly  and  lavifhly  caft  away." 2  That 
the  original  patentees  of  Maffachufetts  bribed  fome  courtier 
near  the  King,  and  through  him  bought  their  charter,  is 
wholly  probable.  Every  one  bribed,  and  almoft  every  one 
about  the  King  took  bribes.  That  the  patentees  had  pow- 
erful influence  at  Court  is  certain  ;  exactly  where  it  lay  is  not 
apparent.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  interefted  himfelf  actively 
in  their  behalf.  It  was  he  who  fecured  for  them  their  patent 
from  the  Council  for  New  England.  But  Warwick,  though 
a  powerful  nobleman,  was  "  a  man  in  no  grace  at  Court ; " 
on  the  contrary,  he  was  one  of  thofe  "  whom  his  Majefty  had 
no  efteem  of,  or  ever  purpofed  to  truft."  3  Winthrop  fays 
that  in  the  Morton-Gardiner  hearing  his  brother-in-law, 
Emanuel  Downing,  was   efpecially  ferviceable.4      Downing 


1  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  391.  4  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *ioo.     Down- 

2  Bradford,  pp.  251-2.  ing  fent  a  detailed  account  of  the  hear- 
8  Clarendon's  Rebellion,  B.  Ill,  §  27;     ing,  now  loft,  to  Winthrop;  see  Hutch- 

B.  vi.  §  404.  infon,  vol.  ii.  p.  2. 

Of  Merry-Mount  5  3 

was  a  lawyer  of  the  Inner  Temple.1  There  is  reafon  to 
fuppofe  that  he  had  accefs  to  influential  peribns,  —  poffibly 
Lord  Dorchefter  may  have  been  amongft  them.2  However 
this  may  be,  whether  by  means  of  influence  or  bribery,  the 
hearing  before  the  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council  was 
made  to  refult  difaftroufly  for  the  complainants.  Gorges 
took  nothing  by  his  motion.  In  due  time  the  Committee 
reported  againft  any  interference  with  the  Company  at  that 
time.  Such  grounds  of  complaint  as  did  not  admit  of  expla- 
nation they  laid  to  the  "  faults  or  fancies  of  particular  men," 
and  thefe,  they  declared,  were  "  in  due  time  to  be  inquired 
into."  King  Charles  himfelf  alfo  had  evidently  been  labored 
with  through  the  proper  channels,  and  not  without  effect. 
Not  only  did  he  give  his  approval  to  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee, but  he  went  out  of  his  way  to  further  threaten  with 
condign  punifhment  thofe  "  who  did  abufe  his  governor  and 
the  plantation." 

Gorges's  carefully  prepared  attack  had  thus  ended  in  com- 
plete failure.  The  danger,  however,  had  been  great,  nor 
was  its  importance  undereflimated  in  Maffachufetts.  This 
clearly  appears  in  Winthrop's  fubfequent  action ;  for  when, 
four  months  later,  in  May,  1633,  information  of  the  final 
action  of  the  Council  reached  him,  he  wrote  a  letter  of  grave 
jubilation  to  Governor  Bradford,  giving  him  the  glad  news, 
and  inviting  him  to  join  "  in  a  day  of  thankfgiving  to  our 
mercifull  God,  who,  as  he  hath  humbled  us  by  his  late  cor- 
rection, fo  he  hath  lifted  us  up,  by  an  abundante  rejoyflng  in 

our  deliverance  out  of  fo  defperate  a  danger." 3 


1  iv.   Mafs.    Hijl.   Coll,   vol.   vi.    p.  2  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  392. 

33,  n.  3  Bradford,  p.  297. 

54  Thomas  Morton 

Though  badly  defeated,  and  for  the  time  being  no  doubt 
difcouraged,  Gorges  and  Morton  were  not  difpofed  to  defift 
from  their  efforts.  As  the  latter  expreffed  it,  they  had  been 
too  eager,  and  had  "  effected  the  bufinefs  but  fuperficially."  * 
They  had  alfo  committed  the  ferious  miftake  of  underesti- 
mating the  ftrength  and  influence  of  their  antagonists.  If 
Gorges,  however,  was  at  home  anywhere,  he  was  at  home 
juft  where  he  had  now  received  his  crufhing  defeat,  —  in  the 
antechambers  of  the  palace.  All  his  life  he  had  been  work- 
ing through  Court  influences.  Through  them,  after  the 
Effex  infurrection,  he  had  faved  his  neck  from  the  block. 
If  Court  influence  would  have  availed  to  fecure  it,  in  1623 
he  would  have  pre-empted  the  whole  territory  about  Bofton 
Bay  as  the  private  domain  of  himfelf  and  his  defcendants. 
At  Whitehall  he  was  an  enemy  not  lightly  to  be  difre- 
garded ;  and  this  Winthrop  and  his  colleagues  foon  had 
caufe  to   realize. 

Thwarted  by  ftrong  influences  in  one  direction,  Gorges 
went  to  work  to  fecure  ftronger  influences  in  another  direc- 
tion. He  knew  the  ground,  and  his  plan  of  operations  was 
well  conceived.  To  follow  it  out  in  detail  is  not  poffible. 
Here  and  there  a  fact  appears ;  the  reft  is  inference  and  fur- 
mife.  The  King  was  the  objective  point.  Of  him  it  is  not 
neceffary  here  to  fpeak  at  length,  for  his  character  is  too 
well  understood.  Dignified  in  his  bearing,  and  in  perfonal 
character  purer  than  his  times,  —  a  devout,  well-intentioned 
man,  —  Charles  was  a  fhallow,  narrow-minded  bigot,  with  a 
difeafed  belief  in  that  divinity  which  doth  hedge  a  king.    He 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *I90. 

Of  Merry-Mount  5  5 

would  have  made  an  ideal,  average  Englifh  country  gentle- 
man. After  the  manner  of  fmall,  obftinate  men,  he  believed 
intenfely  in  a  few  things.  One  was  his  own  royal  fuprem- 
acy  and  his  refponhbility,  not  to  his  people  but  to  his  king- 
fliip.  He  was  nothing  of  a  ftatefman,  and  as  a  politician 
he  was  his  own  worft  enemy.  His  idea  of  government  was 
the  Spanifh  one :  the  king  had  a  prime-minifter,  and  that 
prime-minifter  was  the  king's  other  and  fecond  felf.  In 
Charles's  cafe  Buckingham  was  at  firft.  prime-minifter;  and, 
when  Buckingham  was  affaffinated,  he  was  in  due  time  fuc- 
ceeded  by  Laud.  Abbot,  Archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  had 
not  died  until  Auguft  4,  1633,  anc^  a  few  days  later  Laud 
was  appointed  to  fucceed  him.  He  thus  became  primate 
almoit  exactly  eight  months  after  the  firft  attack  on  the 
charter.  It  was  through  him  that  Gorges  now  went  to  work 
to  influence  the  King  and  to  control  the  courfe  of  events 
in  New  England.  His  method  can  be  explained  in  four 
words :    Laud  hated  a  Puritan. 

At  firft.  the  fecret  connection  of  Gorges  and  Morton  with 
the  events  which  now  enfued  is  matter  of  pure  furmife. 
There  is  no  direct  evidence  of  it  in  the  records  or  narra- 
tives. At  a  later  period  it  becomes  more  apparent.  As  a 
matter  of  furmife,  however,  bafed  on  the  fubfequent  develop- 
ment of  events,  it  feems  probable  that  in  February,  1634,  the 
attention  of  the  Archbifhop,  and  through  him  that  of  the 
Privy  Council,  was  called  to  the  large  emigration  then  going 
on  to  New  England  of  "  perfons  known  to  be  ill-affected  and 
difcontented,  as  well  with  the  civil  as  ecclefiaftical  govern- 
ment." 1    As  Gorges  himfelf  expreffed  it,  "  numbers  of  people 


1  Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bojlon.  vol.  i.  p.  338. 

56  Thomas  Morton 

of  all  forts  flocked  thither  in  heaps."1  Several  veffels,  already 
loaded  with  paffengers  and  ftores,  were  then  lying  in  the 
Thames.  An  Order  in  Council  was  forthwith  iffued  flaying 
thefe  veffels,  and  calling  upon  Cradock  to  produce  the  Com- 
pany's charter.  So  far  as  the  veffels  were  concerned  it  foon 
appeared  that  the  Company  was  flill  not  without  friends  in 
the  Council ;  and,  "  for  reafons  beft  known  to  their  Lord- 
fliips,"  they  were  permitted  to  fail.2  Doubtlefs  this  deten- 
tion, as  the  fubfequent  more  rigid  reftraint,  was  "  grounded 
upon  the  feveral  complaints  that  came  out  of  thofe  parts  of 
the  divers  fects  and  fchifms  that  were  amongft  them,  all  con- 
temning the  public  government  of  the  ecclefiaflical  flate." 
Ratcliff  was  now  looked  upon  as  a  lunatic,3  and  Gardiner 
had  difappeared.  Morton  alone  remained ;  and  it  is  fafe  to 
furmife  that  he  was  the  fountain-head  of  thefe  complaints, 
as  Gorges  was  the  channel  which  conveyed  them  to  Laud. 
As  refpects  the  charter,  Cradock  made  reply  to  the  order 
for  its  production  that  it  was  not  in  his  hands,  —  that  Win- 
throp,  four  years  before,  had  taken  it  to  New  England.  He 
was  directed  to  fend  for  it  at  once.  Here  the  matter  refted, 
and  to  all  appearances  Gorges  had  met  with  one  more 
check.  The  releafe  of  the  veffels  was  ordered  on  the  lafl 
day  of  February,  1634. 


1  in.  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  80.  far  as  New   England   hiftory   is    con- 

2  Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bq/lon,  vol.  i.  p.  338.  cerned,  may  fairly  be  made  an  excep- 
The  reference  here,  as  at  fome  other  tion  to  this  rule.  His  knowledge  is  fo 
places,  is  to  Deane's  chapter  on  "The  exhauftive  and  his  accuracy  fo  great  that 
Charter  of  King  Charles  I."  As  a  rule,  a  reference  to  him  I  confider  juftas  good 
in  works  of  this  defcription,  dealing  and  as  permiffible  as  a  reference  to  the 
with    the  fources   of   hiftory,  it   is  not  original  authorities. 

permiffible  to  refer  to  contemporaneous        8  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *$6,  n. 
authorities.      Mr.   Deane,  however,  fo 

Of  Merry-Mount  5  7 

A  new  move  on  the  chefs-board  was  now  made  by  fome 
one.  Who  that  fome-one  was  is  again  matter  of  furmife. 
Hitherto  the  few  matters  which  from  time  to  time  came  up, 
relating  to  the  colonies,  had  been  confidered  in  the  full 
Privy  Council.  There  the  Maffachufetts  Company  had 
fhown  itfelf  a  power.  Special  tribunals,  however,  were  at 
this  juncture  greatly  in  vogue  at  Whitehall.  The  Council 
of  the  North,  the  Star  Chamber,  the  Court  of  High  Com- 
miffion,  were  in  full  operation.  To  them  all  political  work 
was  configned,  and  in  the  two  laft  Laud  was  fupreme.  Up 
to  this  time,  however,  the  need  of  any  fpecial  tribunal  to 
look  after  the  affairs  of  the  colonies  had  not  made  itfelf  felt. 
The  hiftorians  of  New  England  have  philofophized  a  great 
deal  over  the  confiderations  of  ftate  which,  during:  the  reiom 
of  Charles,  dictated  the  royal  policy  towards  New  England  ; x 
but  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  confiderations  of  ftate 
had  anything  to  do  with  that  policy.  The  remotenefs  and 
infignificance  of  early  New  England,  fo  far  as  the  Englifh 
Court  was  concerned,  is  a  thing  not  eafy  now  to  realize.  It 
may  be  taken  for  certain  that  King  and  Primate  rarely  gave 
a  thought  to  it,  much  lefs  matured  a  definite  or  rational  pol- 
icy. Their  minds  were  full  of  more  important  matters. 
They  were  intent  on  queftions  of  tonnage  and  poundage, 
on  monopolies,  and  all  poffible  ways  and  means  of  raifing 
money ;  they  were  thinking  of  the  war  with  Spain,  of  Went- 
worth's  Irifh  policy,  of  the  Englifh  oppofition,  and  the 
Scotch  church  fyftem.  So  far  as  New  England  was  con- 
cerned they  were  mere  puppets  to  be  jerked  to  and  fro  by 


1  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  pp.  391-3. 

58  TJiomas  Morton 

the  firings  of  Court  influence,  —  now  granting  a  charter  at 
the  inftance  of  one  man,  and  then  retraining  veffels  at  the 
inftance  of  another,  —  defending  "  our  governor  "  one  day, 
and  threatening  to  have  his  ears  cropped  the  next. 

In  certain  quarters  it  feems  now,  however,  to  have  been 
decided  that  this  condition  of  affairs  was  to  continue  no 
longer.  A  fpecial  tribunal  mould  be  created,  to  take  charge 
of  all  colonial  matters.  This  move  feems  to  have  grown 
out  of  the  Order  in  Council  of  February  21,  and  to  have 
been  directed  almoft  exclufively  to  the  management  of 
affairs  in  New  England,  whence  complaint  mainly  came. 
Accordingly,  on  the  10th  of  April,  a  commiffion  paffed  the 
great  feal  eftablifhing  a  board  with  almoft  unlimited  power 
of  regulating  plantations.  Laud  was  at  the  head  of  it. 
There  would  feem  to  be  every  reafon  to  affume  that  this 
tribunal  was  created  at  the  fuggeftion  of  Laud,  and  in  con- 
fequence  of  the  undecided  courfe  purfued  by  the  Council  as 
a  whole,  two  months  before,  in  the  matter  of  the  detained 
veffels.  A  further  inference,  from  what  went  before  and 
what  followed,  is  that  Lauds  action  was  flimulated  and 
fhaped  by  Gorges.  He  was  the  a6tive  promoter  of  com- 
plaints and  fcandals  from  New  England.  In  other  words, 
the  organization  of  this  colonial  board,  through  Laud's  influ- 
ence and  with  Laud  fupreme  in  it,  was  Gorges's  firft  move 
in  the  next  and  moft  formidable  attack  on  the  charter  of  the 
Maffachufetts  Bay. 

The  plan  now  matured  by  Gorges  was  a  large  one.  He 
had  no  idea  of  being  balked  of  the  prize  which  it  had  been 
the  dream  and  the  effort  of  his  life  to  fecure.  He  meant 
yet  to  grafp  a  government  for  himfelf,  and  an  inheritance 


Of  Merry-Moitnt.  .   59 

for  his  children,  in  New  England.  So  far  as  the  fettlement 
of  that  country  was  concerned,  what  he  for  thirty  years 
had  been  vainly  ruining  himfelf  to  bring  about  was  now 
accomplifhing  itfelf  ;  but  it  was  accomplishing  itfelf  not  only 
without  his  aid,  but  in  a  way  which  gravely  threatened  his 
interefts.  The  people  who  were  fwarming  to  New  England 
refuted  to  recognize  his  title,  and  abufed  and  expelled  his 
agents.  It  was  clear  that  the  Council  for  New  England  was 
not  equal  to  dealing  with  fuch  a  criiis.  It  was  neceffary  to 
proceed  through  fome  other  agency.  The  following  fcheme 
was,  therefore,  ftep  by  ftep  devifed. 

The  territory  held  under  the  great  patent  of  the  Council 
for  New  England  extended  from  Maine  to  New  Jerfey. 
This  whole  region  was,  by  the  action  of  the  Council,  to  be 
divided  in  feveralty  among  its  remaining  members,  and  the 
patent  was  then  to  be  furrendered  to  the  King,  who  there- 
upon was  to  confirm  the  divifion  juft  made.1  The  Council 
being  thus  gotten  out  of  the  way,  the  King  was  to  affume 
the  direct  government  of  the  whole  territory,  and  was  to 
appoint  a  governor-general  for  it.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
was  to  be  that  governor-general.2  He  would  thus  go  out 
to  his  province  clothed  with  full  royal  authority ;  and 
the  iffue  would  then  be,  not  between  the  fettlers  of  Mafla- 
chufetts,  acting  under  the  King's  charter,  and  that  "  carcafs 
in  a  manner  breathlefs,"  the  Council  for  New  England,  but 
between  a  fmall  body  of  difobedient  fubjecls  and  the  King's 
own  reprefentative.      The   fcheme  was  a  well-deviled  one. 


1  Briefe  Narration,  in.  Mafs.  Hill.  -  Proc.  of  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc,  1867, 
Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  82.  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  124.  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  233.  Haz- 
p.  390-4.  ard,  vol.  i.  p.  347. 

60  Thomas  Morton 

It  was  nothing  more  nor  lefs  than  the  colonial  or  New  Eng- 
land branch  of  Strafford's  "  Thorough."  It  was  a  part, 
though  a  fmall  part,  of  a  great  fyftem. 

The  firft  ftep  in  carrying  out  the  programme  was  to  fecure 
the  appointment  of  the  Commiffion  of  April  10.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  Archbifhop  being  affured,  there  was  no  difficulty 
in  this.  The  board  was  compofed  of  twelve  members  of  the 
Privy  Council.  Laud  himfelf  was  at  the  head  of  it,  and  with 
him  were  the  Archbifhop  of  York,  the  Earls  of  Portland, 
Manchefter,  Arundel  and  Dorfet,  Lord  Cottington,  Sir 
Thomas  Edmunds,  Sir  Henry  Vane,  and  Secretaries  Cooke 
and  Windebank.  Any  five  or  more  of  thefe  Commiffioners 
were  to  conftitute  a  quorum,  and  their  powers  were  of  the 
largeft  defcription.  They  could  revoke  all  charters  previ- 
oufly  granted,  remove  governors  and  appoint  others  in  the 
places  of  thofe  removed,  and  even  break  up  fettlements  if 
they  deemed  it  beft  fo  to  do.  They  could  inflict  punifhment 
upon  all  offenders,  either  by  imprifonment,  "  or  by  lofs  of  life 
or  member."  It  was  in  fact  a  commiffion  of  "  right  divine." 
It  embodied  the  whole  royal  policy  of  King  Charles,  as  for- 
mulated by  Wentworth  and  enforced  by  Laud.  The  new 
Commiffion  was  not  flow  in  proceeding  to  its  appointed  work, 
and  the  potency  of  Gorges's  influence  in  it  was  fhown  by  his 
immediate  defignation  as  governor-general.1  How  clofe 
Morton  then  flood  to  him  may  be  inferred  from  the  following 
letter,  which  fhows  alfo  that  he  was  well  informed  as  to  all 
that  was  going  on.2    It  was  written  exactly  three  weeks  after 



1  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  347.  uted  to  the  coft  of  arrefting  Morton  in 

2  William  Jeffreys  was  one  of  the  Rob-     1628  and  fending  him  to  England.    Mor- 
ert  Gorges  Company.     He  had  contrib-     ton,  in  writing  to  him,  could  not  but  have 


Of  Merry-Motmt  6 1 

the  appointment  of  the  Commiffion,  and  was  addreffed  to 
William  Jeffreys  at  WeffagufTet:  — 

My  very  good  Gossip,  —  If  I  fhould  commend  myfelf  to  you,  you  reply 
with  this  proverb, — Propria  lausfordet  in  ore:  but  to  leave  impertinent  falute, 
and  really  to  proceed.  —  You  (hall  hereby  underftand,  that,  although,  when  I 
was  firft  fent  to  England  to  make  complaint  againft  Ananias  and  the  brethren, 
I  effected  the  bufmefs  but  fuperficially,  (through  the  brevity  of  time,)  I  have 
at  this  time  taken  more  deliberation  and  brought  the  matter  to  a  better  pafs. 
And  it  is  thus  brought  about,  that  the  King  hath  taken  the  bufmefs  into  his  own 
hands.  The  Maffachufetts  Patent,  by  order  of  the  council,  was  brought  in 
view ;  the  privileges  there  granted  well  fcanned  upon,  and  at  the  council  board 
in  public,  and  in  the  prefence  of  Sir  Richard  Saltonftall  and  the  reft,  it  was 
declared,  for  manifeft  abufes  there  difcovered,  to  be  void.  The  King  hath 
reaffumed  the  whole  bufmefs  into  his  own  hands,  appointed  a  committee  of 
the  board,  and  given  order  for  a  general  governor  of  the  whole  territory  to  be 
fent  over.  The  commiffion  is  paffed  the  privy  feal,  I  did  fee  it,  and  the  fame 
was  i  mo.  Maii  fent  to  the  Lord  Keeper  to  have  it  pafs  the  great  feal  for 
confirmation ;  and  I  now  flay  to  return  with  the  governor,  by  whom  all  com- 
plainants fhall  have  relief : 1    So  that  now  Jonas  being  fet  afhore  may  fafely 


been  aware  of  this  ;  but  not  improbably,  It  was  a  childifh  outbreak  of  delight  and 

during  the  time  of  his  return  to  Mount  vanity. 

Wollafton  in  1630,  he  had  feen  more  of        1  There  is  fome  confufion  about  thefe 

Jeffreys,  and  found  that  he  too,  like  the  dates.     The  letter  itfelf  is  dated  the  ift 

reft  of  the  "  old  planters,"  looked  on  the  of  May,  and  the  commiffion  is  here  faid 

Maffachufetts    Company    with    jealoufy  on  that  day  to  have  paffed  the  great  leal, 

and  apprehenfion.    At  that  time,  indeed,  The  commiffioners  may  have  designated 

Jeffreys   was  in  active  correfpondence  Gorges  as  governor-general  at  this  time, 

with  Gorges,  and  outfpoken  in  his  com-  and  ordered  a  commiffion  as  fuch  to  be 

plaints,     (iv.  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  at  once  made  out  to  him  ;  but  a  year 

p.  3.)  Hence   the  familiarity  of  the  ad-  later  the  King's  intention  of  appointing 

drefs.     It  is   apparent  from  the  letter,  him  was  formally  announced.    {P roc.  of 

however,  that  Morton,  when  he  wrote  it,  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc,  1867,  p.  120.)     The 

was  fo  fure  of  his  pofition  and  fo  elated  probability  is  that  the  bufmefs  relating 

with  a  fenfe  of  his  own  importance  that  to  the  colonies  was  regarded  as  of  little 

he  could  not  contain  himfelf.     He  could  moment  and  done  in  the  moft  carelefs 

not  refift  the  defire  to  let  his  old  acquaint-  and  irregular  way,  hardly  a  record  even 

ances  in  America  know  what  an  impor-  of  it  being  kept.   Some  proceedings  were 

tant  perfonage  he  had  become,  and  he  thus   begun   and   not  carried   out,   and 

probably  hoped   they  would   fhow    the  other  things  were  done  twice, 
letter  to  Winthrop  and  every  one  elfe. 

62  Thomas  Morton 

cry,  repent  you  cruel  feparatifls,  repent,  there  are  as  yet  but  forty  days.  If 
Jove  vouchfafe  to  thunder,  the  charter  and  kingdom  of  the  feparatifts  will  fall 
afunder.  Repent  you  cruel  fchifmatics,  repent.1  Thefe  things  have  happened, 
and  I  fhall  fee,  (notwithftanding  their  boafting  and  falfe  alarms  in  the  Maffa- 
chufetts,  with  feigned  caufe  of  thankfgiving,)  their  mercilefs  cruelty  rewarded, 
according  to  the  merit  of  the  fact,  with  condign  punifhment  for  coming  into 
thefe  parts,  like  Sampfon's  foxes  with  fire-brands  at  their  tails.2  The  King 
and  Council  are  really  poffeffed  of  their  prepofterous  loyalty  and  irregular 
proceedings,  and  are  incenfed  againft  them  :  and  although  they  be  fo  oppo- 
fite  to  the  catholic  axioms,  yet  they  will  be  compelled  to  perform  them,  or 
at  leaftwife,  fuffer  them  to  be  put  in  practice  to  their  forrow.  In  matter  of 
reftitution  and  fatisfaction,  more  than  myftically,  it  muft  be  performed  vifibly, 
and  in  fuch  fort  as  may  be  fubjecl  to  the  fenfes  in  a  very  lively  image.  My 
Lord  Canterbury  having,  with  my  Lord  Privy  Seal,  caufed  all  Mr.  Cradock's 
letters  to  be  viewed,  and  his  apology  in  particular  for  the  brethren  here,  pro- 
tefted  againft  him  and  Mr.  Humfrey,  that  they  were  a  couple  of  impofterous 
knaves  ;  fo  that,  for  all  their  great  friends,  they  departed  the  council  chamber 
in  our  view  with  a  pair  of  cold  moulders.  I  have  ftaid  long,  yet  have  not 
loft  my  labor,  although  the  brethren  have  found  their  hopes  fruftrated ;  fo 
that  it  follows  by  confequence,  I  fhall  fee  my  defire  upon  mine  enemies  :  and 
if  John  Grant  had  not  betaken  him  to  flight,  I  had  taught  him  to  fmg  clamavi 
in  the  Fleet  before  this  time,  and  if  he  return  before  I  depart,  he  will  pay 
dear  for  his  prefumption.  For  here  he  finds  me  a  fecond  Perfeus  :  I  have 
uncafed  Medufa's  head,  and  ftruck  the  brethren  into  aftonifhment.  They 
find,  and  will  yet  more  to  their  fhame,  that  they  abufe  the  word  and  are  to 
blame  to  prefume  fo  much,  —  that  they  are  but  a  word  and  a  blow  to  them 
that  are  without.  Of  thefe  particulars  I  thought  good,  by  fo  convenient  a 
meffenger,  to  give  you  notice,  left  you  fhould  think  I  had  died  in  obfeurity, 
as  the  brethren  vainly  intended  I  fhould,  and  bafely  praclifed,  abufing  juftice 
by  their  finifler  practices,  as  by  the  whole  body  of  the  committee,  una  voce, 
it  was  concluded  to  be  done,  to  the  difhonor  of  his  majefty.  And  as  for  Rat- 
cliffe,  he  was  comforted  by  their  lordfhips  with  the  cropping  of  Mr.  Winthrop's 

ears  : 

1  Morton   is  here  quoting  from   the  publifhed  until  three  years  later.     (See 

New  Canaan,  (p.  *i88)  and  its  very  laft  Infra,  pp.  78-9.) 

page.    It  would  feem,  therefore,  now  to  2  Supra,  pp.  44-5. 
have  been  written,  though  it  was  not 

Of  Merry-Mount.  63 

ears  :  which  fhows  what  opinion  is  held  amongft  them  of  King  Winthrop  with 
all  his  inventions  and  his  Amfterdam  fantaftical  ordinances,  his  preachings, 
marriages,  and  other  abufive  ceremonies,  which  do  exemplify  his  deteftation 
to  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  contempt  of  his  majefty's  authority  and 
wholefome  laws,  which  are  and  will  be  eftabliihed  in  thefe  parts,  invito,  Mi- 
nerva. With  thefe  I  thought  fit  to  falute  you,  as  a  friend,  by  an  epiftle,  be- 
caufe  I  am  bound  to  love  you,  as  a  brother,  by  the  gofpel,  refting  your  loving 



Dated  i  Mo.  Maii,  1634. 

Morton  is  always  confufed  and  inaccurate  in  his  ftate- 
ments,  and  this  letter  afforded  no  exception  to  the  rule.  It 
is  impoffible  to  be  quite  fure  of  what  particular  occafions  he 
refers  to  in  it.  He  may  in  the  fame  breath  be  fpeaking  of 
different  things.  Whether,  for  inftance,  the  hearing  to 
which  he  alludes,  at  which  the  patent  "  was  brought  in 
view,"  was  the  fame  or  another  meeting  from  that  in  which 
Cradock's  letters  were  produced,  is  not  clear.  It  would 
feem  as  though  he  were  fpeaking  of  the  February  hearing 
before  the  whole  Council,  and  yet  he  may  be  defcribing  a 
fubfequent  hearing  in  April  before  the  Lords  Commiffion- 
ers.  He  fpeaks  of  the  "  council  chamber  "  and  of  "  the  whole 
body  of  the  Committee,"  and  then  alludes  to  the  prefence  of 
Saltonftall,  Humfrey  and  Cradock.  Now  thefe  perfons 
were  before  the  Council  in  the  hearing  of  1632,  and  they 
may  all  of  them,  as  Cradock  certainly  was,  have  been  before 
it  in  February  1634;  but  Humfrey  could  hardly  have  ap- 
peared before  the  Lords  Commiffioners,  as  he  feems  to  have 


1  This  letter  is  in  Hubbard,  pp.  428-  readings  do  not  materially  differ,  but  the 
30  (11.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.),  and  punctuation  has  been  corrected  and  the 
in  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  pp.  *i90-i.      The     fpelling  is  modern. 

64  Thomas  Morto7i 

failed  for  New  England  early  in  the  month  during  which 
they  were  appointed.  The  meeting  which  Morton  defcribes, 
therefore,  was  probably  that  of  February  28,  1634;  and  it 
would  feem  to  have  favored  ftrongly  of  the  Star  Chamber 
and  High  Commiflion.  Cradock  and  Humfrey  were  appar- 
ently fcolded  and  abufed  by  Laud  in  the  ftyle  for  which  he 
was  famous,  and  the  admiffion  by  the  former,  that  the  char- 
ter had  gone  to  America,  had  led  to  his  being  called  "  an 
impofterous  knave,"  and  fharply  told  to  fend  for  it  back  at 
once.  The  well-known  foibles  of  the  Primate  had  been 
fkilfully  played  upon  by  accounts  of  Winthrop's  "  Amfler- 
dam  fantaftical  ordinances,  his  preachings,  marriages,  and 
other  abufive  ceremonies  ;  "  and  they  had  much  the  effect  that 
a  red  flag  is  known  to  have  on  a  bull.  Nothing  was  now 
heard  of  the  King's  intention  of  feverely  punifhing  thofe 
who  abufed  "  his  governor ;  "  but,  on  the  contrary,  Ratcliffe 
was  "  comforted  with  the  cropping  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  ears." 
Gorges  was  governor-general,  and  with  him  Morton  expected 
foon  to  depart. 

Cradock's  letter,  enclofing  the  order  of  the  Council  for 
the  return  of  the  charter,  reached  Bofton  in  July.  Win- 
throp  was  then  no  longer  governor,  having  been  difplaced 
by  Dudley  at  the  previous  May  election.  As  is  well  known 
to  all  ftudents  of  New  England  hiftory,  the  famous  parch- 
ment, ftill  in  the  office  of  the  fecretary  of  the  Puritan  Com- 
monwealth, was  not  fent  back.1  It  is  unneceffary,  however, 
to  here  repeat  the  ftory  of  the  flruggle  over  it.  Prefently 
Governor  Edward  Window  of  Plymouth  was  defpatched  to 


1  Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bojlon,  vol.  i.  p.  379,  n. 

Of  Merry- Mount  65 

England,  as  the  joint  agent  of  the  two  colonies,  to  look  after 
their  endangered  interefts.  He  reached  London  in  the 
autumn  of  1634,  bringing  with  him  an  evafive  reply  to 
the  demand  contained  in  Cradock's  letter. 

Window  failed  in  the  middle  or  latter  part  of  July,  and  a 
few  days  later,  on  the  4th  of  Auguft,1  Jeffreys  came  over  from 
Weffaguffet  to  Bofton,  bringing  to  Winthrop  the  letter  which 
he  had  fhortly  before  received  from  Morton.  It  was  the  firft 
intimation  the  magiflrates  had  of  the  Commiffion  and  of  the 
appointment  of  a  governor-general.  Winthrop  communi- 
cated the  news  to  Dudley  and  the  other  members  of  the 
Council,  and  to  fome  of  the  minifters ;  and,  doubtlefs,  for  a 
time  they  all  nurfed  an  anxious  hope  that  the  exaggerations 
in  the  letter  were  even  greater  than  they  really  were.  The 
General  Court  met  on  the  25th  of  Auguft.  While  it  was 
ftill  in  feffion,  veffels  arrived  bringing  tidings  which  difpelled 
all  doubt,  and  confirmed  everything  material  that  Morton 
had  faid.  He  whom  the  magiftrates  had  fo  ignominioufly 
punifhed,  and  fo  contemptuoufly  driven  away,  was  evidently 
in  a  polition  to  know  what  thofe  in  authority  intended.  It 
began  to  be  evident  that  the  Maffachufetts  magiftrates  had 
undereftimated  an  opponent. 

A  full  copy  of  the  Order  in  Council  eftablifhing  the  board 
of  Lords  Commiffioners  of  Plantations,  was  now  received, 
and  the  colonifts  were  further  advifed,  through  their  private 
letters,  that  mips  were  being  furnifhed,  and  foldiers  gotten 
ready  for  embarkation  in  them.  It  was  given  out  that  thefe 
troops  and  veffels  were  intended  for  Virginia,  whither  a  new 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *I37> 

66  Thomas  Morton 

governor  was  about  to  be  fent ;  but  Winthrop  wrote  that 
in  Maffachufetts  the  preparation  was  "  fufpected  to  be 
againfl  us,  to  compel  us  by  force  to  receive  a  new  gov- 
ernor, and  the  difcipline  of  the  church  of  England,  and  the 
laws  of  the  commiffioners.1 " 

The  anfwer  which  beft  expreffed  the  fpirit  of  the  colony, 
in  reply  to  Laud's  threats,  was  now  found,  not  in  the  miffive 
which  Winflow  had  in  charge,  but  in  the  acl  of  Morton's 
old  oppreffor,  Endicott,  when  a  few  weeks  later  at  Salem  he 
cut  the  red  crofs  from  the  ftandard.  It  was  an  acl,  however, 
which  feemed  to  indicate  that  there  was  more  truth  than 
Winthrop  was  difpofed  to  admit  in  Gardiner  and  Morton's 
charge  that  "the  minifters  and  people  did  continually  rail 
againfl  the  ftate,  church  and  bifhops."2  Six  months  of  great 
alarm  and  flrenuous  preparation  now  enfued.  Steps  were 
taken  to  get  together  arms  and  ammunition,  and  defences 
were  ordered  at  Dorchefter  and  Charleftown,  as  well  as  at 
Caftle  Ifland.  The  magiftrates  were  even  empowered  to 
imprefs  laborers  for  the  work.  In  January  the  minifters  were 
fummoned  to  Bofhon,  and  the  queftion  formally  fubmitted  to 
them :  "  What  ought  we  to  do  if  a  general  governor  mould 
be  fent  out  of  England  ?  "  The  reply  was  that  "  we  ought 
not  to  accept  him,  but  defend  our  lawful  poffeffions  if  we  are 
able."  In  April  a  rumor  of  ftrange  veffels  hovering  off 
Cape  Ann  threw  the  whole  province  into  a  tumult.  It  was 
fuppofed  that  Governor-general  Gorges,  with  Morton  in  his 
train,  was  at  the  harbor's  mouth.  It  proved  to  be  a  falfe 
alarm,  and  after  that  the  excitement  feems  gradually  to  have 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *I43-  2  lb.,  vol  i.  p.  *io2. 

Of  Merry -Mount  67 

This  was  in  the  fpring  of  1635.  Meanwhile  Winflow  had 
reached  England  fometime  early  in  the  previous  autumn. 
Though  he  had  not  brought  the  charter  with  him,  its  pro- 
duction does  not  feem  to  have  been  again  immediately 
called  for.  He  probably  held  out  confident  affurances  that 
it  would  be  fent  over  in  the  next  veffel,  as  foon  as  the 
General  Court  met ;  but  it  is  alfo  probable  that,  in  view  of 
the  courfe  which  had  now  been  decided  upon,  an  examina- 
tion of  it  was  no  longer  deemed  neceffary.  The  enfuing 
fpring,  that  of  1635,  had  been  fixed  upon  by  Gorges  and 
Mafon  as  the  time  for  decifive  action.  The  charter  was 
then  to  be  vacated,  and  Gorges  was  to  go  out  to  New  Eng- 
land with  a  force  fufficient  to  compel  obedience.  All  this, 
however,  implied  confiderable  preparation.  Shipping  had 
to  be  provided  in  the  firft  place.  A  large  veffel  was  accord- 
ingly put  upon  the  flocks.  Rumor  faid,  alfo,  that  the  new 
governor-general  was  to  take  out  with  him  a  force  of  no  lefs 
than  one  thoufand  foldiers.1  Whether  this  was  true  or  not, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  all  through  the  winter  of 
1634-5  active  preparations  were  on  foot  in  England  in- 
tended againft  the  Maffachufetts  colony. 

Befides  watching  thefe  proceedings  Winflow  had  other 
bufinefs  in  London  which  required  his  appearance  before  the 
Lords  Commiffioners.  He  had  prefented  to  them  a  petition 
on  behalf  of  the  two  colonies  for  authority  to  refift  certain 
Dutch  and  French  encroachments.  This  proceeding  Win- 
throp  had  not  thought  well  advifed,2  as  he  very  fhrewdly 
argued  that  it  implied  an  abfence  of  authority  without  fuch 


1   Autobiography    of   Sir    Simonds        2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *I72. 
UEwes,  vol.  ii.  p.   118. 

68  Thomas  Morton 

fpecial  authorization,  and  might  thus  be  drawn  into  a  prece- 
dent. Window,  however,  had  none  the  lefs  fubmitted  the 
petition,  and  feveral  hearings  were  given  upon  it.  Fully 
advifed  as  to  everything  that  was  going  on  before  the  Lords 
Commiffioners,  Gorges  did  not  favor  this  move.  It  author- 
ized military  or  diplomatic  action,  the  conduct  of  which  by 
right  belonged  to  him  as  governor-general  of  the  region 
within  which  the  action  was  to  be  taken.  He  accordingly 
went  to  work  to  circumvent  Window.  What  enfued  throws 
a  great  deal  of  light  on  Morton's  {landing  at  the  time,  and 
the  ufe  that  was  made  of  him  ;  and  it  alfo  explains  the  fig- 
nificance  of  certain  things  in  the  New  Canaan. 

Laud,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  head  and  moving 
fpirit  of  the  Lords  Commiffioners.  His  word  was  final  in 
the  Board.  Upon  him  Gorges  depended  to  work  all  his  re- 
mits ;  which  included  not  only  his  own  appointment  as 
governor-general,  with  full  power  and  authority  as  fuch, 
but  alfo  the  neceffary  fupply  of  men  and  money  to  enable 
him  to  eftablidi  his  fupremacy.  To  fecure  thefe  ends  it  was 
neceffary  to  play  continually  on  the  Primate's  didike  of  the 
Puritans,  and  his  intenfe  zeal  in  behalf  of  all  Church  forms 
and  ceremonies,  including  the  ufe  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer.  The  whole  political  and  hidorical  dgnificance  of 
the  New  Canaan  lies  in  this  fact.  It  was  a  pamphlet  de- 
figned  to  work  a  given  effect  in  a  particular  quarter,  and 
came  very  near  being  productive  of  lading  refults.  Dedi- 
cated in  form  to  the  Lords  Commiffioners,  it  was  charged 
with  attacks  on  the  Separatifts,  and  datements  of  the  con- 
tempt diown  by  them  to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 
Finally  it  contained  one  chapter  on   the  church  practices 


Of  Merry-Mount  69 

in  New  England,  which  was  clearly  defigned  for  the  fpecial 
enlightenment  of  the  Archbifhop.1  In  this  chapter  it  is  fet 
down  as  the  firft  and  fundamental  tenet  of  the  New  Eng- 
land church  "  that  it  is  the  magistrate's  office  abfolutely,  and 
not  the  minifter's,  to  join  the  people  in  lawful  matrimony  ;" 
next,  that  to  make  ufe  of  a  ring  in  marriage  is  a  relic  of 
popery ;  and  then  again  "  that  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
is  an  idol ;  and  all  that  ufe  it  idolaters."  It  now  remains  to 
mow  how  cunningly,  when  it  came  to  queflions  of  ftate,  Laud 
was  worked  upon  by  thefe  Statements,  and  what  a  puppet  he 
became  in  the  hands  of  Gorges  and  Morton. 

Window's  fuit  had  profpered.  He  had  fubmitted  to  the 
Lords  Commiffioners  a  plan  for  accomplishing  the  end 
defired  without  any  charge  being  impofed  on  the  royal 
exchequer,  and  he  was  on  the  point  of  receiving,  as  he 
fuppofed,  a  favorable  decifion.  Suddenly  the  fecret  firings 
were  pulled.     Bradford  belt  tells  the  flory  of  what  enfued. 

"  When  Mr.  Window  fhould  have  had  his  fuit  granted,  (as  indeed  upon  the 
point  it  was,)  and  fhould  have  been  confirmed,  the  Archbifhop  put  a  ftop 
upon  it,  and  Mr.  Window,  thinking  to  get  it  freed,  went  to  the  Board  again. 
But  the  Bifhop,  Sir  Ferdinando  and  Captain  Mafon  had,  as  it  feems,  pro- 
cured Morton  to  complain.  To  whofe  complaints  Mr.  Window  made  anfwer 
to  the  good  fatisfaclion  of  the  Board,  who  checked  Morton,  and  rebuked  him 
fharply,  and  alfo  blamed  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Mafon  for  countenanc- 
ing him.  But  the  Bidiop  had  a  further  end  and  ufe  of  his  prefence,  for  he 
now  began  to  queftion  Mr.  Window  of  many  things,  as  of  teaching  in  the 
church  publicly,  of  which  Morton  accufed  him  and  gave  evidence  that  he 
had  feen  and  heard  him  do  it ;  to  which  Mr.  Window  anfwered  that  fome- 
times  (wanting  a  minifter)  he  did  exercife  his  gift  to  help  the  edification  of 
his  brethren,  when  they  wanted  better  means,  which  was  not  often.  Then 
about  marriage,  the  which  he  alfo  confeffed,  that,  having  been  called  to  place 


1  Infra,  pp.  *  172-9. 

70  Thomas  Morton 

of  magiftracy,  he  had  fometimes  married  fome.  And  further  told  their  lord- 
fhips  that  marriage  was  a  civil  thing,  and  he  found  nowhere  in  the  word  of 
God  that  it  was  tied  to  miniftry.  Again  they  were  neceffitated  fo  to  do, 
having  for  a  long  time  together  at  firft  no  minifter;  befides,  it  was  no  new 
thing,  for  he  had  been  fo  married  himfelf  in  Holland,  by  the  magiftrates  in 
their  Stadt-Houfe.  But  in  the  end,  to  be  fhort,  for  thefe  things  the  Bifhop,  by 
vehement  importunity,  got  the  Board  at  laft  to  confent  to  his  commitment. 
So  he  was  committed  to  the  Fleet,  and  lay  there  feventeen  weeks,  or  therea- 
bout, before  he  could  get  to  be  releafed.  And  this  was  the  end  of  this  peti- 
tion and  this  bufmefs  ;  only  the  others'  defign  was  alfo  fruftrated  hereby,  with 
other  things  concurring,  which  was  no  fmall  bleffmg  to  people  here."  * 

For  the  time  being,  however,  "  the  others'  defign,"  as  Brad- 
ford defcribes  Gorges's  fcheme,  fo  far  from  being  fruftrated, 
moved  on  moft  profperoufly.  All  the  friends  and  agents 
of  the  colony  were  now  driven  from  the  field.  Cradock, 
Saltonftall  and  Humfrey  had  departed  the  council-chamber 
with  "  a  pair  of  cold  moulders."  Window  was  a  prifoner. 
Morton  had  demonftrated  that  his  boaft  in  the  letter  to  Jef- 
freys, that  he  would  make  his  opponents  "  fing  clamavi  in 
the  Fleet,"  was  not  an  idle  one.  He  had  not  exaggerated 
his  power.  Gorges's  courfe  was  now  clear,  and  his  plan 
developed  rapidly.  At  a  meeting  of  thofe  ftill  members 
of  the  Council  for  New  England,  held  at  Lord  Gorges's 
houfe  on  the  3d  of  February,  1635,  the  next  flep  was  taken. 
The  redivifion  of  the  feacoaft  was  agreed  upon.  It  was 
now  divided  into  eight  parcels,  inftead  of  twenty  as  at  the 
original  abortive  divifion  of  1623;  and  thefe  parcels  were 
affigned  to  eight  feveral  perfons,  among  whom  were  the 
Duke  of  Lenox,  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  and  the  Earls  of 
Arundel,  Carlifle  and  Sterling.     Arundel  alone  of  thefe  was 


1  Bradford,  pp.  329-30. 

Of  Merry-Mount  7 1 

one  of  the  Lords  Commiffioners.  Gorges  received  Maine 
as  his  portion ;  and  Mafon  got  New  Hampfhire  and  Cape 
Ann.  Maffachufetts,  fouth  of  Salem,  was  affigned  to  Lord 

The  divifion  thus  agreed  on  was  to  take  effect  fimultane- 
oufly  with  the  formal  furrender  by  the  Council  of  its  great 
patent.  Ten  weeks  later,  on  the  18th  of  April,  at  another 
meeting  at  Lord  Gorges's  houfe,  a  paper  was  read  and  en- 
tered upon  the  records,  in  which  the  reafons  for  furrender- 
ing  the  patent  were  fet  forth.  At  a  fubfequent  meeting  on 
the  26th  a  petition  to  the  King  was  approved,  in  which  it 
was  prayed  that  feparate  patents  might  be  iffued  fecuring  to 
the  affociates  in  feveralty  the  domains  they  had  affigned  to 
each  other.  A  declaration  from  the  King  was  alfo  then 
read,  in  which  the  royal  intention  of  appointing  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  governor-general  of  New  England  was  for- 
mally announced.  Speaking  by  the  mouth  of  the  King,  the 
Primate  did  not  propofe  "  to  fuffer  fuch  numbers  of  people  to 
run  to  ruin,  and  to  religious  intents  to  languifh,  for  want  of 
timely  remedy  and  fovereign  affiftance."  Curioufly  enough, 
alfo,  this  typically  Laudian  fentiment  was  enunciated  at 
Whitehall  the  very  day,  the  26th  of  April,  1635,  upon  which, 
on  the  other  fide  of  the  Atlantic,  the  Marblehead  fifliermen 
had  brought  in  word  of  ftrange  veffels  hovering  myfte- 
rioufly  upon  the  coaft,  caufmg  the  Governor  and  affirmants 
to  hurry  to  Bofton  and  an  alarm  to  be  fpread  through  all 
the  towns.1 

Before  proceeding  to  eject  the  prefent  occupants  of  the 


1  Supra,  p.  66.     Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *i$7. 

72  Thomas  Morto7i 

New  England  foil,  or  to  force  them  to  fome  compromife  as 
an  alternative  thereto,  it  remained  for  the  grantees  of  the 
now  defunct  Council  to  perfect  their  new  titles.  Proceed- 
ings to  this  end  were  not  delayed.  The  divifion  had  been 
agreed  upon  on  the  3d  of  February,  and  on  the  26th  of 
April  the  new  patents  had  been  petitioned  for.  Ten  days 
later  Thomas  Morton  was  "  entertained  to  be  folicitor  for 
confirmation  of  the  faid  deeds  under  the  great  feal,  as  alfo 
to  profecute  fuit  at  law  for  the  repealing  of  the  patent  be- 
longing to  the  Maffachufetts  Company.  And  is  to  have  for 
fee  twenty  millings  a  term,  and  fuch  further  reward  as 
thofe  who  are  interefted  in  the  affairs  of  New  England  mall 
think  him  fit  to  deferve,  upon  the  judgment  given  in  the 
caufe."  A  month  later,  on  the  7th  of  June,  1635,  the  formal 
furrender  of  its  patent  by  the  Council  took  place.1 

Morton,  however,  was  not  deftined  to  land  at  Boflon  in 
the  train  of  Governor-general  Gorges.  The  effort  of  1634-5 
was  a  mere  repetition,  on  a  larger  and  more  impreffive  fcale, 
of  the  effort  of  1623.  The  latter  had  refulted  in  the  abor- 
tive Robert  Gorges  expedition,  and  the  former  now  fet  all 
the  courts  at  Weftminfter  in  folemn  action.  Neither  of 
them,  however,  came  to  anything.  They  both  failed,  alfo, 
from  the  fame  caufe,  —  want  of  money.  The  machinery  in 
each  cafe  was  impofmg,  and  there  was  a  great  deal  of  it. 
Seen  from  New  England  it  mufl  have  appeared  fimply  over- 
powering. The  King,  the  Primate,  the  Lords  Commiffion- 
ers,  the  Attorney  General,  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  the 
Great  Seal,  and  a  governor-general  reprefenting  the  Duke 


1  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  401  n.     Mem.  Hijl.  of  Bojlon,  vol.  i.  p.  341. 

Of  Merry-Mount  j$ 

of  Lenox,  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  and  the  Earls  of  Arundel, 
Carlifle  and  Sterling,  royal  proprietors,  were  all  at  work 
together  to  bring  about  the  deftruction  of  an  infant  colony. 
When,  however,  it  came  to  accomplishing  anything  in  a 
practical  way,  it  grew  apparent  by  degrees  that  behind  all 
this  tremendous  difplay  of  machinery  there  was  nothing  but 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  —  an  active-minded,  adventurous 
foldier,  {killed  in  Court  ways,  perfiftent  and  full  of  refource, 
but  with  fmall  means  of  his  own,  and  no  faculty  of  obtaining 
means  from  others.  When  it  became  therefore  a  qUeflion 
of  real  action,  calling  for  the  finews  of  war,  the  movement 
flopped  dead  in  1635,  juft  as  it  had  flopped  in  1623.  In 
1635  it  is  true,  Gorges  had  the  affiftance  of  Captain  John 
Mafon,  who  was  an  energetic  man  with  means  at  his  com- 
mand, and  it  was  through  him  that  a  fliip  was  to  be  pro- 
vided.1 The  building  of  this  fhip,  however,  without  doubt 
{trained  to  the  utmoft  the  refources  of  all  concerned;  and 
when,  in  launching,  it  fuffered  a  mifhap,  again  probably 
from  infufficient  means,  they  could  not  make  the  damage 
good.  The  royal  exchequer  was  then  as  empty  as  Gorges's 
own  purfe.  The  King  was  living  on  benevolences,  and  on 
fines  levied  upon  the  great  nobles  for  encroachments  on  the 
royal  forefts.  The  writs  to  collect  fhip-money  were  iffued 
in  this  very  year.  The  next  year  public  offices  were  fold. 
Under  thefe  circumftances  no  affiftance  could  for  the  pref- 
ent  be  looked  for  from  Charles  or  Laud.  As  for  the  noble 
affociates,  among  whom  the  New  England  coaft  had  juft 
been  parcelled  out,  while  perfectly  willing  to  accept  great 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *i6i,  *i87. 

74  Thomas  Morton 

domains  in  America,  they  would  venture  nothing  more  to 
take  actual  poffeffion  of  them  in  1635  than  they  had  ven- 
tured in  1623.  Nothing  at  all  was  to  be  obtained  from  that 
quarter.  Speaking  of  Gorges  and  Mafon,  and  the  failure 
of  their  plans  at  this  time,  Winthrop  wrote,  "  The  Lord 
fruftrated  their  dengn."  This  was  the  pious  way  of  putting 
it.  In  point  of  fact,  however,  the  real  fafety  of  Maffachu- 
fetts  now  depended  on  more  homely  and  every-day  consid- 
erations. Gorges  and  Mafon  could  not  raife  the  money  abfo- 
lutely  neceffary  to  carry  their  defign  out. 

Neverthelefs,  though  this  delay  was  difappointing,  there 
was  no  occahon  for  defpair.  Things  moved  flowly;  that 
was  all.  Gorges  reprefented  the  New  England  part  of  that 
royal  fyftem  which  was  to  ftand  or  fall  as  a  whole.  In  the 
fpring  and  fummer  of  1635  it  looked  very  much  as  if  it 
was  deftined  to  ftand.  There  was  then  no  thought  of  a 
parliament  at  Court,  or  expectation  of  one  among  the  pat- 
riots. The  crown  lawyers  were  hunting  up  precedents  which 
would  enable  the  King  to  levy  taxes  to  fuit  himfelf.  Went- 
worth  had  brought  Ireland  into  a  ftate  of  perfect  fubjection. 
Laud  was  fupreme  in  England.  The  profpects  for  "  Thor- 
ough "  were  never  fo  good.  If  "  Thorough  "  prevailed  in 
England  it  would  in  Maffachufetts.  There  could  be  no 
doubt  of  that.  Meanwhile,  though  lack  of  ready  means 
had  put  it  out  of  Gorges's  power  to  go  to  New  England  at 
once,  there  was  no  break  or  delay  in  legal  proceedings.  In 
June,  1635,  the  attorney-general  filed  in  the  King's  Bench  a 
writ  of  quo  wwranto  againft  the  Maffachufetts  Bay  Com- 
pany. This  was  the  work  which  Thomas  Morton  had  a 
month    before    been    "  entertained    to    profecute,"   and    the 


Of  Merry-Mount  75 

promptnefs  of  the  attorney-general  would  feem  to  indicate 
that  on  Morton's  part  at  leafl  there  was  no  failure  in  activ- 
ity. The  plan  was  to  fet  the  charter  afide,  not  becaufe  of 
any  abufe  of  the  powers  lawfully  conferred  in  it,  but  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  void  ab  initio.  Every  title  to  land 
held  under  it  would  thus  be  vitiated.  In  anfwer  to  the  fum- 
mons  fome  of  the  original  affociates  came  in  and  pleaded, 
while  others  made  default.  Cradock  made  default.  In  his 
cafe,  therefore,  judgment  was  given  at  the  Michaelmas,  or 
September  term,  1635,  and  the  charter  was  declared  void, 
all  the  franchifes  conveyed  in  it  being  refumed  by  the  King.1 
This  portion  of  the  legal  work  in  hand,  therefore,  that 
more  particularly  entrufted  to  Morton,  feems  to  have  been 
promptly  and  efficiently  done.  As  refpecls  the  patents  for 
the  domains  granted  under  the  laft  partition,  things  do  not 
feem  to  have  moved  fo  rapidly,  for  towards  the  clofe  of  No- 
vember a  meeting  of  the  affociates  of  the  now  diffolved 
Council  was  held  at  the  houfe  of  Lord  Sterling,  and  a  vote 
paffed  that  fteps  mould  be  taken  to  get  patents  to  the 
individual  patentees  paffed  the  feals  as  foon  as  poffible. 
Morton  was  in  fact,  reminded  of  his  duties. 

A  heavy  blow  was  however  impending  over  Gorges.     He 
himfelf  was  now  an  elderly  man,  verging  clofe  upon  feventy 
years.2      He  could  not  have  been  as  active  and  as  ener- 

1  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  403.  Mem.  Hijl.  was  among  the  prifoners  taken  by  Fair- 
of  Boflon,  vol.  i.  p.  343.  fax  when  he  ftormed  Briftol  in  Septem- 

2  In  January,  1640,  Richard  Vines  ber,  1645.  (ill.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol. 
wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop,  of  Sir  Fer-  iii.  p.  342.)  He  mull,  however,  have 
dinando,  that  he  was  then  "nere  80  then  been  a  very  old  man,  as  fifty-four 
yeares  ould."  (iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  years  before,  in  1591,  he  had  diftin- 
vii.  p.  342.)  This  can  hardly  be  cor-  guifhed  himfelf  at  the  fiege  of  Rouen, 
reel;,  however,  as  fubfequently  he  ferved  in  Effex's  Englifh  contingent.  (Deve- 
on  the  royal  fide  in  the  civil  wars,  and  reux's  Earls  of  Effex,  vol.  i.  p.  271). 

76  Thomas  Morton 

getic  as  he  once  had  been,  and  even  his  fanguine  difpo- 
fition  mufl  have  felt  the  ufual  depreffing  influence  of  hope 
long  deferred.  Mafon  had  of  late  been  the  mainftay  of 
his  enterprife.  Only  a  year  before,  that  refolute  man  had 
fent  out  a  large  expedition,  numbering  fome  feventy  men,  to 
Pifcataqua,  and  he  was  contemplating  extenfive  explorations 
towards  Lake  Champlain.  Morton  eulogized  him  as  a  "  very 
good  Commonwealth's  man,  a  true  fofter-father  and  lover  of 
virtue," x  and  Winthrop  referred  to  him  as  "  the  chief  mover 
in  all  the  attempts  againft  us."2  In  December,  1635,  Mafon 
died,3  and  not  improbably  it  was  the  anticipation  of  his  death 
which  led  to  that  meeting  of  the  Council  at  which  the  fpeedy 
iffuing  of  the  individual  patents  was  urged.  However  this 
may  be,  the  lofs  of  Mafon  feems  to  have  been  fatal  to  Gor- 
ges's  hopes ;  it  was  the  lopping  off  of  the  right  arm  of  his 
undertakings.  From  that  time  forward  there  was  obvioufly 
no  fource  from  which  he  could  hope  to  get  the  money 
neceffary  to  enable  him  to  effedt  anything,  except  the  royal 
treafury.  Of  this,  for  two  or  three  years  yet,  until  the 
Scotch  troubles  deftroyed  the  laft  chance  of  the  fuccefs  of 
the  (hip-money  fcheme,  there  feemed  a  very  good  profpecl:. 
Gorges,  however,  could  not  afford  to  wait.  His  remaining 
time  was  fhort.  Accordingly,  after  Mafon's  death,  little  is 
heard  of  him  or  of  the  Lords  Commiffioners. 

During  the  next  feven  years,  confequently,  the  traces  of 
Morton  are  few.      There  is  a  paffing  glimpfe  obtained  of 
him  in  March,  1636,  through  a  letter  from  Cradock  to  Win- 

1  Infra,  *98.  alfo  referred  to  in  the  fame  work,  vol. 

2  See  further  on  this  fubject,  Win-     ii.  p.  *I2. 

throp,  vol.  i.  pp.  *i6i,  *i87  ;  which  is         8  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  400. 

Of  Merry-Mount,  7  7 

throp,1  from  which  it  appears  he  was  then  in  London  and 
actively  fcheming  againft  the  Maffachufetts  Company.  He 
would  feem  at  this  time  to  have  been  in  the  pay  of  one 
George  Cleaves,  a  man  of  fome  importance  and  fubfe- 
quently  quite  prominent  in  the  early  hiftory  of  Maine. 
Cleaves  apparently  had  propofed  fome  fcheme  to  Cradock 
touching  the  Maffachufetts  Company,  and  Morton  came  to 
fee  him  about  it.  Thereupon  Cradock  fays,  "  I  having  no 
defire  to  fpeak  with  Morton  alone  put  him  off  a  turn  or 
two  on  the  exchange,  till  I  found  Mr.  Pierce,"  etc.  Fur- 
ther on  in  the  fame  letter  he  fpeaks  of  his  "  greyffe  and 
difdayne  "  at  the  abufe  heaped  on  the  Company,  and  of  the 
"  heavey  burdens,  there  lode  on  me  by  T.  M. ; "  and  adds, 
"  God  forgive  him  that  is  the  caufe  of  it." 

Early  in  1637,  and  in  confequence  probably  of  the  quo 
warranto  proceedings,  a  commiflion  of  fome  fort  would 
appear  to  have  been  granted  to  certain  perfons  in  New 
England  for  the  government  of  that  country.2  How  or  under 
what  circumflances  this  was  obtained  is  nowhere  told. 
There  is  a  myftery  about  it.  Gorges  afterwards  affured 
Winthrop  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it,3  and  only  a  copy  ever 
reached  America,  the  original,  Winthrop  fays,  being  "  ftaid 
at  the  feal  for  want  of  paying  the  fees."  He  further  fays 
that  Cleaves  procured  this  commiffion,  as  alfo  a  fort  of 
patent,  or,  as  he  calls  it,  "  a  protection  under  the  privy  fignet 
for  fearching  out  the  great  lake  of  Iracoyce."  From  all 
this  it  would  appear  that  the  whole  thing  was  fome  impotent 
and  inconfequential  move  on  the  part  of  Morton ;   for  not 


1  iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  127.         3  iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vii.  p.  330. 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *z^i. 

78  Thomas  Morton 

only  does  Winthrop  fay  that  the  document  was  "  ftaid  at  the 
feal,"  but  Cradock  wrote  that  the  matter  in  reference  to 
which  Morton  wanted  to  fee  him,  on  behalf  of  Cleaves,  re- 
lated to  paying  the  charge  "  in  taking  out  fomewhat  under 
the  feale."  Gorges  fpeaks  of  Morton  as  being  at  that  time 
Cleaves's  agent ;  and  in  the  New  Canaan,  which  either  had 
juft  been  published  or  was  then  in  the  prefs,  there  is  a 
glowing  account  of  the  "  great  lake  Erocoife,"  and  its  bound- 
lefs  wealth  of  beaver,1  to  which  apparently  the  imaginative 
author  had  directed  Cleaves's  attention  fufBciently  to  in- 
duce him  to  take  out  the  "  protection "  which  Winthrop 
alludes  to. 

The  year  1637  was  the  turning-period  in  the  fortunes  of 
King  Charles  and  of  Archbifhop  Laud,  and  confequently  of 
Gorges  and  Morton.  Up  to  that  time  everything  had  gone 
fufficiently  well,  if  not  in  Maffachufetts,  at  leaft  in  England, 
Ireland,  and  even  Scotland.  Now,  however,  the  fyftem  began 
to  break  down ;  giving  way  firft,  as  would  naturally  enough 
be  the  cafe,  at  its  weakeft  point.  This  was  in  Scotland,  where 
the  attempt  to  force  Epifcopacy  on  the  people  refulted 
in  the  famous  "  flony  Sabbath "  on  the  23d  of  July.  The 
New  Canaan  was  probably  going  through  the  prefs  during 
the  deceitful  period  of  profound  calm  which  preceded  that 
eventful  day.  Though  now  publifhed,  there  is  ftrong  inter- 
nal evidence  that  the  book  was  written  in  1634.  Not  only 
does  this  appear  from  the  extract  from  its  lalt  page  in  the 
letter  to  Jeffreys,  already  referred  to,2  but  in  another  place3 
there  is  reference   to  the  expedition  of  Henry  Joffelyn  for 


1  Infra,  *96-ioo.  8  Infra,  *98. 

2  Supra,  62,  n. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  79 

the  more  complete  difcovery  of  Lake  Champlain,  which  is 
mentioned  as  then  in  preparation.  Henry  Joffelyn  left 
England  about  the  time  Morton  was  writing  to  Jeffreys,  or 
a  little  earlier,  and  reached  Pifcataqua  in  June,  1634.1 
Mafon,  on  the  other  hand,  is  mentioned  as  then  living, 
and  as  having  fitted  out  the  expedition  of  Joffelyn.  Mafon, 
however,  it  has  already  been  feen,  died  in  December,  1635. 
Written  confequently  after  May,  1634,  the  New  Canaan,  it 
would  feem,  received  no  revifion  later  than  1635.  ^  repre- 
fented  Morton's  feelings  during  the  time  when  he  was  moft 
confident  of  an  early  and  triumphant  return  to  New  Eng- 
land. It  was  publifhed  juft  when  the  affairs  of  Charles  and 
Laud  were  at  their  full  flood,  and  before  the  tide  had  begun 
to  ebb. 

No  mention  is  found  of  the  New  Canaan  at  the  time  of 
its  publication.  It  is  not  known,  indeed,  that  a  fingle  copy 
was  fent  out  to  New  England.  Though  it  muft  have  caufed 
no  little  comment  and  fcandal  among  the  friends  and  cor- 
refpondents  of  the  colonifts,  there  is  no  allufion  to  it  in  their 
publifhed  letters  or  in  the  documents  of  the  time,  and  in  1644 
Winthrop  apparently  had  never  feen  it.  Bradford  energeti- 
cally refers  to  it  as  "  an  infamoufe  and  fcurillous  booke 
againft  many  godly  and  cheefe  men  of  the  cuntrie ;  full 
of  lyes  and  flanders,  and  fraight  with  profane  callumnies 
againft  their  names  and  perfons,  and  the  ways  of  God." 2  A 
copy  of  it  may,  therefore,  have  been  brought  over  to  Ply- 
mouth by  one  of  the  agents  of  the  colony,  and  there  paffed 
from  hand  to  hand.     It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  at 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *I37.  2  Bradford,  p.  254. 

So  Thomas  Morton 

the  time  it  attracted  any  general  or  confiderable  notice  in 
America ;  while  in  England,  of  courfe,  it  would  have  inter- 
ested only  a  fmall  clafs  of  perfons. 

There  is  one  fignificant  reference  which  would  feem  to 
indicate  that  the  publication  of  the  New  Canaan  was  not 
agreeable  to  Gorges.  However  much  he  might  attack  the 
charter  of  the  Maffachufetts  Company,  Sir  Ferdinando  al- 
ways iliowed  himfelf  anxious  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  leading  men  of  the  colony.  In  the  Brief e  Narration 
he  takes  pains  to  fpeak  of  "  the  patience  and  wifdom  of 
Mr.  Winthrop,  Mr.  Humphreys,  Mr.  Dudley,  and  others 
their  affiftants  ;  " *  and  with  Winthrop  he  was  in  correfpon- 
dence,  even  authorizing  him  and  others  to  act  for  him  in 
Maine.  He  deceived  no  one  by  this,  for  Winthrop  after- 
wards defcribed  him  as  "pretending  by  his  letters  and 
fpeeches  to  feek  our  welfare ;  " 2  but  he  evidently  had  always 
in  mind  that  he  was  to  go  out  fome  day  to  New  England 
as  a  eovernor-o^eneral,  and  that  it  would  not  do  for  him  to 
be  too  openly  hoftile  to  thofe  over  whom  he  propofed  to  rule. 
He  regarded  them  as  his  people.  When,  therefore,  he  had 
occafion  to  write  to  Winthrop  in  Auguft,  1637,  though  he 
made  no  reference  to  the  New  Canaan,  which  had  probably 
been  publifhed  early  in  the  year,  he  took  pains  to  fay  that 
Morton  was  "  wholely  cafheered  from  intermedlinge  with 
anie  our  affaires  hereafter."3 

It  is  however  open  to  queftion  whether,  in  making  this 
fhatement,  Gorges  was  not  praclifing  a  little  of  that  king- 
craft for  which  his  mafter,  James  I.,  had  been  fo  famous.    In 


1  in.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  81.  8  IV.   Mafs.   Hijl.   Coll.,  vol.  vii.   p. 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *I2.  331. 

Of  Merry-Mount  8 1 

1637  Morton  may  have  been  in  difgrace  with  him  ;  but  if 
fo  it  was  a  paffing  difgrace.  Four  years  later,  in  1641,  Sir 
Ferdinando,  as  "  Lord  of  the  Province  of  Maine,"  indulged 
his  paffion  for  feudal  regulation  by  granting  a  municipal 
charter  to  the  town  of  Acomenticus,  now  York.  A  formi- 
dable document  of  great  import,  this  momentous  ftate  paper 
was  figned  and  delivered  by  the  Lord  Paramount,  much  as 
an  Englifh  fovereign  might  have  granted  a  franchife  to  his 
faithful  city  of  London ;  and  accordingly  it  was  counter- 
figned  by  three  witneffes,  one  of  them  a  member  of  his  own 
family.  Firft  of  the  three  witneffes  to  fign  was  Thomas 
Morton.1     He  evidently  was   in  no  difgrace  then. 

With  the  exception  of  this  fignature  to  the  Acomenticus 
charter,  there  is  no  trace  to  be  found  of  Morton  between 
Auguft  1637,  when  Gorges  wrote  that  he  had  "  cafheered  " 
him,  and  the  fummer  of  1643,  when  he  reappeared  once 
more  at  Plymouth.  During  the  whole  of  that  time  things 
evidently  went  with  him,  as  they  did  with  Charles  and  Laud, 
from  bad  to  worfe.  Once  only  had  the  Lords  Commiffioners 
given  any  figns  of  life.  This  was  in  the  fpring  of  1638, 
when  on  the  4th  of  April  the  Board  met  at  Whitehall.  The 
record  of  the  meeting  ftates  that  petitions  and  complaints 
from  Maffachufetts,  for  want  of  a  fettled  and  orderly  govern- 
ment, were  growing  more  frequent.  This  is  very  poffible, 
for  the  Antinomian  Controverfy  was  then  at  its  height, 
and  indeed,  the  very  day  the  Lords  Commiffioners  met,  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  having  left  Bolton  in  obedience  to  Governor 
Winthrop's  mandate  a  week  before,  was  on  her  way  to  join 


1  Hazard,  vol.  i.  p.  474. 

82  Thomas  Morto7t 

her  hufband  and  friends  in  Rhode  Ifland.  Under  thefe  cir- 
cumftances,  calling  to  mind  the  futile  order  for  the  return  of 
the  charter,  fent  to  Winthrop  in  1634  through  Cradock,  and 
taking  official  notice  of  the  refult  of  the  quo  warranto  pro- 
ceedings, the  Board  refolved  upon  a  more  decided  tone. 
The  clerk  in  attendance  was  inftructed  to  fend  out  to  Maffa- 
chufetts  a  peremptory  demand  for  the  immediate  furrender 
of  the  charter.  It  was  to  be  fent  back  to  London  by  the 
return  voyage  of  the  veffel  which  carried  out  the  miffive  of 
the  Board ;  "  it  being  refolved,"  fo  that  miffive  ran,  "  that 
in  cafe  of  any  further  neglecl  or  contempt  by  them  fhewed 
therein,  their  Lordfhips  will  caufe  a  Uriel;  courfe  to  be 
taken  againfl  them,  and  will  move  his  Majefty  to  reaffume 
into  his   own  hands   the   whole  plantation." l 

If,  as  was  probably  the  cafe,  Morton  was  the  fecret  mover 
of  this  aclion,  it  proved  to  be  his  laft  effort.  It  was  com- 
pletely fruitlefs  alfo.  When  the  order  reached  Bofton,  fome- 
time  in  the  early  fummer  of  1638,  it  naturally  caufed  no 
little  alarm,  for  the  apprehenfion  of  a  general  governor 
had  not  yet  difappeared.  Indeed,  on  the  12th  of  April, 
"  a  general  faft  [had  been]  kept  through  all  the  churches,  by 
advice  from  the  Court,  for  feeking  the  Lord  to  prevent  evil 
that  we  feared  to  be  intended  againft  us  from  England  by  a 
general  governor."2  With  the  miffive  of  the  Lords  Com- 
miffioners,  however,  came  alfo  tidings  of  "  the  troubles  which 
arofe  in  Scotland  about  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  and 
the  canons  which  the  King  would  have  forced  upon  the 
Scotch  churches."  3     The  refult  was  that  in  Auguft,  inftead 


1  Hutchinfon's  State  Papers.,  p.  106.  3  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *266. 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *264- 

Of  Merry- Mount  83 

of  fending  out  the  charter,  Governor  Winthrop,  at  the  direc- 
tion of  the  General  Court,  wrote  "  to  excufe  our  not  fending 
of  it ;  for  it  was  refolved  to  be  beft  not  to  fend  it."  1 

Archbifhop  Laud  molefted  the  colony  no  further.  Doubt- 
lefs  Morton  yet  endeavored  more  than  once  to  ftir  him  up 
to  action,  and  the  next  year  he  received  from  New  England 
other  and  bitter  complaints  of  the  fame  character  as  thofe 
which  had  come  to  him  before.  This  time  it  was  the  Rev. 
George  Burdet  —  a  difreputable  clergyman,  fubfequently  a 
thorn  in  Gorges's  fide  as  now  in  that  of  Winthrop  —  who 
wrote  to  him.  The  haraffed  and  anxious  Primate  could, 
however,  only  reply  that  "  by  reafon  of  the  much  bufmefs 
now  lay  upon  them,  [the  Lords  Commiffioners]  could  not 
at  prefent  .  .  .  redrefs  fuch  diforders  as  he  had  informed 
them  of."2  Events  in  England  and  Scotland  were  then 
moving  on  rapidly  as  well  as  fteadily  to  their  outcome,  and 
Maffachufetts  was  bidden   to  take  care  of    itfelf. 

Nothing  more  is  heard  of  Morton  until  the  fummer  of 
1643.  The  Civil  War  was  then  dragging  along  in  its  earlier 
flages,  before  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  put  their  hands  to  it. 
It  was  the  fummer  during  which  Prince  Rupert  took  Brifhol 
and  the  flrft  battle  of  Newbury  was  fought,  —  the  fummer 
made  memorable  by  the  deaths  of  Hampden  and  Falkland. 
Gorges  had  identified  himfelf  with  the  Royalift  fide,  and  now 
Morton  feems  to  have  been  fairly  ftarved  out  of  England. 
When  or  how  he  came  to  Plymouth  we  do  not  know ;  but, 
on  the  nth  of  September,  Edward  Winilow,  whom  he  had 
eight  years  before  "  clapte  up  in  the  Fleete,"  3  thus  wrote  to 

Winthrop :  — 

"  Concerning 

1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *26g.  2  lb.,  p.  *298.  3  Bradford,  p.  375. 


Thomas  Morton 

"  Concerning  Morton,  our  Governor  gave  way  that  he  fhould  winter  here, 
but  begone  as  foon  as  winter  breaks  up.  Captain  Standifh  takes  great  offence 
thereat,  efpecially  that  he  is  fo  near  him  as  Duxbury,  and  goeth  fometimes  a 
fowling  in  his  ground.  He  cannot  procure  the  leaft  refpecl  amongft  our  peo- 
ple, liveth  meanly  at  four  fhillings  per  week,  and  content  to  drink  water,  fo 
he  may  diet  at  that  price.  But  admit  he  hath  a  protection,  yet  it  were  worth 
the  while  to  deal  with  him  till  we  fee  it.  The  truth  is  I  much  queftion  his 
pretended  employment ;  for  he  hath  here  only  fhowed  the  frame  of  a  Com- 
mon-weale  and  fome  old  fealed  commiffions,  but  no  infide  known.  As  for 
Mr.  Rigby  if  he  be  fo  honeft,  good  and  hopefull  an  inftrument  as  report 
paffeth  on  him,  he  hath  good  hap  to  light  on  two  of  the  arranteft  known 
knaves  that  ever  trod  on  New  Englifh  fhore  to  be  his  agents  eaft  and  weft, 
as  Cleaves  and  Morton  :  but  I  fhall  be  jealous  on  him  till  I  know  him  better, 
and  hope  others  will  take  heed  how  they  truft  him  who  invefteth  fuch  with 
power  who  have  devoted  themfelves  to  the  ruin  of  the  country,  as  Morton 
hath.  And  for  my  part,  (who  if  my  heart  deceive  me  not  can  pafs  by  all  the 
evil  inftrumentally  he  brought  on  me,)  would  not  have  this  ferpent  ftay 
amongft  us,  who  out  of  doubt  in  time  will  get  ftrength  to  him  if  he  be  fuffered, 
who  promifeth  large  portions  of  land  about  New  Haven,  Narraganfett,  &c, 
to  all  that  will  go  with  him,  but  hath  a  promife  but  of  one  perfon  who  is  old, 
weak  and  decrepid,  a  very  atheift  and  fit  companion  for  him.  But,  indeed, 
Morton  is  the  odium  of  our  people  at  prefent,  and  if  he  be  fuffered,  (for  we 
are  diverfely  minded,)  it  will  be  jufl  with  God,  who  hath  put  him  in  our  hands 
and  we  will  fofter  fuch  an  one,  that  afterward  we  fhall  fuffer  for  it."  1 

The  Rigby  referred  to  in  this  letter  was  Mr.  Alexander 
Rigby,  an  Englifh  gentleman  of  wealth  who,  befides  being 
a  ftrong  Puritan,  was  a  member  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
and  at  one  time  held  a  commiffion  as  colonel  in  the  army. 
Cleaves  was  the  George  Cleaves  already  mentioned  as  having 
come  out  in  1637,  with  a  protection  under  the  privy  fignet.2 
He  had  then  appeared  as   an  agent  of  Gorges,  but  fubfe- 


1  iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  175.  2  Supra,  p.  77. 

Of  Merry-Mount.  8  5 

quently  he  had  got  poffeffion  in  Maine  of  the  "  Plough  patent," 
fo  called,  under  which  the  title  to  a  large  part  of  the  prov- 
ince was  claimed  adverfely  to  Gorges.1  This  patent  Cleaves 
induced  Rigby  to  buy,  and  the  latter  was  now  endeavoring 
to  get  his  title  recognized,  and  ultimately  fucceeded  in  fo 
doing.     Cleaves,  as  well  as  Morton,  enjoyed  the  reputation 

of  being  "  a  firebrand  of  diffenfion,"2  and  the  two  had  long 
acted  together.  As  Gorges  had  joined  his  fortunes  to  the 
Royalift  fide,  Morton  clearly  had  nothing  to  gain  by  pretend- 
ing at  Plymouth  to  be  his  agent  or  under  his  protection. 
So  he  feems  to  have  tried  to  pafs  himfelf  off  as  a  Common- 
wealth's man,  commiffioned  by  Rigby  to  act  in  his  behalf. 
Window  was  probably  quite  right  in  fufpecting  that  this  was 
all  a  pretence.  Rigby's  claim  was  for  territory  in  Maine.  It 
is  not  known  that  he  ever  had  any  interefts  in  Rhode  Ifland 
or  Connecticut.  There  can,  in  fhort,  be  little  doubt  that 
Morton  was  now  nothing  more  than  a  poor,  broken-down, 
difreputable,  old  impoftor,  with  fome  empty  envelopes  and 
manufactured  credentials  in  his  pocket. 

At  Plymouth,  as  would  naturally  be  fuppofed,  Morton 
made  no  headway.  But  the  province  of  Maine  was  then  in 
an  uneafy,  troubled  condition,  and  there  was  reported  to  be 
a  firong  party  for  the  king  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cafco 
Bay.  Thither  accordingly  Morton  feems  to  have  gone  in 
June,  1644.3  His  movements  were  clofely  watched,  and  En- 
dicott  was  notified  that  he  would  go  by  fea  to  Gloucefter, 



1  See    Mr.    Deane's    note    on    the  riofities  of  Literature,  vol.  iii.  p.  488) 

"  Plough   patent,"   in   iv.   Mafs.   Hijl.  gives  a  fingular  anecdote  of  Rigby. 

Coll.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  88-96.    Alfo  the  note  2  iv.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  vii.  p.  343. 

on  Cleaves,  lb.  p.  363.     D'Ifraeli  (Cu-  3  iv.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  148. 

86  Thomas  Morton 

hoping  to  get  a  paffage  from  thence  to  the  eaftward.  A 
warrant  for  his  arreft  was  at  once  defpatched,  but  apparently 
he  eluded  it ;  nor  if  he  went  there,  which,  indeed,  is  doubt- 
ful, did  Morton  long  remain  in  Maine.  In  Auguft  he  was 
in  Rhode  Ifland,  and  on  the  5th  of  that  month  he  is  thus 
alluded  to  in  a  letter  from  Coddington  to  Winthrop :  — 

"  For  Morton  he  was  [infinuating]  who  was  for  the  King  at  his  firft  com- 
ing to  Portfmouth,  and  would  report  to  fuch  as  he  judged  to  be  of  his  mind 
he  was  glad  [to  meet  with]  fo  many  cavaliers ;  .  .  .  and  he  had  lands  to 
difpofe  of  to  his  followers  in  each  Province,  and  from  Cape  Ann  to  Cape  Cod 
was  one.  .  .  .  And  that  he  had  wrong  in  the  Bay  [to  the]  value  of  two  hun- 
dred pounds,  and  made  bitter  complaints  thereof.  But  Morton  would  let  it 
reft  till  the  Governor  came  over  to  right  him ;  and  did  intimate  he  knew 
whofe  roaft  his  fpits  and  jacks  turned." 1 

Profpering  in  Rhode  Ifland  no  more  than  at  Plymouth, 
Morton  is  next  heard  of  as  a  priibner  in  Bofton.  How  he 
came  within  the  clutches  of  the  Maffachufetts  magiflrates  is 
not  known  ;  his  neceffities  or  his  affurance  may  have  carried 
him  to  Bofton,  or  he  may  have  been  pounced  upon  by  Endi- 
cott's  officers  as  he  was  furtively  paffing  through  the  prov- 
ince. In  whatever  way  it  came  about,  he  was  in  cuftody  on 
the  9th  of  September,  juft  five  weeks  from  the  time  of  Cod- 
dington's  letter  to  Winthrop,  and  the  latter  then  made  the 
following  entry  in  his  Journal : 2  — 

"  At  the  court  of  affiftants  Thomas  Morton  was  called  forth  prefently  after 
the  lecture,  that  the  country  might  be  fatisfied  of  the  juftice  of  our  proceed- 
ing againft  him.  There  was  laid  to  his  charge  his  complaint  againft  us  at 
the  council  board,  which  he  denied.  Then  we  produced  the  copy  of  the  bill 
exhibited  by  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardiner,  etc.,  wherein  we  were  charged  with 
treafon,  rebellion,  etc.,  wherein  he  was  named  as  a  party  or  witnefs.     He 

1  Palfrey,  vol.  ii.  p.  147,  n.  2  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *i8q. 

Of  Merry- Mount.  Sy 

denied  that  he  had  any  hand  in  the  information,  only  was  called  as  a  witnefs. 
To  convince  him  to  be  the  principal  party,  it  was  mowed  :  i .  That  Gardiner 
had  no  occafion  to  complain  againft  us,  for  he  was  kindly  ufed  and  difmiffed 
in  peace,  profefTing  much  engagement  for  the  great  courtefy  he  found  here. 
2.  Morton  had  fet  forth  a  book  againft  us,  and  had  threatened  us,  and  had 
profecuted  a  quo  warranto  againft  us,  which  he  did  not  deny.  3.  His  letter 
was  produced,1  written  foon  after  to  Mr.  Jeffreys,  his  old  acquaintance  and 
intimate  friend." 

This  paffage  is  chara6teriftic  both  of  the  man  and  of  the 
time.  The  prifoner  now  arraigned  before  the  magiftrates 
had,  fourteen  years  before,  been  arrefted,  and  banifhed  ;  he 
had  been  fet  in  the  flocks,  all  his  property  had  been  confif- 
cated,  and  his  houfe  had  been  burned  down  before  his  eyes. 
He  had  been  fent  back  to  England,  under  a  warrant,  to  ftand 
his  trial  for  crimes  it  was  alleged  he  had  committed.  In 
England  he  had  been  releafed  from  imprifonment  in  due 
courfe  of  law.  Having  now  returned  to  Maffachufetts,  he 
was  brought  before  the  magiftrates,  "  that  the  country  might 
be  fatisfied  of  the  juftice  of  our  proceeding  againft  him." 
As  the  refult  of  this  proceeding,  which  broke  down  for  want 
of  proof,  the  alleged  offender  is  again  imprifoned,  heavily 
fined,  and  narrowly  efcapes  a  whipping.  Under  all  thefe 
circumftances,  it  becomes  interefting  to  inquire  what  the 
exact  offence  alleged  againft  him  was.  It  was  ftated  by  Win- 
throp.  He  had  made  a  "  complaint  againft  us  at  the  council 

"  The  council  board  "  thus  referred  to  was  the  royal  Privy 
Council.  It  reprefented  the  king,  the  fupreme  power  in 
the  itate,  the  fource  from  whence  the  charter  of  the  Maffachu- 

1  Supra,  61-3. 

88  Thomas  Morton 

fetts  Bay  Company  was  derived.  The  complaint,  therefore, 
charged  to  have  been  made,  was  made  to  the  common  fupe- 
rior,  and  it  alleged  the  abufe,  by  an  inferior,  of  certain  powers 
and  privileges  which  that  fuperior  had  granted.  It  would 
feem  to  have  been  no  eafy  taik  for  the  magiftrates  to  point 
out,  either  to  the  prifoner  or  to  the  country  it  was  propofed 
to  fatisfy,  any  prefcriptive  law,  much  lefs  any  penal  ftatute, 
which  made  a  criminal  offence  out  of  a  petition  to  the 
acknowledged  fupreme  power  in  the  ftate,  even  though  that 
petition  fet  forth  the  alleged  abufe  of  charter  privileges. 

But  it  is  not  probable  that  this  view  of  the  matter  ever 
even  fuggefted  itfelf  to  Winthrop  and  his  affociates.  It 
does  not  feem  even  to  have  been  urged  upon  them  by  the 
prifoner.  On  the  contrary  he  appears  to  have  accepted  the 
inevitable,  and  practically  admitted  that  a  complaint  to  the 
king  was  in  Maffachufetts,  as  Burdet  had  fome  years  before 
afferted,  "  accounted  a  perjury  and  treafon  in  our  general 
courts,"1  punifhable  at  the  difcretion  of  the  magiftrates. 
Morton,  therefore,  denied  having  made  the  complaint,  and 
the  magiftrates  were  unable  to  prove  it  againft  him.  The 
moit  fmgular  and  unaccountable  feature  in  the  proceedings 
is  that  the  New  Canaan  was  not  put  in  evidence.  Appar- 
ently there  was  no  copy  of  it  to  be  had.  Could  one  have 
been  produced,  it  is  fcarcely  poffible  that  the  avowed  author 
of  the  libellous  ftrictures  on  Endicott,  then  himfelf  governor, 
fhould  have  efcaped  condign  punifhment  of  fome  fort  from 
a  bench  of  Puritan  magiftrates.  But  Winthrop  merely  men- 
tions that  he  had  "  fet  forth  a  book  again!!  us,"  and  Mave- 

1  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  *298. 

Of  Merry -Mount.  89 

rick  fays  that  this  was  denied  and  could  not  be  proved.1  Had 
a  copy  of  the  New  Canaan  then  been  at  hand,  either  in 
Bofton  or  at  Plymouth,  a  glance  at  the  titlepage  would  have 
proved  who  "  fet  [it]  forth  "  beyond  poffibility  of  denial. 

The  only  entry  in  the  Maffachufetts  records  relating  to 
this  proceeding  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  For  anfwer  to  Thomas  Morton  petition,  the  magiftrates  have  called  him 
publicly,  and  have  laid  divers  things  to  his  charge,  which  he  denies ;  and 
therefore  they  think  fit  that  further  evidence  be  fent  for  into  England,  and 
that  Mr  Downing  may  have  inftructions  to  fearch  out  evidence  againft  him, 
and  he  to  lie  in  prifon  in  the  mean  time,  unlefs  he  find  fufficient  bail."  2 

This  entry  is  from  the  records  of  the  General  Court,  held 
in  November  1644.  Among  the  unpublifhed  documents  in 
the  Maffachufetts  archives  is  yet  another  petition  from  Mor- 
ton, bearing  no  date,  but,  from  the  endorfement  upon  it,  evi- 
dently fubmitted  to  the  General  Court  of  May,  1645,  fix 
months  later,  when  Dudley  was  governor.  This  petition  is  as 
follows :  — 

To  the  honored  Court  at  Bofton  affembled: 

The  humble  petition  of  Thomas  Morton,  prifoner. 

Your  petitioner  craveth  the  favour  of  this  honored  Court  to  caft  back 
your  eies  and  behould  what  your  poore  petitioner  hath  fuffered  in  thefe 

Firft,  the  petitioner's  houfe  was  burnt,  and  his  goodes  taken  away. 

Secondly,  his  body  clapt  into  Irons,  and  fent  home  in  a  defperat  fhip, 
unvittled,  as  if  he  had  been  a  man  worthy  of  death,  which  appeared  con- 
trary when  he  came  there. 

Now  the  petitioner  craves  this  further  that  you  would  be  pleafed  to  con- 
fider  what  is  laid  againft  him  :  (taking  it  for  granted  to  be  true)  which  is 
not  proved  :  whether  fuch  a  poore  worme  as  I  had  not  fome  caufe  to  crawle 
out  of  this  condition  above  mentioned.  Thirdlv 

1  N.  Y.  Hifl.  Soc.  Coll.,  1869,  p.  40.  2  Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  90. 

90  Thomas  Morton 

Thirdly,  the  petitioner  craves  this  favoure  of  you,  as  to  view  his  actions 
lately  towards  New  England,  whether  they  have  not  been  ferviceable  to 
fome  gentlemen  in  the  country ;  but  I  will  not  praife  my  felfe. 

Fourthly,  the  petitioner  coming  into  thefe  parts,  which  he  loveth,  on 
godly  gentlemen's  imployments,  and  your  worfhipps  having  a  former  jelofy 
of  him,  and  a  late  untrue  intelligence  of  him,  your  petitioner  has  been  im- 
prifoned  manie  Moneths  and  laid  in  Irons  to  the  decaying  of  his  Limbs ; 
Let  your  petitioner  finde  foe  much  favoure,  as  to  fee  that  you  can  paffe  by 
former  offence,  which  finding  the  petitioner  hopes  he  fhall  ftand  on  his 
watch  to  doe  you  fervice  as  God  fhall  enable  him. 

Upon  this  document,  certainly  humble  enough  in  tone, 
appear  the  following  endorfements :  — 

The  houfe  of  Deputies  defire  the  honored  magifbrates  to  return  them  a 
reafon,  wherefore  the  petitioner  came  not  to  his  triall  the  laft  quarter 
Courte  according  to  graunte  (as  they  conceave)  of  a  former  petition  pre- 
sented to  the  Courte  by  him. 


The  reafon  why  he  came  not  to  his  tryall  was  the  not  cominge  of  evi- 
dence out  of  England  againft  him  which  we  expect  by  the  next  fliip. 

THO:    DUDLEY    Gov 

The  houfe  of  Deputies  have  made  choyce  of  Major  Gibbons,  and  Captain 

Jennifon   to  treate  with  the  honored  magistrates  about   this  petition  of 



Singularly  enough  the  Major  Gibbons  to  whom  Morton's 
petition  was  thus  referred  had,  in  former  years,  been  one  of 
his  followers  at  Merry- Mount.  He  was  a  man  of  ability 
and  energy,  the  whole  of  whofe  lingular  career,  as  traced  in 
an  interefting  note  of  Palfrey's,  will  not  bear  a  too  clofe 
fcrutiny.1    At  the  time  of  Morton's  arreft  by  Miles  Standifh, 


1  Hift.   of  New  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  225. 

Of  Merry-Mount  9 1 

in  1629,  Gibbons  was  probably  one  of  thofe  belonging  to  the 
Merry-Mount  company  who  had  then  "gone  up  into  the  in- 
lands to  trade  with  the  favages."1  During  that  fummer  he 
experienced  religion  in  a  quite  unexpected  way,  and  now,  in 
1645,  while  his  old  mafter  was  rotting  in  the  Bofton  jail,  Gib- 
bons was  a  profperous  merchant,  a  deputy  to  the  General 
Court,  and  "chief  military  officer  of  the  train-band  of  the 
town."  Higher  military  honors  and  fevere  bufinefs  viciffi- 
tudes  were  in  ftore  for  him.  It  nowhere  appears  whether 
under  thefe  circumftances  Major  Gibbons  had  either  the 
will  or  the  ability  to  be  of  fervice  to  his  former  chief,  and 
Winthrop  is  the  only  authority  for  what  remains  of  Morton's 
ftory.     It  is  foon  told. 

"  Having  been  kept  in  prifon  about  a  year  in  expectation  of  further  evi- 
dence out  of  England,  he  was  again  called  before  the  court,  and  after  fome 
debate  what  to  do  with  him,  he  was  fined  ioo  pounds,  and  fet  at  liberty. 
He  was  a  charge  to  the  country,  for  he  had  nothing,  and  we  thought  not 
fit  to  inflict  corporal  punifhment  upon  him,  being  old  and  crazy,  but  thought 
better  to  fine  him  and  give  him  his  liberty,  as  if  it  had  been  to  procure  his 
fine,  but  indeed  to  leave  him  opportunity  to  go  out  of  the  jurifdiction,  as 
he  did  foon  after,  and  he  went  to  Acomenticus,  and  living  there  poor  and 
defpifed,  he  died  within  two  years  after."  2 

Morton  himfelf  afferted  that  the  harfh  treatment  he 
underwent  in  prifon,  while  waiting  for  that  evidence  from 
England  which  was  to  convict  him  of  fome  crime,  broke 
down  his  health  and  haftened  his  end.  If  he  was  indeed, 
as  Maverick  fubfequently  ftated,3  kept  in  jail  and,  as  he 
himfelf  fays,   in    irons,   through    an    entire    New   England 


1  Infra,  *I38.  8  New  York  Hijl.  Soc.  Coll.,  1869,  p.  40. 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *\yi. 

92  Thomas  Morton 

winter,  on  the  prifon  fare  of  thofe  days,  and  without  either 
fire  or  bedding,  this  feems  wholly  probable. 

There  was  about  Thomas  Morton  nothing-  that  was 
remarkable.  On  the  contrary  he  was  one  of  a  clafs  of  men 
common  enough  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and  the  Stuarts 
to  have  found  their  way  into  the  literature  of  the  period,  as 
well  as  into  that  more  modern  romance  which  undertakes  to 
deal  with  it.  It  is  the  Alfatian  Squire  and  Wildrake  type. 
Morton  chanced  to  get  out  of  place.  He  was  a  vulgar  Roy- 
alift  libertine,  thrown  by  accident  into  the  midft  of  a  Puritan 
community.  He  was  unable  or  unwilling  to  accept  the 
fituation,  or  to  take  himfelf  off;  and  hence  followed  his 
misfortunes  and  his  notoriety.  Had  he  in  1625,  or  even  in 
1629,  gone  to  Virginia  or  to  New  York,  he  would  have  lived 
in  quiet  and  probably  died  in  poverty,  leaving  nothing 
behind  to  indicate  that  he  had  ever  been.  As  it  is,  he 
will  receive  a  mention  in  every  hiftory  of  America. 

More  recently  alfo  certain  inveftigators,  who  have  ap- 
proached the  fubje6t  from  a  Church  of  England  point  of 
view,  have  fhown  fome  difpofition  to  adopt  Morton's  caufe 
as  their  own,  and  to  attribute  his  perfecution,  not  to  his 
immoral  life  or  illicit  trade,  but  to  his  devotion  to  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer.1  It  is  another  article  in  the  long  im- 
peachment of  the  founders  of  New  England,  and  it  has 
even  been  alleged  that  "  it  ftill  remains  for  Maffachufetts  to 
do  juftice  to  Morton,  who  had  his  faults,  though  he  was  not 


1  "  It  is  undeniable  that  Morton  be-     Book."  (Mag.  of  Amer.  Hijl.,  vol.  viii. 
came  an  object  of  averfion  largely  for     p.  83.) 
the   reafon    that   he    ufed   the    Prayer 

Of  Merry-Mount.  93 

the  man  his  enemies,  and  notably  Bradford,  declared  him 
to  be."  l 

The  New  Englifli  Canaan  is  the  beft  and  only  conclufive 
evidence  on  this  point.  In  its  pages  Morton  very  clearly 
fhows  what  he  was,  and  the  nature  of  "  his  faults."  He 
was  a  born  Bohemian,  and  as  he  paffed  on  in  life  he  became 
an  extremely  recklefs  but  highly  amufing  old  debauchee  and 
tippler.  When  he  was  writing  his  book,  Archbifhop  Laud 
was  the  head  of  the  board  of  Lords  Commiffioners.  On 
the  action  of  that  board  depended  all  the  author's  hopes. 
In  view  of  this  fact,  there  are,  in  the  New  Canaan,  few  more 
delightful  or  characleriftic  paffages  than  that  in  which,  de- 
fcribing  his  arreft  by  Standifh,  Morton  announces  that  it  was 
"  becaufe  mine  hofh  was  a  man  that  endeavored  to  advance 
the  dignity  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  which  they,  on  the 
contrary  part,  would  labor  to  vilify  with  uncivil  terms ;  envy- 
ing againft  the  facred  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  mine 
hoft  that  ufed  it  in  a  laudable  manner  amongft  his  family 
as  a  practice  of  piety."  2 

The  part  he  was  endeavoring  to  play  when  he  wrote  this 
paffage  was  one  not  very  congenial  to  him,  and  he  makes  an 
awkward  piece  of  work  of  it.  The,  fudden  tone  of  fancti- 
mony  which  he  infufes  into  the  words  quoted,  hardly  covers 
up  the  leer  and  gufto  with  which  he  had  juft  been  defcribing 
the  drunkennefs  and  debauchery  of  Merry-Mount,  —  how 
"  the  good  liquor  "  had  flowed  to  all  comers,  while  "  the  laffes 


1  White's  Memoirs  of  the  Protejlant        2  Infra,  *I38.      See,   alfo,  *50,  332, 
Epifcopal  Church,  p.  xxii.  n.     See  alfo     note  2. 
Oliver's    Puritan    Commonwealth,   pp. 

94  Thomas  Morton 

in  beaver-coats  "  had  been  welcome  "  night  and  day  ;  "  how 
"  he  that  played  Proteus,  with  the  help  of  Priapus,  put  their 
nofes  out  of  joint;  "  and  how  that  "  barren  doe  "  became  fruit- 
ful, who  is  myfterioufly  alluded  to  as  a  "  goodly  creature  of 
incontinency  "  who  had  "  tried  a  camp  royal  in  other  parts." 
Though,  from  the  point  of  view  before  alluded  to,  it  has  been 
afferted  that  the  Maffachufetts  magiftrates  "  invented  .  .  .  in- 
finuations  refpecling  [Morton's]  treatment  of  [the  Indian] 
women,  whom,  in  reality,  he  had  fought  to  inftrucT:  in  the 
principles  of  religion,"1 — though  this  and  other  fimilar 
affertions  have  been  made  with  apparent  gravity,  yet  it  is 
impoffible  to  read  the  third  book  of  the  Neiv  Canaan,  fatu- 
rated  as  it  is  with  drunkennefs,  ribaldry  and  fcofflng,  with- 
out coming  to  the  conclufion  that  Don  Quixote,  Rabelais 
and  the  Decameron  are  far  more  likely  to  have  been  in  re- 
queft  at  Merry-Mount  than  the  Bible  or  the  Book  of  Common 

Not  that  the  New  Canaan  is  in  itfelf  an  obfcene  or  even 
a  coarfe  book.  On  the  contrary,  judged  by  the  ftandard  of 
its  time,  it  is  Angularly  the  reverfe.  Indeed  it  is  almoft 
wholly  free  from  either  word  or  allufion  which  would  offend 
the  tafte  of  the  prefent  day.  Yet  the  writer  of  the  New 
Canaan  was  none  the  lefs  a  fcoffer,  a  man  of  undevout 
mind.  As  to  the  allegation  that  his  devotion  to  the  Church 
of  England  and  its  ritual  was  the  caufe  of  his  arreft  by  the 
Plymouth  authorities,  the  anfwer  is  obvious  and  decifive. 
Blackftone  was  an  Epifcopalian,  and  a  devout  one,  retaining 
even  in  his  wildernefs  home  the  canonical  coat  which  told  of 


1  Mag.  of  A  met '.  Hijl.,  vol.  viii.  p.  89. 

Of  Merry- Mount.  95 

his  calling.1  Maverick  and  Walford  were  Epifcopalians ; 
they  lived  and  died  fuch.  The  fettlers  at  Weffaguffet  were 
Epifcopalians.  In  the  dwellings  of  all  thefe  the  religious 
fervices  of  the  times,  cuftomary  among  Epifcopalians,  were 
doubtlefs  obferved,  for  they  were  all  religious  men.  Yet  not 
one  of  them  was  ever  in  any  way  molefted  by  the  Plymouth 
people ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  one  and  all  received  aid 
and  encouragement  from  Plymouth.  Epifcopalians  as  they 
were,  they  all  joined  in  dealing  with  Morton  as  a  common 
enemy  and  a  public  danger ;  and  fuch  he  unqueftionably 
was.  It  was  not,  then,  becaufe  he  made  ufe  of  the  Common 
Prayer  that  he  was  firft  driven  from  the  Maffachufetts  Bay ; 
it  was  becaufe  he  was  a  nuifance  and  a  fource  of  danger. 
That  fubfequently,  and  by  the  Maffachufetts  authorities,  he 
was  dealt  with  in  a  way  at  once  high-handed  and  oppreffive, 
has  been  fufflciently  fhown  in  thefe  pages.  Yet  it  is  by  no 
means  clear  that,  under  fimilar  circumftances,  he  would  not 
have  been  far  more  feverely  and  fummarily  dealt  with  at  a 
later  period,  when  the  dangers  of  a  frontier  life  had  brought 
into  ufe  an  unwritten  code,  which  evinced  even  a  lefs  regard 
for  life  than,  in  Morton's  cafe,  the  Puritans  evinced  for 

As  a  literary  performance  the  New  Canaan,  it  is  unnecef- 


1  Wonder-Working  Providence,^.  30.  any  great  offence.     His  fun,  his  fongs 

2  "  Such  a  rake  as  Morton,  fuch  an  and  his  revels  were  provoking  enough, 
addle-headed  fellow  as  he  reprefents  no  doubt.  But  his  commerce  with  the 
himfelf  to  be,  could  not  be  cordial  with  Indians  in  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
the  firft  people  from  Leyden,  or  with  his  inftruclions  to  thofe  favages  in  the 
thofe  who  came  over  with  the  patent,  ufe  of  them,  were  ferious  and  danger- 
from  London  or  the  Weft  of  England,  ous  offences,  which  ftruck  at  the  lives 
I  can  hardly  conceive  that  his  being  a  of  the  new-comers,  and  threatened  the 
Churchman,  or  reading  his  prayers  from  utter  extirpation  of  all  the  plantations." 
a  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  could  be  {Notes  of  John  Adams,  1802.) 

96  Thomas  Morton 

fary  to  fay,  has  furvived  through  no  merits  of  its  own.  While 
it  is,  on  the  whole,  a  better  written  book  than  the  Wonder- 
Working  Providence,  it  is  not  fo  well  written  as  Wood's 
Profpecl ;  and  it  cannot  compare  with  what  we  have  from  the 
pens  of  Smith  or  Gorges,  —  much  lefs  from  thofe  of  Wrinf- 
low,  Winthrop  and,  above  all,  Bradford.  Indeed,  it  is 
amazing  how  a  man  who  knew  as  much  as  Morton  knew  of 
events  and  places  now  full  of  interefl,  could  have  fat  down 
to  write  about  them  at  all,  and  then,  after  writing  fo  much, 
have  told  fo  little.  Rarely  ftating  anything  quite  correctly, 
—  the  moft  carelefs  and  flipfhod  of  authors,  —  he  took  a 
pofitive  pleafure  in  concealing  what  he  meant  to  fay  under 
a  cloud  of  metaphor.  Accordingly,  when  printed,  the  New 
Canaan  fell  ftill-born  from  the  prefs,  the  only  contemporane- 
ous trace  of  it  which  can  be  found  in  Englifli  literature 
being  Butler's  often  quoted  paffage  in  Hudibras,  in  which 
the  Weffaguffet  hanging  is  alluded  to.1  It  is  even  open  to 
queflion  whether  this  reference  was  due  to  Butler's  having 
read  the  book.  The  paffage  referred  to  is  in  the  fecond 
part  of  Hudibras,  which  was  not  publifhed  until  1664, 
twenty-feven  years  after  the  publication  of  the  New  Canaan. 
It  is  perfectly  poffible  that  Butler  may  have  known  Morton ; 
for  in  1637  the  future  author  of  Hudibras  was  already 
twenty-five  years  old,  and  Morton  lingered  about  London 
for  fix  or  feven  years  after  that.  There  are  indications  that 
he  knew  Ben  Jonfon  ; 2  and,  indeed,  it  is  fcarcely  poffible  that 
with  his  fenfe  of  humor  and  convivial  taftes  Morton  mould 
not  often  have  met  the  poets  and  playwrights  of  the  day  at 


1  Infra,  249-52,  and  note.  2  Infra,  290,  note. 

Of  Merry-Mount  97 

the  Mermaid.  If  he  and  the  author  of  Hudibras  ever  did 
chance  to  meet,  they  muft  have  proved  congenial  fpirits,  for 
there  is  much  that  is  Hudibraftic  in  the  New  Canaan.  Not 
impoflibly,  therefore,  the  idea  of  a  vicarious  New  England 
hanging  dwelt  for  years  in  the  brain  of  Butler,  not  as  the 
reminifcence  of  a  paffage  he  had  read  in  fome  forgotten 
book,  but  as  a  vague  recollection  of  an  amufing  flory  which 
he  had  once  heard  Morton  tell. 

It  is,  indeed,  the  author's  fenfe  of  humor,  jufl  alluded  to, 
which  gives  to  the  New  Canaan  its  only  real  diftinclion 
among  the  early  works  relating  to  New  England.  In  this 
refpecl  it  ftands  by  itfelf.  In  all  the  reft  of  thofe  works,  one 
often  meets  with  paffages  of  fimplicity,  of  pathos  and  of 
great  defcriptive  power,  —  never  with  anything  which  was 
both  meant  to  raife  a  fmile,  and  does  it.  The  writers  feemed 
to  have  no  fenfe  of  humor,  no  perception  of  the  ludicrous. 
Bradford,  for  inftance,  as  a  paffage  "  rather  of  mirth  than 
of  weight,"  defcribes  how  he  put  a  flop  to  the  Chriftmas 
games  at  Plymouth  in  162 1.  There  is  a  grim  folemnity  in 
his  very  chuckle.  Winthrop  gives  a  long  account  of  the 
penance  of  Captain  John  Underhill,  as  he  flood  upon  a  ftool 
in  the  church,  "  without  a  band,  in  a  foul  linen  cap  pulled 
clofe  to  his  eyes,"  and  "  blubbering,"  confeffed  his  adultery 
with  the  cooper's  wife.1  Yet  he  evidently  recorded  it  with 
unbroken  gravity.  Then,  in  1644,  he  mentions  that  "  two  of 
our  minifters'  fons,  being  ftudents  in  the  college,  robbed  two 
dvvelling-houfes,  in  the  night,  of  fome  15  pounds.  Being 
found  out,  they  were  ordered  by  the  governors  of  the  col- 


1  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *I4- 

98  Morton  of  Merry-Mount 

lege  to  be  there  whipped,  which  was  performed  by  the 
prefident  himfelf — yet  they  were  about  twenty  years  of 
age."  l  If  Morton  had  recorded  this  incident,  he  could  not 
have  helped  feeing  a  ludicrous  fide  to  it,  and  he  would  have 
expreffed  it  in  fome  humorous,  or  at  leaft  in  fome  grotefque 
way.  Winthrop  faw  the  ferious  fide  of  everything,  and  the 
ferious  fide  only.  In  this  he  was  like  all  the  reft.  Such 
folemnity,  fuch  everlafting  confcioufnefs  of  refponfibility  to 
God  and  man,  is  grand  and  perhaps  impreffive ;  but  it 
grows  wearifome.  It  is  pleafant  to  have  it  broken  at  laft, 
even  though  that  which  breaks  it  is  in  fome  repects  not 
to  be  commended.  A  touch  of  ribaldry  becomes  bearable. 
Among  what  are  called  Americana,  therefore,  the  New 
Canaan  is  and  will  always  remain  a  refrefhing  book.  It  is 
a  connecting  link.  Poor  as  it  may  be,  it  is  yet  all  we  have 
to  remind  us  that  in  literature,  alfo,  Bradford  and  Winthrop 
and  Cotton  were  Englifhmen  of  the  time  of  Shakefpeare  and 
Jonfon  and  Butler. 

1  Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.  *i66. 

It  remains  only  to  fpeak  of  the  bibliography  of  the  New 
Canaan,  which  at  one  time  excited  fome  difcuffion,  and  of 
the  prefent  edition.  Written  before  the  clofe  of  1635,  the 
New  Canaan  was  printed  at  Amfterdam  in  1637.  It  has 
been  reprinted  but  once,  —  by  Force,  in  the  fecond  volume  of 
his  American  Trails.  The  prefent  is,  therefore,  the  fecond 
reprint,  and  the  firft  annotated  edition.  For  a  number  of 
years  it  was  fuppofed  that  copies  of  the  book  were  in  ex- 
igence with  an  alternative  titlepage,  bearing  the  imprint  of 
Charles  Greene,  and  the  date  of  1632.1  This  fuppofition 
was,  however,  very  carefully  examined  into  by  Mr.  Winfor 
in  the  Harvard  University  Library  Bulletins  (Nos.  9  and  10, 
1878-9,  pp.  196,  244),  and  found  to  be  partially,  at  leaf!:, 
groundlefs.  It  was  due  to  the  fact,  that  Force  made  his 
reprint  from  a  copy  of  the  book  in  his  collection,  now  in  the 
Library  of  Congrefs.  That  copy  lacked  a  portion  or  the 
whole  of  the  titlepage ;  and  the  miffing  parts  feem  to  have 
been  fupplied,  without  mention  of  the  fact  being  made,  from 
the  entry  of  the  book  under  1632  in  White  Kennet's  Biblio- 
thecce  Americans  Primordia.  Apparently  the  error  origi- 
nated in  the  following  way.  The  New  Canaan  was  en- 
tered for  copyright  in  the  Stationers'  Regiflers  in  London, 
November  18,  1633,  m  behalf  of  Charles  Greene,  the  prin- 
ter. There  is  no  reafon  to  fuppofe  that  it  was  then  com- 

1  See  Deane's  note  to  Bradford,  p.  254. 

ioo  Thomas  Morton 

pleted,  as  it  may  have  been  entered  by  its  title  alone.  If  it 
was,  however,  completed  in  part  in  1633,  the  internal  evi- 
dence is  conclufive  that  it  was  both  revifed1  and  added  to2 
as  late  as  1634;  and,  indeed,  the  Board  of  Lords  Commit 
fioners  for  regulating  Plantations,  to  which  it  is  formally 
dedicated,  was  not  created  until  April  10th  of  that  year. 
Greene  did  not  print  the  book;  though,  as  will  prefently 
be  feen,  a  certain  number  of  copies  may  poffibly  have  been 
ftruck  off  for  him  with  titlepages  of  their  own.  The  entry 
in  the  Stationers'  Regifters  was,  however,  afterwards  dis- 
covered, and  feems  then  to  have  fupplied  by  inference  the 
date  of  publication,  which  could  not  be  learned  from  cer- 
tain copies,  the  titlepages  to  which  were  defective  or  want- 
ing. The  dates  given  in  Lowndes's  Manual  would  feem  to 
be  (imply  incorrect:.3  Meanwhile,  for  reafons  probably  of 
economy,  though  notice  of  publication  had  been  given  in 
London,  the  book  was  actually  printed  in  Holland,  and  the 
regular  titlepage  reads :  "  Printed  at  Amfterdam  by  Jacob 
Frederick  Stam,  in  the  year  1637."  There  are  copies,  how- 
ever, the  titlepages  of  which  read :  "  Printed  for  Charles 
Greene,  and  are  fold  in  Pauls  Churchyard,"  no  date  being 
given.4  It  is  not  known  that  thefe  copies  differ  in  any  other 
refpect  from  thofe  bearing  the  ufual  imprint.  The  conclu- 
fion,  therefore,  would  feem  to  be  that,  as  already  flated,  a 
number  of  copies  may  have  been  ftruck  off  for  Greene 
with  a  diftinct  titlepage.     Properly  fpeaking,  however,  there 


1  Harvard  Univ.  Library  Bulletin,        4  Mr.    DeCofta  fays   that  the   title- 
No.  10,  p.  244.  page  of  the  copy  in  the  Library  of  the 

2  Supra,  pp.  78-9.  Society    for    the    Propagation    of    the 
8  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hift.,  vol.  viii.  p.     Gofpel   reads   in    this    way.      Mag.   of 

94,  n.  Amer.  Hifl.,  vol.  viii.  p.  94,  n.  4. 

Of  Merry-Mou7/it.  i  o  i 

feems  to  have  been  but  one  edition  of  the  book.  With  the 
exception  of  the  Force  titlepage,  which  has  been  fliown 
to  be  erroneous,  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  copy  being 
in  exiftence  bearing  an  earlier  date  than  the  ufual  one  of 
Amfterdam,   1637. 

Copies  of  the  New  Canaan  are  extremely  rare.  Savage, 
in  his  notes  to  Winthrop  (vol.  i.  p.  #34),  faid  that  he  had 
then,  before  1825,  never  heard  of  but  one  copy,  "which  was 
owned  by  his  Excellency  John  Q.  Adams."  It  is  from  that 
copy  that  the  prefent  edition  is  printed.  Mr.  Adams  pur- 
chafed  it  while  in  Europe  prior  to  the  year  1801.  It  was 
that  copy  alfo  which  was  temporarily  depofited  in  the  Bofton 
Athenaeum  in  18 10,  as  mentioned  in  the  Monthly  Anthology 
of  that  date  (vol.  viii.  p.  420),  referred  to  in  the  Hai-vard 
Univerjity  Library  Bulletin,  (No.  9,  p.  196).  The  Rev. 
George  Whitney,  in  his  Hi/lory  of Quincy  written  in  1826, 
fays  (p.  11)  that  another  "copy  was  lately  prefented  to  the 
Adams  Library  of  the  town  of  Quincy  by  the  Rev.  Thaddeus 
Mafon  Harris."  *  In  addition  to  thele,  fome  dozen  or  twenty 
other  copies  in  all  are  known  to  exiffc  in  various  public  and 
private  collections  in  America  and  Europe,  feveral  of  which 
are  enumerated  in  the  Library  Bulletin  juft  referred  to. 

Very  many  of  the  errors  both  in  typography  and  punctua- 
tion, with  which  the  New  Canaan  abounds,  are  obvioufly  due 
to  the  fact  that  it  was  printed  in  Amfterdam.  The  original 
manufcript  it  would  feem  was  no  more  legible  than  the  manu- 


1  This  copy  was  in  the  Adams   Li-  other  volumes  and  almoft  innumerable 

brary  for  many  years,  and  until  within  a  autographs,  which  formerly  lent  a  pecu- 

<mite  recent  period.   It  cannot,  however,  liar  value  to  the  John  Adams  Collection, 

now  (1882)  be  found.  It  would  appear  to  given  by  him  in   1822  to  the  town  of 

have  been  ftolen,   together  with  many  Quincy. 

102  Thomas  Morton 

fcript  of  that  period,  as  it  has  come  down  to  us,  is  ufually 
found  to  be.  At  beft  it  was  not  eafy  to  decipher.  The 
copy  of  the  New  Canaan  was  then  put  in  the  hands  of  a 
compofitor  imperfectly,  if  at  all,  acquainted  with  Englifh; 
and,  if  the  proof-fheets  were  ever  corrected  by  any  one,  they 
certainly  were  not  corrected  by  the  author  or  by  a  proof- 
reader really  familiar  with  his  writing,  or  even  with  the 
tongue  in  which  he  wrote.  Accordingly  pen  flourifhes  were 
miftaken  for  punctuation  marks,  and  thefe  were  inferted 
without  any  regard  to  the  context ;  familiar  words  appeared 
in  unintelligible  fhapes;1  fmall  letters  were  miftaken  for  cap- 
itals, and  capitals  for  fmall  letters,  and  one  letter  was  con- 
founded with  another.  In  addition  to  thefe  numerous  mif- 
takes  in  deciphering  and  following  the  manufcript,  ordinary 
typographical  errors  are  not  uncommon ;  though  in  this 
refpect  the  New  Canaan  is  lefs  marked  by  blemifhes  than 
under  the  circumftances  would  naturally  be  fuppofed. 

Neither  is  this  explanation  of  the  curioufly  bad  prefs- 
work  of  the  New  Canaan  a  mere  conjecture.  One  other 
compofition  of  Morton's  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  letter 
to  Jeffreys,  preferved  by  Winthrop.2  Let  any  one  compare 
this  letter  with  a  chapter  from  the  New  Canaan,  and  he  will 
fee  at  once  that,  while  both  are  manifeftly  productions  from 
the  fame  pen,  they  have  been  preferved  under  wholly  differ- 
ent circumftances.  Take,  for  inftance,  the  following  identi- 
cal paffages,  —  the  one  from  the  New  Canaan  and  the  other 
from  the  letter  to  Jeffreys,  and  they  will  fufficiently  illuftrate 

this  point. 


1  "  Mint  and  cumin"  uniformly  appears  as  "muit  and  cummin;"  humming- 
bird" as  "  hunning-bird."  2  Ante,  pp.  61-3. 

Of  Merry-Mount. 



Savage's Winthrop,  vol.  ii.  p.*  190. 

So  that  now  Jonas  being  fet  afhore 
may  fafely  cry,  repent  you  cruel  fep- 
aratifts,  repent,  there  are  as  yet  but 
forty  days.  If  Jove  vouchfafe  to 
thunder,  the  charter  and  kingdom  of 
the  feparatifts  will  fall  afunder.  Re- 
pent you  cruel  fchifmatics,  repent. 


Book  hi.     Chapter  31. 

And  now  mine  Hoft  being  merrily 
difpofed,  haveing  paft  many  perillous 
adventures  in  that  defperat  Whales 
belly,  beganne  in  a  pofture  like  Ionas, 
and  cryed  Repent  you  cruell  Seperat- 
ifts  repent,  there  are  as  yet  but  40. 
dayes  if  love  vouchfafe  to  thunder, 
Charter  and  the  Kingdome  of  the 
Seperatifts  will  fall  a  hinder  :  Repent 
you  cruell  Schifmaticks  repent. 

The  letter  to  Jeffreys  is  curioufly  chara&eriitic  of  Morton. 
It  is  written  in  the  fame  inflated,  metaphorical,  enigmatic 
ftyle  as  the  New  Canaan.  It  is,  however,  perfectly  intelligi- 
ble and  even  energetic.  The  reafon  is  obvious.  It  was  cor- 
rectly  copied  by  a  man  who  underftood  what  the  writer  was 
faying.  Accordingly  it  is  as  clear  as  Winthrop's  own  text. 
The  New  Canaan  would  have  been  equally  clear  had  it  been 
deciphered  at  the  compofitor's  form  by  a  man  with  Win- 
throp's familiarity  with  Englifh. 

There  is  fome  reafon  to  think  that  the  fancy  for  exact 
reproduction  in  typography  has  of  late  years  been  carried  to 
an  extreme.  Not  only  have  peculiarities  of  fpelling,  capital- 
ization and  type,  which  were  really  characteriftic  of  the  paft, 
been  carefully  followed,  but  abbreviations  and  figures  have 
been  reproduced  in  type,  which  formerly  were  confined  to 
manufcripts,  and  are  certainly  never  found  in  the  better 
printed  books  of  the  fame  period.     It  is  certainly  defirable  in 


104  Thomas  Morton 

reprinting  quaint  works,  which  it  is  not  fuppofed  will  ever 
pals  into  the  hands  of  general  readers,  to  have  them  appear 
in  the  drefs  of  the  time  to  which  they  belong.  Indeed  they 
cannot  be  modernized  in  fpelling,  the  ufe  of  capitals,  or 
even,  altogether,  in  punctuation,  without  lofing  fomething 
of  their  flavor.  Yet,  this  notwithstanding,  there  is  no  good 
reafon  why  grofs  and  manifeft  blunders,  due  to  the  igno- 
rance of  compofitors  and  the  careleffnefs  of  proof-readers, 
mould  be  jealoully  perpetuated  as  if  they  were  facred  things. 
This  affuredly  is  carrying  the  fpirit  of  faithful  reproduction 
to  fanaticifm.     It  is  Chinefe. 

The  rule  followed,  therefore,  in  the  prefent  edition  has 
been  to  reproduce  the  New  Canaan  as  it  appeared  in  the 
Amfterdam  edition  of  1637,  correcting  only  the  punctuation, 
and  fuch  errors  of  the  prefs  as  are  manifeft  and  unmiftaka- 
ble.  Very  few  changes  have  been  made  in  the  ufe  of  capi- 
tals, and  thofe  only  where  it  is  obvious  that  a  letter  of  one 
kind  in  the  copy  was  miftaken  by  the  compofitor  for  a  letter 
of  another  kind.  An  example  of  this  is  found  at  the  top  of 
page  *I4,  where  "  Captaine  Davis'  fate,"  in  the  author's 
manufcript,  is  made  to  appear  as  "  Captain  Davis  Fate,"  in 
the  original  text.  The  compofitor  evidently  miftook  the 
fmaliyj  written  with  the  old-fafhioned  flourifh,  for  an  initial 
capital.  The  fpelling  has  in  no  cafe  been  changed  except 
where  the  error,  as  in  the  cafe  already  cited  of  "  muit  "  for 
"  mint,"  is  manifeftly  due  to  printers'  blunders.  Miftakes  of 
the  prefs,  fuch  as  "  legg  "  for  "  logg  "  (p.  *jj)  and  "  vies  "  for 
"eies  "  (p.  %i 52),  have  been  made  right  wherever  they  could 
be  certainly  detected. 

No  conjectural  readings  whatever  have  been  inferted  in 


Of  Merry- Mount  i  o  5 

the  text.  The  few  paffages,  not  more  than  four  or  five  in 
number,  in  which,  owing  probably  to  the  failure  of  the  com- 
pofitor  to  decipher  manufcript,  the  meaning  of  the  original 
is  not  clear,  are  reproduced  exactly.  No  liberties  whatever 
have  been  taken  with  the  original  edition  in  thefe  cafes,  and 
all  gueffes  which  are  indulged  in  as  to  the  author's  mean- 
ing, whether  by  the  editor  or  others,  are  confined  to  the 
notes.  In  a  few  places  the  text  is  obvioufly  deficient. 
Words  neceffary  to  the  meaning  are  omitted  in  printing. 
Wherever  thefe  have  been  conjecturally  inferted,  the  inferted 
words  are  in  brackets.  In  a  very  few  cafes,  words,  which 
could  clearly  have  found  their  way  into  the  original  only 
through  inadvertence,  have  been  omitted.  Attention  is 
called  in  the  notes  to  every  fuch  omiffion. 

The  effort  in  the  prefent  edition  has,  in  fhort,  been  to 
make  it  a  reproduction  of  the  New  Canaan ;  but  the  repro- 
duction was  to  be  an  intelligent,  and  not  a  fervile  one. 


NEW    C  A  N  A  A  N. 

Containing  an  Abftra£t  of  New  England, 

Compofed  in  three  Bookes. 

The  firft  Booke  fetting  forth  the  originall  of  the  Natives,  their 

Manners  and  Cuftomes,  together  with  their  traceable  Nature  and 

Love  towards  the  Englifh. 

The  fecond  Booke  fetting  forth  thenaturall  Indowments  of  the 

Country  ,  and  what  ftaple    Commodities  it 


The  third  Booke  fetting  forth ,  what  people  are  planted  there, 

their  profperity  ,  what  remarkable  accidents  have  happened  fince  the  firft 

planting  of  it,  together  with  their  Tenents  and  praclife 

of  their  Church. 

Written  by  Thomas  Morton  of  Cliffords  Innegent,  upon  tenne 

yeares  knowledge  and  experiment  of  the 


Printed  at  AMSTERDAM, 
By    JACOB    FREDERICK     S  T A  M. 

In  the  Yeare   1637. 


To   the    right    honorable,    the    Lords    and 

others  of  his  Majefties  molt  honorable  privy  Coun- 
cell,  Commiffioners,  for  the  Government  of  all  his 
Majefties  forraigne  Provinces.1 

Right  honorable, 

He  zeale  which  I  beare  to  the  advauncement  of 
the  glory  of  God,  the  honor  of  his  Majefty,  and 
the  good  of  the  weale  publike  hath  incouraged 
mee  to  compofe  this  abftract,  being  the  modell 
of  a  Rich,  hopefull  and  very  beautifull  Country 
worthy  the  Title  of  Natures  Mafterpeece,  and  may  be  loft 
by  too  much  fufferance.  It  is  but  a  widowes  mite,  yet 
#  all  that  wrong  and  rapine  hath  left  mee  to  bring  #4 
from  thence,  where  I  have  indevoured  my  beft,  bound 
by  my  allegeance,  to  doe  his  Majefty  fervice.  This  in  all  hu- 
mility I  prefent  as  an  offering,  wherewith  I  proftrate  my  felfe 
at  your  honorable  footftoole.  If  you  pleafe  to  vouchfafe  it 
may  receave  a  blefhng  from  the  Lufter  of  your  gracious 
Beames,  you  fhall  make  your  vaffaile  happy,  in  that  hee  yet 
doth  live  to  fhew  how  ready  hee  is,  and  alwayes  hath  bin,  to 
facrifice  his  deareft  blood,  as  becometh  a  loyall  fubjedt,  for 
the  honor  of  his  native  Country.     Being 

your  honors  humble  vaffaile 

Thomas    Morton. 

1  In  regard  to  the  Board  of  Lords  bard   (pp.  264-8)  and  in  Bradford  (pp. 

Commiffioners  of  1634,  fee  supra,  57-  456-8),  together  with  notes  by  Harris 

60.     The  royal  letter  patent  in  the  orig-  in  his  edition  of  the   former,   and   by 

inal  Latin  is  in  Hazard,  vol.  i.,  pp.  344-  Deane  in  the  latter. 
7.    There  are  translations  of  it  in  Hub- 


The  Epiftle  to  the  Reader. 


Prefent  to  the  publike  view  an  abftract  of  New 
England,  which  I  have  undertaken  to  compofe 
by  the  incouragment  of  fuch  genious  fpirits  as 
have  been  ftudious  of  the  inlargment  of  his 
Majefties  Territories ;  being  not  formerly  fatif- 
fied  by  the  relations  of  fuch  as,  through  hafle,  have  taken 
but  a  fuperficiall  furvey  thereof :  which  thing  time  hath  ena- 
bled mee  to  performe  more  punctually  to  the  life,  and  to 
give  a  more  exact  accompt  of  what  hath  been  required.  I 
have  therefore  beene  willing  to  doe  my  indevoure  to  com- 
municat  the  knowledge  which  I  have  gained  and  collected 
together,  by  mine  owne  obfervation  in  the  time  of  my  many 
yeares  refidence  in  thofe  parts,  to  my  loving  Country  men  : 
For  the  better  information  of  all  fuch  as  are  defirous  to  be 
made  partakers  of  the  bleffmgs  of  God  in  that  fertile 
*  8  Soyle,  as  well  as  thofe  *  that,  out  of  Curiofity  onely,  have 
bin  inquifitive  after  nouelties.  And  the  rather  for  that  I 
have  obferved  how  divers  perfons  (not  fo  well  affected  to  the 
weale  publike  in  mine  opinion),  out  of  refpect  to  their  owne 
private  ends,  have  laboured  to  keepe  both  the  practife  of  the 
people  there,  and  the  Reall  worth  of  that  eminent  Country 
concealed  from  publike  knowledge;  both  which  I  have 
abundantly  in  this  difcourfe  layd  open  :  yet  if  it  be  well 
accepted,  I  (hall  efteeme  my  felfe  fufficiently  rewardded  for 
my  undertaking,  and  reft, 

Your    WellwiJJier. 

Thomas    M  o  r  t  o  n . 
1 10 

In  laudem  Authoris. 

Excufe  the  Author  ere  the  worke  be  fhewne 

Is  accufation  in  it  felfe  alone ; 

And  to  commend  him  might  feeme  overfight ; 

So  divers  are  th'  opinions  of  this  age, 

So  quick  and  apt,  to  taxe  the  moderne  ftage, 
That  hard  his  tafke  is  that  muft  pleafe  in  all : 
Example  have  wee  from  great  Caefars  fall. 
But  is  the  fonne  to  be  diflik'd  and  blam'd, 
Becaufe  the  mole  is  of  his  face  afham'd  ? 
The  fault  is  in  the  beaft,  not  in  the  fonne ; 
Give  ficke  mouthes  fweete  meates,  fy !   they  relifh  none. 
But  to  the  found  in  cenfure,  he  commends 
His  love  unto  his  Country  ;    his  true  ends, 
To  modell  out  a  Land  of  fo  much  worth 
As  untill  now  noe  traveller  fetteth 1  forth ; 
Faire  Canaans  fecond  felfe,  fecond  to  none, 
Natures  rich  Magazine  till  now  unknowne. 
Then  here  furvay  what  nature  hath  in  ftore, 
And  graunt  him  love  for  this.     He  craves  no  more. 

R.  O.  Gen. 

1  [feth.]  Wherever  in  this  edition  an  corrected,  the  mifprinted  word,  as  it 
apparently  obvious  mifprint  in  the  text  appears  in  the  original,  is  printed  be- 
of  1637  has  been,  as  in  the  prefent  cafe,     tween  brackets  as  a  foot-note. 

II  I 

Sir  Chriftoffer  Gardiner,   Knight.1 

In  laudem  Authoris. 

His  worke  a  matchles  mirror  is,  that  fliewes 
The  Humors  of  the  fcperatijle,  and  thofe 
So  truely  perfonated  by  thy  pen. 
I  was  amazd  to  feet ;  herein  all  men 
May  plainely  fee,  as  in  an  inter -lude, 
Each  actor  figure  ;  and  the  fcczne  well  view'd 
hi  Cornicle*  Tragic k,  and  in  a pafiorallflrife? 
For  tyth  of  mint x  and  Cummin,  fJiewes  tJieir  life 
Nothing  but  oppofltion  gainfl  the  right 
Of  f acred  Majeflie :  men  full  of  fpighl, 
Goodnes  abufeing,  turni7ig  vertue  out 
Of  D  ores,  to  whipping,  flocking,  and  fell  bent 
To  plotting  mifcheife  gainfl  the  innocent, 
Burning  their  houfes,  as  if  ordained  by  fate, 
Infpight  of  Lawe,  to  be  made  ruinate. 
This  tafke  is  well  perform  d,  and  patience  be 
Thy  prefent  comfort,  and  thy  conflancy 
Thine  honor ;  and  this  glafje,  where  it  fJiall  coine, 
Shall ' fiing  thy  praifes  till  the  day  of  doo7ne. 

Sir  C.  G. 

1  In  regard  to  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardi-  8  [Jlife.~] 
ner,  fee  infra,  *l82-4  and  note.                           i  [mutt.] 

2  \Connick.~\    Szcfiipra,  m,  note  i. 


In  laudem  Authoris. 

Vt  that  I  rather  pitty,  I  confeffe, 
The  praclife  of  their  Church,  I  could  expreffe 
Myfclfe  a  Satyrifl,  whofe  f mar  ting  fangcs 
Should Jlrike  it  with  a  palfy,  and  the  panges 
Beget  a  feare  to  tempt  the  Majejly 
Of  thofc,  or  mortall  Gods.      Will  they  defie 
The  Thundring  Jove  ?     Like  children  they  defire, 
Such  is  their  zeale,  to  f port  themf elves  with  fire  : 
So  have  I feene  an  angry  Fly  prefume 
Toflrike  a  burning  taper,  and  confume 
His  feeble  wings.      Why,  in  an  airefo  milde, 
Are  they  fo  mo7ifirous  growne  up,  andfo  vilde, 
That  Salvages  can  of  themf  elves  efpy 
Their  errors,  brand  their  names  with  infamy  ? 
What!  is  their  zeale  for  blood  like  Cyrus  thirfl  ? 
Will  they  be  over  head  and  eares  a  curfl  ? 
A  cruel  I  way  to  found  a  Church  on!  noe, 
T'is  not  their  zeale  but  fury  blinds  them  foe, 
And  pricks  their  malice  on  like  fier  to  joyne, 
And  offer  up  the  facrifice  of  Kain. 
Jonas,  thou  hafl  done  zuell  to  call  thefe  men 
Home  to  repentance,  with  thy  paincfull pen. 

F.  C.  Armiger. 





The  Atithors  Prologue. 

<> ' 

jF  art  and  induftry  fliould  doe  as  much 
As  Nature  hath  for  Canaan,  not  fuch 
Another  place,  for  benefit  and  reft, 
In  all  the  univerfe  can  be  poffeft. 
The  more  we  proove  it  by  difcovery, 
The  more  delight  each  objecl:  to  the  eye 
Procures ;  as  if  the  elements  had  here 
Bin  reconcil'd,  and  pleaf'd  it  fliould  appeare 
Like  a  faire  virgin,  longing  to  be  fped 
And  meete  her  lover  in  a  Nuptiall  bed, 
Deck'd  in  rich  ornaments  t'  advaunce  her  ftate 
And  excellence,  being  moft  fortunate 
When  moft  enjoy'd  :    fo  would  our  Canaan  be 
If  well  imploy'd  by  art  and  induftry ; 
Whofe  offspring  now,  fhewes  that  her  fruitfull  wombe, 
Not  being  enjoy'd,  is  like  a  glorious  tombe, 
Admired  things  producing  which  there  dye, 
And  ly  faft  bound  in  darck  obfcurity : 
The  worth  of  which,  in  each  particuler, 
Who  lift  to  know,  this  abftracl  will  declare. 






The  firfl  Booke. 

Containing  the  originall  of  the  Natives,  their 
manners  &  Cuftomes,  with  their  tractable 
nature   and   love  towards  the   Englifh. 

Chap.     I . 

Prooving  New  England  the  principall  part  of  all  America, 
and  mojl  commodious  and  fitt  for  habitation. 

He  wife  Creator  of  the  univerfall  Globe 
hath  placed  a  golden  meane  betwixt  two  ex- 
treames  ;  I  meane  the  temperate  Zones,  betwixt 
the  hote  and  cold;  and  every  Creature,  that 
participates  of  Heavens  bleffings  with  in 
the  Compaffe  of  that  golden  meane,  is  made  moft  *  apt  *  12 
and  fit  for  man  to  ufe,  who  likewife  by  that  wifedome  is 
ordained  to  be  the  Lord  of  all.  This  globe  maybe  his  glaffe, 
to  teach  him  how  to  ufe  moderation  and  difcretion,  both  in 


1 1 6  New  Rngli/Ii  Canaan. 

his  actions  and  intentions.  The  wife  man  fayes,  give  mee 
neither  riches  nor  poverty ;  why  ?  Riches  might  make  him 
proud  like  Nebuchadnezar,  and  poverty  defpaire  like  lobs 
wife ;  but  a  meane  betweene  both.  So  it  is  likewife  in  the 
v/eofvegeta-  ufe  of  Vegetatives,  that  which  hath  too  much  Heate  or  too 


much  Colde,  is  faid  to  be  venenum :  fo  in  the  ufe  of  fenfi- 
tives,  all  thofe  Animals,  of  what  genus  or  fpecies  foever  they 
be,  if  they  participate  of  heate  or  cold  in  the  fuperlative  are 
faid  to  be  Inimica  natures,  as  in  fome  Fifhes  about  the  I  fie 
of  Sail,  and  thofe  Ilandes  adjoyninge  between  the  Tropickes  ; 
their  participatinge  of  heate  and  cold,  in  the  fuperlative,  is 
Fijh poy/onous  made  moft  manifeft,  one  of  which  poyfoned  a  whole  Ships 
I/ sal/.  '  company  that  eate  of  it.1  And  fo  it  is  in  Vipers,  Toades,  and 
Snakes,  that  have  heate  or  cold  in  the  fuperlative  degree. 

Therefore  the  Creatures  that  participate  of  heate  and  cold 
in  a  meane,  are  beft  and  holfomeft :  And  fo  it  is  in  the  choyfe 
of  love,  the  middell  Zone  betweene  the  two  extreames  is  beft, 
and   it   is  therefore   called  Zona  temperata,  and  is    in   the 
Zona  tempera-  golden  meane ;  and  all  thofe  landes  lying  under  that  Zone, 
melne.  Golden  moft  requifite  and  fitt  for  habitation.     In  Cofmography,  the 
two  extreames  are  called,  the  one  Torrida  Zona,  lying  be- 

1  The  Ifle  of  Sail  appears  on  the  map  fifhes  of  the  waters  about  the  ifland  of 

in  the  Geography  of  Peter  Heylyn,  Lon-  Cuba.     The  difeafe  produced  by  eating 

don,    1674,  as  one  of  the  Cape  Verde  poifonous  fifli  is  called  ciguatera,  and  the 

Iflands.      It  is  called  in  the  text  Infula  fifh  itfelf  is  faid  to  be  ciguato.     All  that 

Salis,  and  on  other  old  maps  Ifle  of  Sal,  is  definitely  known    about    the   matter 

or  Ilha  do  Sal.     There  are  fome  ten  ifl-  feems  to  be  that  quite  a  large  number 

ands  in  the  group.     Profeffor  J.  D.  Whit-  of  fpecies  of  fifh  in  that  region  are  be- 

ney  writes  that  feveral  iflands  are  known  lieved  to  be  liable  to  fome  difeafe,  the 

by  the  name  of  Sail,  and  that  the  one  re-  nature  and  courfe  of  which  is  unknown  ; 

ferred  to  by  Morton  is  probably  that  off  and  that  thofe  who  eat  the  fifh  thus  dif- 

the  north  fliore  of  Cuba.    "A  good  deal  eafed   are   themfelves  liable  to  be    at- 

has  been  written   about  the  poifonous  tacked  by  the  malady  called  ciguatera." 

New  EnglifJi  Canaan.  1 1 7 

tweene  the  Tropickes,  the  other  Frigida  Zona,  lying  neare 
the  poles  :   all  the  landes  lying  under  either  of  thefe 
Zones,  by  reafon  they  doe   participate   too  *  much  of    *  13 
heate  or  cold,  are  very  inconvenient,  and  are  accompa- 
nied with  many  evils.     And  allthough  I  am  not  of  opinion 
with   Ariftotle,1  that    the    landes    under   Torrida  Zona    are 
altogether  uninhabited,  I   my  felfe  having  beene  fo  neare 
the  equinoctiall  line  that  I  have  had  the  Sunn  for  my  Zenith 
and  feene  proofe  to  the  contrary,  yet  cannot  I  deny  but  that 
it  is  accompanied  with  many  inconveniences,  as  that   Fifh 
and  Flefh  both  will  taint   in  thofe   partes,  notwithftanding 
the  ufe  of  Salt  which  cannot  be  wanting  there,  ordained  by    Salt  abound- 
natures  hande-worke ;  And  that  is  a  great  hinderance  to  the  etTrop"cks'. 
fettinge  forth  and  fupply  of  navigation,  the  very  Sinewes  of 
a    florifhing    Commonwealth.       Then    barrenneffe,    caufed 
through  want  of  raines,  for  in  mofl  of  thofe  partes  of  the 
world  it  is  feldome  accuftomed  to  raine  untill  the  time  of  the 
Tornathees  (as  the  Portingals 2  phrafe  is,  who  lived  there)  and 
then  it  will  raine  about  40.  dayes  together,  which  moifture      Raine  40. 
ferveth  to  fructify  the  earth  for  all  the  yeare  after,  duringe  ^"between] 
which  time  is  feene  no  raine  at  all :  the  heate  and  cold,  and  c£££randthe 
length  of  day  and  night,  being  much  alike,  with  little  differ- 
ence.    And  thefe  raines  are  caufed  by  the  turning  of  the 
windes,  which  elfe  betweene  the  Tropickes  doe  blow  Trade, 


1  Morton  here  apparently  refers  at  to  as  having  been  vifited  by  him,  were 
fecond  hand  to  Ariftotle's  refume  6i  the  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Weftern  and 
ancient  belief  of  five  zones,  two  only  of  Cape  Verde  Iflands.  In  his  time  the 
which  were  habitable.  Meteorologica,  word  tornado  had  probably  not  been 
B.  II.  ch.  v.  §  11.  adopted  into  the  Englifh  language,  and 

2  From  this  paffage  it  would  appear  in  writing  it  Morton  gives  to  the  letter 
that  the  Ifle  of  Sail  and  the  tropical  wa-  d  the  peculiar  Weftern  Ifland  or  Portu- 
ters,  which  Morton  in  this  chapter  refers  guefe  pronunciation. 

1 1 8  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

that  is  allwayes  one  way.  For  next  the  Tropicke  of  Cancer 
it  is  conftantly  North-Eaft,  and  next  the  Tropicke  of  Capri- 
corne  it  is  Southwell ;  fo  that  the  windes  comming  from  the 
Poles,  do  keepe  the  aire  in  thofe  partes  coole,  and  make  it 
temperate  and  the  partes  habitable,  were  it  not  for  thofe  and 

other  inconveniences. 
*I4         *  This  Torrida  Zona  is  good  for  Grafhoppers  :  and 

Zona  Temperata  for  the  Ant  and  Bee.     But  Frigida 
Zona  [is]  good  for  neither,  as  by  lamentable  experience  of 
Capt.  Davis  Captaine  Davis  fate   is  manifeft,  who  in  his   inqueft  of   the 
Northweft  paffage  for  the  Eaft  India   trade  was    frozen  to 
death.1    And  therefore,  for  Frigida  Zona,  I  agree  with  Arif- 
totle  that  it  is  unfit  for  habitation  : 2    and   I   know   by  the 
GroeneLand  Courfe  of  the  cseleftiall  globe  that  in  Groeneland,  many  De- 
haUtation.  °*  grees  fhort  of  the  Pole  Articke,  the  place  is   too  cold,  by 
reafon  of  the  Sunns  abfence  almoft  fix  monethes,  and  the 
land  under  the  continuall  power  of  thefroli;  which  thinge 
many  more   Navigators   have  prooved  with  pittifull  experi- 
ence of  their  wintringe  there,  as  appeareth  by  the  hiftory. 
I  thinke  they  will  not  venture  to  winter  there  againe  for  an 
India  mine.  *     , 

1  Morton  here  confounds  Davis  with  "fate,"  probably,  which  Morton  had  in 

Hudfon.     Davis's  three  voyages  were  mind.    No  other  noted  difcoverer  of  the 

made  in  1585-6-7,  and  it  was  in  the  firft  Northweft  Paffage  was  loft  prior  to  1634. 

of  them  that  he  difcovered  the  ftraits  The  difcovery  of  that  paffage,  however, 

which  bear  his  name.     He  afterwards  then  excited  as  active  an  intereft  as  it 

made  five  voyages  to  the  Eaft  Indies,  in  has  fince,  or  does  now.     In    1632  Ed- 

the  laft  of  which  he  was  killed  in  a  fight  ward  Howes  fent  out  to  Governor  Win- 

with  fome  Japanefe  on  the  coaft  of  Ma-  throp  a  printed  "  Treatife  of  the  North- 

lacca.     Hudfon  made  four  voyages  be-  Weft  Paffage  "  (iv.   Mafs.  Hift.   Coll., 

tween  1607  and  1610,  during  the  laft  of  vol.  vi.  p.  480)  which  is  ftill  in  the  library 

which  he  paffed  a  winter,  frozen  in,  near  of  the  Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society, 
the  entrance  to  Hudfon  Bay.     His  crew         2  The  phrafe  in  the  Meteorologica  {itbi 

mutinied,  and   turned  him   adrift   in  an  fupra,  1 17,  note  I.)  is,  "  the  parts  under 

open  boat,  on  the  22d  of  July,  1610.    He  the  Bear  (i.e.,  north)  by  cold  are  unin- 

was  never  heard  of  again  ;  and  it  is  his  habitable." 

New  Englijli  Canaan.  1 1 9 

And  as  it  is  found  by  our  Nation  under  the  Pole  Articke, 
fo  it  is  likewife  to  be  found  under  the  Antarticke  Pole ;  yet 
what  hazard  will  not  an  induftrious  minde  and  couragious 
Ipirit  undergoe,  according  to  that  of  the  Poet :  Impiger  extre- 
mes currit  Mcrcator  ad  Indos  per  mare  pauperiem  fugiens, 
perfaxa,  per  ignes}  And  all  to  gett  and  hord  up  like  the 
Ant  and  the  Bee ;  and  yet,  as  Salomon  faith,2  he  cannot  tell 
whether  a  foole  or  a  wife  man  mall  enjoy  it.  Therefore  let 
us  leave  thefe  two  extreames,  with  their  inconveniences,  and 
indeavour  to  finde  out  this  golden  meane,  fo  free  from  any 
one  of  them.  Behold  the  fecret  wifedome  of  allmighty 
God,  and  love  unto  our  Salomon,  to  raife  a  man  of  a  lardge 
hart,  full  of  worthy  abilities,  to  be  the  Index  or 
Loadftarre,  that  doth  point  out*  unto  the  Englifh  *  15 
Nation  with  eafe  and  comfort  how  to  finde  it  out. 
And  this  the  noble  minded  Gentleman,  Sir  Ferdinando  sir  Ferdinan- 
Gorges,3  Knight,  zealous  for  the  glory  of  God,  the  honor  of  ^rigiZfi  \aufe 

ln'c  °f     plantings 

1  Impiger  extremos  curris  mercator  ad  Indos, 
Per  mare  pauperiem  fugiens,  per  faxa,  per  ignes. 

Horace,  Efiifl.  1. 11.  45-6. 

2  "  18.  Yea,  I  hated  all  my  labor  which  itary  and  naval  life,  and  in  1591  ferved 
I  had  taken  under  the  fun  :  becaufe  I  under  Effex  at  the  fiege  of  Rouen.  Sub- 
fhould  leave  it  unto  the  man  that  fhall  fequently  he  is  faid  to  have  been  wound- 
be  after  me.  ed,  either  at  Amiens,  or  during  the  fiege 

"  19.  And  who  knoweth  whether  he  of  Paris  by  Henry  IV.     In  confequence 

fhall  be  a  wife  man  or  a  fool  ? "  of  his   fervices    he   was   appointed   by 

Ecclefiajlcs,  ch.  ii.  vers.  18,  19.  Queen  Elizabeth  royal  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  in    1597  was  defignated  as 

3  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  of  Afhton  one  of  the  ftaff  of  Effex  in  the  Ferrol 
Phillips  in  Somerfet,  has  already  been  expedition,  with  the  title  of  Sergeant- 
frequently  referred  to  in  the  introduclo-  Major.  In  1601  he  was  concerned  in 
ry  portions  of  this  volume.  Of  an  old  Effex's  infurreclion,  and  was  one  of  the 
Weft  Country  family  and  pure  Englifh  principal  witneffes  againft  the  Earl  at 
defcent,  he  was  born  about  the  year  his  trial.  After  a  confiderable  period  of 
1560  (iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vii.  p.  imprifonment  he  was  releafed,  and,  on 
329).   He  early  devoted  himfelf  to  a  mil-  the  acceffion  of  James  I.,  was  reappointed 


New  England. 

120  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

his  Majefty  and  the  benefit  of  the  weale  publicke,  hath  done 
a  great  worke  for  the  good  of  his  Country. 

And  herein  this,  the  wondrous  wifedome  and  love  of  God, 

The  Salvages  is  fhewne,  by  fending  to   the  place  his  Minifter,  to  fweepe 

piag^{  the  away  by  heapes  the  Salvages ;  and  alfo  giving  him  length 

of  dayes  to  fee  the  fame  performed  after  his  enterprife  was 

begunne,  for  the  propagation  of  the  Church  of  Chrift. 

This  judicious  Gentleman  hath  found  this  goulden  meane 
to  be  fcituated  about  the  middle  of  thofe  two  extreames, 
and  for  directions  you  may  proove  it  thus  :  Counting  the 
fpace  betweene  the  Line  and  either  of  the  Poles,  in  true 
proportion,  you  fhall  finde  it  to  be  90.  Degrees :  then  muff 
we  finde  the  meane  to  be  neare  unto  the  Center  of  90.  and 
that  is  about  45.  Degrees,  and  then  incline  unto  the  Soth- 
erne  fide  of  that  Center,  properly  for  the  benefit  of  heate, 
remembringe  that  Sol  &  Homo  general  homincm ;  and  then 
keepe  us  on  that  fame  fide,  and  fee  what  Land  is  to  be  found 


governor  of  Plymouth.  In  1605  he  be-  the  royal  fide,  and  was  made  a  prifoner 
came  interefted  in  American  difcovery  when  Fairfax  captured  Briftol  in  Au- 
and  colonization,  and  in  1607  he  was  one  guft  1645.  He  died  probably  about  the 
of  the  projectors  of  the  Popham  colony  10th  of  May  1647,  as  he  was  buried  on 
in  Maine.  During  the  next  thirteen  the  14th  of  that  month, 
years  he  was  engaged  in  fifhing  and  In  regard  to  Gorges,  fee  Belknap's 
trading  ventures  to  New  England,  and  American  Biography ;  Folfom's  Cata- 
indefatigable  in  collecting  information  logue  of  Original  Documents  i?i  the 
as  to  America.  (Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  7^.)  Englifk  Archives  relating  to  the  Early 
In  1620  he  procured  from  James  I.  the  H iflory  of  the  State  of  Maine ;  William- 
great  patent  of  the  Council  for  New  fon's  Maine;  Palfrey's  New  England 
England.  In  1623  he  fent  out  the  Rob-  (vol.i.);  Poole's  Introduction  to  John- 
ert  Gorges  expedition  which  fettled  fon's  Wonder  Working  Providence  j 
itfelf  at  Weffaguffet.  {Supra,  2-4.)  Devereux's  Earls  of  Effex  (vol.  i.)  ; 
His  fubfequent  connection  with  Morton,  and  the  Briefe  Narration  (ill.  Mafs. 
and  his  intrigues  againft  the  Maffachu-  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  44),  and  Gorges's 
fetts  colony  and  charter,  have  been  fuf-  own  letters,  to  Winthrop  and  others,  in 
ficiently  referred  to  in  this  volume,  the  Winthrop  Papers,  (iv.  Mafs.  Hifl. 
During  the  Civil  War  Gorges  efpoufed  Coll.,  vol.  vii.) 

New  Engli/Ji  Canaan.  1 2  1 

there,  and  we  fliall  eafily  difcerne  that  new  England  is  on 
the  South  fide  of  that  Center. 

For  that  Country  doth  beginne  her  boundes  at  40.  Degrees  New  Engl  is 
of  Northerne  latitude,  and  endes  at  45.  Degrees  of  the  fame  gddeniZane. 
latitude,  and  doth  participate  of  heate  and  cold  indifferently, 
but  is  oppreffed  with   neither :  and  therefore  may  be  truly 
fayd  to  be  within  the  compaffe  of  that  golden  meane, 
moft  apt  and  fit  *for  habitation  and  generation,  being    *  16 
placed  by  Allmighty  God,  the  great  Creator,  under 
that  Zone  called  Zona  temperata ;   and  is  therefore  moft  fitt 
for  the  generation  and  habitation  of  our  Englifh  nation,  of 
all  other,  who  are  more  neere  neighbours  to  the  Northerne 
Pole,  whofe  Land  lyeth  betweene  50.  and  54.  Degrees  of  the 
felfefame  latitude :  now  this    new    England,    though    it   be 
nearer  to  the  line  then  that  old  England  by  10.  Degrees  New  England 
of  latitude,  yet  doth  not  this  exceede  that  other  in   heate  ™e'erer  tfuiLe 
or  cold,  by  reafon  of  the  cituation  of  it;  for  as  the  Coafi;^^^" 
lyeth,  being  circularly  Northeaft   and    Southwell,    oppofite 
towards  the  Sunnes  rifinge,  which  makes  his  courfe  over  the 
Ocean,  it  can  have  litle  or  no  reflecting  heat  of  the  Sun- 
beames,  by  reafon  of  the  continuall  motion  of  the  waters 
makinge  the  aire  there  the  cooler  and  the  conftanter ;  fo 
that  for  the  temperature  of  the   Climent,  fweetneffe  of  the 
aire,  fertility  of  the  Soile,  and  fmall  number  of  the  Salvages 
(which   might   feeme  a  rubb  in  the  way  off  an   effeminate 
minde,)  this   Country  of  new  England  is  by   all  judicious 
men  accounted  the  principall  part  of  all  America  for  habita- 
tion and  the  commodioufneffe  of  the  Sea,  Ships  there  not 
being  subject  to  wormes  as  in  Virginea  and  other  places, 
and  not  to  be  paraleld  in  all  Chriftendome.    The  Maffachuf- 


122  New  Englijh  Canaan. 

The  Majfa-  fets,  being  the  middell  part  thereof,  is  a  very  beautifull 
CmidddofN^u  Land,  not  mountany  nor  inclininge  to  mountany,  lyeth  in 
England.  ^2>  Degrees,  ancj  30.  minutes,  and  hath  as  yet1  the  great- 
erf  number  of  inhabitants ;  and  hath  a  very  large  bay  to 
it  divided  by  Iflands  into  4  great  bayes,2  where  fhip- 
The  windes  *  1 7  pinge  may  fafely  ride,  *  all  windes  and  weathers,  the 
In  Ncw*En£-  windes  in  thofe  partes  being  not  fo  violent  as  in  England 

land.  by  many  Degrees :  for  there  are  no  fhrubbs  feene  to  leane 

from  the  windes,  as  by  the  Sea  Coaft  of  England  I  have  feene 
them  leane,  and  the  groundage  is  a  fandy  fleech,3  free  from 
rockes  to  gaule  Cables,  but  is  good  for  anchorage  :  the  reft 
of  the  Planters  are  difperft  among  the  Coafts  betweene  41. 
and  44.  Degrees  of  Latitude,  and  as  yet,  have  [made]  very 
little  way  into  the  inland.4  The  riches  of  which  Country  I 
have  fet  forth  in  this  abitracl:  as  in  a  Landfkipp,  for  the 
better  information  of  the  Travellers ;  which  hee  may  perufe 
and  plainely  perceave  by  the  demonnration  of  it,  that  it  is 
nothing  inferior  to  Canaan  of  Ifrael,  but  a  kind  of  paralell 

to  it  in  all  points. 

Chapter     1 1. 

1  That  is,  in  1634.     See/upra,  78.  Nut  and   Pettuck's   iflands   and   Hull, 

2  Thefe  are  the  Inner  Harbor  (Bof-  among  which  is  Hingham  Bay. 

ton),  fo  called,  and  Dorchefter,  Ouincy,  3  "  Sketch,  n.   The  thick  mud  orflufh 

and  Weymouth  bays.     The  latter  in-  lying  at  the  bottom  of  rivers."    Webjler. 

eludes  all  the  inlets  fouth  and  weft  of  •   4  [dand.]     Seefupra,  ill,  note  I. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  123 

Chap.     II. 

Of  the  originall  of  the  Natives. 

IN  the  yeare  fmce  the  incarnation  of  Chrift,  1622,  it  was 
my  chance  to  be  landed  in  the  parts  of  New  England,1 
wThere  I  found  two  fortes  of  people,  the  one  Chriftians,  the 
other   Infidels ;    thefe   I  found    moft  full  of  humanity,  and 
more  friendly  then  the  other :    as  fhall  hereafter  be  made 
apparant  in  Dew-Courfe  by  their  feverall  actions  from  time 
to  time,  whileft   I   lived  among  them.      After  my  arrivall 
in  thofe  partes,  I  endeavoured  by  all  the  wayes  and  meanes 
that  I  could  to  find  out  from  what  people,  or  nation, 
the  Natives  of  #'New  England  might  be  conjectured    *  18 
originlly  to  proceede  ;    and  by  continuance  and  con- 
verfation  amongft   them,  I  attaned  to  fo  much  of  their  lan- 
guage, as  by  all  probable  conjecture  may  make  the  fame  man- 
ifeft :  for  it  hath  been  found  by  divers,  and   thofe  of  good 
judgement,   that  the  Natives  of  this  Country  doe   ufe  very 
many  wordes,  both  of  Greeke  and  Latine,  to  the  fame  fignifi-  The  Natives 
cation  that  the  Latins  and  Greekes  have  done  ;  as  en  animia?*  language. 
when  an   Indian   expreffeth   that  hee  doth  anything  with  a 


1  Supra,  6-7.  nifhed  the  following  notes  :    "  En  ani- 

2  In  the  letter  already  quoted  from  mia  —  Wunanumau,  as  Eliot  wrote  it, 
{Supra,  14),  Mr.  J.  H.  Trumbull  re-  fignifies  'he  is  well  difpofed,  or  well 
marked  that  "Morton,  as  he  fhows  in  minded  toward  another,' or  'is  pleafed 
chap.  ii.  of  book  I.,  could  not  write  with  '  him.  There  is  another  word, 
the  moft  fimple  Indian  word  without  a  nearly  related,  which  Morton  may  have 
blunder."  As  refpects  the  words  which  had  in  mind,  meaning  '  to  help,'  '  do  a 
Morton  believed  to  be  Indian-Greek,  favor  to,' — aninumeh,  'help  me  '  (Eliot), 
Mr.  Trumbull  has   further   kindly  fur-  anunime  (R.  Williams)." 

124  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Pa/co   Pan     good  will ;  and  Pafcopciii 1  fisfnifieth  °redy  gut,  this  being  the 

greedy  gntt.  J      c  °  0         J  °  & 

name  of  an  Indian  that  was  to  called  of  a  Child,  through 
the  greedineffe  of  his  minde  and  much  eating,  for  Pa/co  in 
Latine  fignifieth  to  feede,  and  Pan  in  Greeke  fignifieth  all ; 
and  Pa/co  nantum?  qua/  pa/co  nondum,  halfe  ftarved,  or  not 

Mono,  an  iji.  eating,  as  yet ;  Equa  cogef  fet  it  upright ;  Mona^  is  an  Ifland 
in  their  language,  qua/i  Monon,  that  is  alone,  for  an  Ifland 
is  a  peece  or  plott  of  ground  flanding  alone,  and  devided 
from  the  mane  Land  by  force  of  water. 

Cos  a  whet-  Cos5  is  a  Whetftone  with  them.  Hame*  an  inftrument  to 
take  fifh.  Many  places  doe  retain e  the  name  of  Pan,  as 
Pantneket7  and  Matta  pan*  fo  that  it  may  be  thought  that 

Pan  the  shep.  thefe  people  heretofore  have  had  the  name  of  Pan  in  great 

heards  God.  i  • 

reverence  and  eltimation,  and  it  may  bee  have  worlhipped 
Pan  the  great  God  of  the  Heathens  :  Howfoever  they  doe 
ufe  no  manner  of  worfhip  at  all  now  :  and  it  is  moft  likely 
that  the  Natives  of  this  Country  are  defcended  from  peo- 
ple bred    upon    that  part  of    the  world  which  is  towardes 


1  "  PaJJcanontam  (Eliot),  '  he  fuffers  ufed  for  boring  wampum,  beads,  &c.  ; 
from  hunger,'  '  is  ftarving.'  In  Eliot's  cau-ompjk  (R.  Williams)  was  '  a  whet- 
orthography,  pajkuppoo    would    fignify     ftone,'  /.  <?.,  a  fliarpening  ftone." 

'he  eats   hungrily.'  or  'as  if  ftarving,'  6  "  Om   {aum,  Eliot),  is  a  fifh-hook  ; 

and  from  this  comes  the  verbal  Pajlcup-  aumau-i,  'he  is  timing'  (with  hook  and 

•wen  or  PaJ7;uppoo-cn  '  a  ftarving  eater'  line,)    R.    Williams;     whence     omaen, 

—  Morton's  '  greedy  gut.'  "  (Eliot)  '  a  fifherman.'  " 

2  "  Eliot's  pa/kanontam,  as  above,  7  "  Probably  niifprinted  for  Pantneket 
which  is  well  enough  tranflated  by  — the  equivalent  of  Pantneket,  mean- 
'  halfe  ftarved.'  "  ing  'at  the  fall '  of  the  river.     (The  n 

8  "  I  can  make  nothing  of  thefe  words,  was   not  diftinclly  founded,  but  repre- 

They  certainly  do  not  mean  'fet  it  up-  fents  the  nafalization  of  the  preceding 

right.' "  vowel.)" 

4  "  An  ifland  is  munnoh  (Eliot)."  8  " Mattapan  means  a  '  fitting  down  ' 

5  "Here  Morton  miftook  the  word.  — or  'a  fetting  down'  —  and  ufually 
Cos  is,  probably,  Koiis  (Eliot),  '  fliarp-  defignates  the  end  of  a  'carry  or  port- 
pointed,'  or,  from  the  fame  root,  mukqs,  age,  where  the  canoes  were  put  in  water 
(Eliot),  mucks  (R.  Williams),  'an  awl,'  again." 

New  Rnglifli  Canaan,  125 


the  Tropicke  of  Cancer,  for  they  doe  flill  retaine  the  *  19 
memory  of  fome  of  the  Starres  one  that  part  of  the 
Caeleftiall  Globe,  as  the  North-ftarre,  which  with  them  is 
called  Mafke,1  for  Mafke  in  their  Language  fignifieth  a 
Beare :  and  they  doe  divide  the  windes  into  eight  partes, 
and  it  feemes  originally  have  had  fome  litterature  amongfl 
them,  which  time  hath  Cancelled  and  worne  out  of  ufe. 

And  whereas  it  hath  beene  the  opinion  of  fome  men, 
which  fhall  be  nameles,  that  the  Natives  of  New-England 
may  proceede  from  the  race  of  the  Tartars,  and  come  from 
Tartaria  into  thofe  partes,2  over  the  frozen  Sea,  I  fee  no  Not  to  proceede 
probality  for  any  fuch  Conjecture  ;  for  as  much  as  a  people  {ars! 
once  fetled  mult  be  remooved  by  compulfion,  or  elfe  tempted 
thereunto  in  hope  of  better  fortunes,  upon  commendations 
of  the  place  unto  which  they  mould  be  drawne  to  remoove : 
and  if  it  may  be  thought  that  thefe  people  came  over  the 
frozen  Sea,  then  would  it  be  by  compulfion  ?  if  fo,  then  by 

who  me, 

1  Winflow,  in  his  Relations,  fays  of  Acadian  Geology  (2d  ed.  p.  675),  fhow- 
the  Indians:  "The  people  are  very  in-  ing  that  the  Micmacs  ftill  know  that 
genious  and  obfervative  ;  they  keep  ac-  conftellation  as  Mooin,  'the  bear.'" 
count  of  time  by  the  moon,  and  win-  2  Roger  Williams,  in  the  preface  to  his 
ters  or  fummers  ;  they  know  divers  of  Key  (p.  23),  fays  :  "  Wife  and  judicious 
the  (tars  by  name;  in  particular  they  men,  with  whom  I  have  difcourfed,  main- 
know  the  north  ftar,  and  call  it  mafke,  tain  their  [the  Indians]  original  to  be 
which  is  to  fay,  the  bear.''''  (Young's  northward  from  Tartaria."  The  Afi- 
Chron.  of  Pilg-,  pp.  365-6.)  See  alfo  atic  origin  of  the  North  American  Indi- 
to  the  fame  effect,  Roger  Williams's  ans  was  a  neceffary  part  of  the  fcriptural 
Key  {Publications  of  the  Narraganfett  dogma  of  the  origin  and  defcent  of 
Club,  vol.  i.)  and  Mr.  Trumbull's  note  man.  It  is  fafe,  however,  to  affert  that, 
(p.  105).  Mr.  Trumbull  now  further  firlt  and  laft.  every  pofiible  theory  on  this 
adds  :"  The  name  {mafke)  was  given  to  fubject  has  been  carefully  elaborated. 
Urfa  Major  or  Charles's  Wain,  not  tc  It  is  not  neceffary,  in  connection  with 
the  North  Star;  and  by  nearly  all  Al-  the  New  Canaan,  to  enter  into  the  dif- 
gonkin  tribes.  An  interefting  note  on  cuffion,  as  the  views  of  thole,  from  St. 
this  point  can  be  found  in  Hopkins's  Gregory  to  Voltaire,  who  have  taken 
Hift.  Memorials  of  the  Honfatonic  Indi-  part  in  it,  have  been  laborioufly  collected 
ans  (p.  11),    and  another  in  Dawfon's  by  Drake  in  his  Book  of  Indians  (ch.'u.). 

126  New  Rnglifli  Canaan. 

whome,  or  when  ?  or  what  part  of  this  mane  continent  may 
No  part  of    be  thought  to  border  upon  the  Country  of  the  Tartars,  it  is 
knoivne  to  be  yet  unknowne :  and  it  is  not  like,  that  a  people  well  enough 
''  at  eafe  will  of  their  one  accord  undertake  to  travayle  over 
a  Sea  of  Ice,  confidering   how  many  difficulties  they  (hall 
encounter  with  ;  as  firft,  whether  there  be  any  Land  at  the 
end  of  their  unknowne  way,  no  Land  beinge  in  view ;  then 
want  of  Food  to  fuftane  life  in  the  meane  time  upon 
*  20    that  Sea  of  Ice ;  or  #  how  mould  they  doe  for  Fuell, 
to  keepe  them  at  night  from  freezing  to  death,  which 
will  not  bee  had  in  fuch  a  place.     But  it  may  perhaps  be 
granted  that  the  Natives  of  this  Country  might  originally 
come  of  the  fcattred  Trojans :    For  after  that  Brutus,  who 
why   Brutus  was  the  forth  from  Aneas,  left    Latium  upon  the  conflict 
had  with  the  Latines,  (where    although    hee  gave   them  a 
great  overthrow,  to  the  Slaughter  of  their  grand  Captaine 
and  many  other  of  the  Heroes  of  Latium,  yet  hee  held  it 
more  fafety  to  depart  unto  fome  other  place   and  people, 
then  by  flaying  to  runne  the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or 
doubtfull  Conqueft,  which  as    hiftory  maketh  mention  hee 
performed,)    this  people  were   difperfed :    there  is    no  ques- 
tion but  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  by  reafon  of  their 
converfation  with  the  Grascians  and  Latines,  had   a  mixed 
language    that    participated    of   both,  whatfoever  was    that 
which  was  proper  to  their  owne  nation  at  firft  I  know  not ; 
for  this  is  commonly   feene   where  2.   nations    traffique  to- 
Two    nations  gether,  the  one  indevouring  to  underftand  the  others  mean- 

tneetinge  make  .  .  .  r        -\  i    i 

a   mixt  tan-  ing  makes  them  both  many  times  lpeak  a  mixed  language, 
suage'  as  is  approoved  by  the  Natives  of  New  England,  through 


New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  127 

the  coveteous  defire  they  have  to  commerce  with  our  nation 
and  wee  with  them. 

And  when   Brutus  did  depart  from   Latium,  we  doe  not 
finde   that   his  whole  number  went  with   him   at  once,  or 
arrived  at  one  place ;  and  being  put  to  Sea  might  encounter 
with  a  ftorme  that  would  carry  them  out  of  fight  of  Land, 
and  then  they  might  fayle  God  knoweth  whether,  and 
fo  might  be  put  upon    this   *  Coaft,  as  well  as  any    *  2 1 
other.     Compaffe   I  beleeve  they  had   none  in  thofe 
dayes  ;    Sayles   they  might  have,  (which  Daedalus  the  firft  Dcedaius    the 
inventor  thereof  left  to  after  ages,  having  taught  his  Sonne  sayies* 
Icarus  the  ufe  of  it,  who  to  this  Coft  found  how  dangerous  it  Teams  the  fee- 
is  for  a  Sonne  not  to  obferve  the  precepts  of  a  wife  Father,  °sayiLat 
fo  that  the  Icarian  Sea  now  retaines  the  memory  of  it  to  this 
day,)  and  Victuals  they  might  have  good  fhore,  and  many 
other  things  fittinge ;  oares  without  all  queftion  they  would 
ftore  themfelves  with,   in  fuch  a  cafe ;    but  for  the  ufe  of 
Compaffe,  there   is  no   mention  made  of   it    at    that   time 
(which  was  much  about  Sauls  time,  the  firft  that  was  made  Troy  dejiroyed 
King  of  Ifraell.)     Yet  it  is  thought  (and  that  not  without  time. 
good  reafon  for  it)  that  the  ufe  of  the  Loadftone  and  Com-  The  Load/tone 
paffe  was  knowne  in  Salomons  time,  for  as  much  as  hee  fent  time. 
Shippes  to  fetch  of  the  gould  of  Ophir,  to  adorne  and  bewtify 
that  magnificent  Temple  of  Hierufalem  by  him  built  for  the 
glory  of  Almighty  God,  and   by  his  fpeciall  appointment: 
and   it  is  held  by   Cofmographers  to  be  3.  yeares  voyage 
from  Hierufalem  to  Ophir,  and  it  is  conceaved  that  fuch  a 
voyage  could  not  have  beene  performed,  without  the  helpe 
of  the  Loadftone  and  Compaffe. 


128  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

And  why  mould  any  man  thinke  the  Natives  of  New- 
England  to  be  the  gleanings  of  all  Nations,  onely  becaufe 
by  the  pronunciation  and  termination  their  words  feeme  to 
trench  upon  feverall  languages,  when  time  hath  not  fur- 
nifhed  him   with   the   interpretation   thereof.      The    thinge 

that  muft  induce  a  man  of  reafonable  capacity  to  any 
*  22    maner  of  conjecture  of  *  their  originall,  muft  be  the 

fence  and  fignification  of  the  words,  principally  to 
frame  this  argument  by,  when  hee  mall  drawe  to  any  conclu- 
sion thereupon  :  otherwife  hee  fhall  but  runne  rounde  about 
a  maze  (as  fome  of  the  fantafticall  tribe  ufe  to  do  about  the 
tythe  of  mint1  and  comin.)  Therefore,  fince  I  have  had 
the  approbation  of  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardiner,2  Knight,  an 
able  gentl.  that  lived  amongft  them,  and  of  David  Tompfon,3 
a  Scottifh  gentl.  that  likewife  was  converfant  with  thofe 
people,  both  Scollers  and  Travellers  that  were  diligent  in 
taking  notice  of  thefe  things,  as  men  of  good  judgement, 
and  that  have  bin  in  thofe  parts  any  time,  befides  others  of 
leffe,  now  I  am  bold  to  conclude  that  the  originall  of  the 
Natives  of   New  England  may  be  well  conjectured  to   be 


1  [muit.]     Seefufira,  ill,  note  I.  land,  was  iffued  to  him,  and  the  next 

-  2  See  Infra  *  182-4  and  note.  year,  he  then  being  apparently  a  young 

3  David  Thomfon  occupied  the  ifland  man  and  newly  married,  he  came  out 

in  Bofton  Harbor,  which  ftill  bears  his  and   eftablifhed   himfelf   at   Pifcataqua, 

name,  from  fome  time  in  1625,  appar-  whence  he  afterwards  moved  to  Bolton 

ently,  until  his  death  in  1628  (fupra,  Harbor.    All  that  is  known  of  Thomfon 

24).     He  left  a  widow  and  an  only  fon,  can  be  found  in  Mr.  Deane's  A7otes  to 

who   inherited   the   ifland.      Originally,  an  Indenture,  &*c,  in  the  Proc.  Mafs. 

Thomfon  feems  to  have  been  a  meffen-  Hi/i.  Soc,  1876  (pp.  358-81).     See  alfo, 

ger,  or  poffibly  an  agent,  of  the  Council  Proc.  Mafs.  Hifl.   Soc,  1878  (p.  204), 

for  New  England.    In  November,  1622,  and  Memorial  Hiftory  of  Bofton  (vol.  i. 

a  patent,  covering  a  confiderable  tract  of  p.  83). 

New  Englifli  Canaan. 


from  the  fcattered  Trojans,  after  fuch  time  as  Brutus  de- 
parted  from  Latium.1  Chapter    III. 

1  Morton's  attempt  to  trace  the  origin 
of  the  North  American  Indians  from 
Brutus,  and  the  fupport  he  finds  for  his 
theory  in  the  refemblance  of  fome  In- 
dian to  Greek  words,  there  being  no  rea- 
fon  to  fuppofe  that  Brutus  or  the  Latins 
had  any  acquaintance  with  Greek,  reads 
like  a  humorous  fatire  on  the  hiftorical 
methods  in  vogue  with  the  writers  of 
his  time.  Until  within  the  laft  century 
there  were  two  hiftorical  events, or  events 
affumed  to  be  hiftorical,  to  one  or  the 
other  of  which  it  was  deemed  fafe  to 
refer  the  origin  of  any  modern  nation. 
Thefe  events  were  the  Siege  of  Troy 
and  the  Flood,  —  the  profane  and  the 
facred  beginnings  of  modern  hiftory. 
Morton  wrote  in  1635,  and  his  mind  na- 
turally had  recourfe  to  the  profane  theo- 
ry. Fifteen  years  later,  Milton  began  his 
hiftory  of  England,  and  at  theoutfet  came 
in  contact  with  Brutus.  "  That  which  we 
have,"  he  then  remarks,  "  of  oldeft  feem- 
ing,  hath  by  the  greater  part  of  judicious 
antiquaries  been  long  rejected  for  a 
modern  fable."  He  neverthelefs  "  de- 
termined to  beftow  the  telling  over  even 
of  thefe  reputed  tales,  .  .  .  feeing  that 
ofttimes  relations  heretofore  accounted 
fabulous  have  been  after  found  to  con- 
tain in  them  many  footfteps  and  reliques 
of  fomething  true  ;  as  what  we  read  in 
poets  of  the  flood,  and  giants  little  be- 
lieved, till  undoubted  witneffes  taught 
us  that  all  was  not  feigned."  Then 
paffing  on,  he  fays :  "  After  the  flood, 
and  the  difperfing  of  nations,  as  they 
journeyed  leifurely  from  the  Eaft,  Go- 
mer,  the  eldeft  fon  of  Japhet,  and  his 
offspring,  as  by  authorities,  arguments 
and  affinity  of  divers  names  is  generally 
believed,  were  the  firft  that  peopled  all 
thefe  weft  and  northern  climes."  Com- 
ing down  to  Brutus  and  the  whole  pro- 
geny of  kings,  and  following  Geoffrey  of 

Monmouth,  Milton  then  recounts  in  de- 
tail the  marriages,  voyages,  adventures 
and  mifhaps  of  the  defcendants  of  ^Eneas 
until  Brutus  reached  an  "ifland,  not  yet 
Britain  but  Albion,  in  a  manner  defert 
and  inhofpitable  ;  kept  only  by  a  rem- 
nant of  giants,  whofe  exceffive  force  and 
tyranny  had  deftroyed  the  reft.  Thefe 
Brutus  deftroys,"  and,  after  this,  "  in  a 
chofen  place,  builds  Troja  Nova,  changed 
in  time  to  Trinovantum,  now  London." 

The  fuperiority  of  Morton's  hiftorical 
method  to  Milton's,  or  to  that  in  ufe 
in  Milton's  time,  is  obvious.  Accepting 
the  common  origin,  he  premifes  that  he 
does  not  find  that  "  when  Brutus  did 
depart  from  Latium  his  whole  number 
went  with  him  at  once."  Accordingly, 
fome  of  them  being  put  to  fea,  "  might 
encounter  with  a  ftorm,"  and  then  being 
carried  out  of  fight  of  land,  "  they  might 
fail  God  knoweth  whether,  and  fo  might 
be  put  on  this  coaft,  as  well  as  any 
other."  And  hence  the  author  is  "  bold 
to  conclude  that  the  original  of  the  na- 
tives of  New  England  may  be  well  con- 
jectured to  be  from  the  fcattered  Trojans, 
after  fuch  time  as  Brutus  departed  from 

It  would  be  eafy  to  quote  from  many 
ferious  productions,  contemporaneous 
with  the  New  Canaan  and  a  century 
after  it,  examples  of  the  fame  method 
of  daring  hiftorical  hypothefis ;  a  fin- 
gle  inftance  will,  however,  fuffice.  In 
his  hiftory  of  Lynn,  written  in  1829,  the 
Rev.  Alonzo  Lewis  fays  (p.  21) :  "The 
Indians  are  fuppofed  by  fome  to  be 
the  remnants  of  the  long  loft  ten  tribes 
of  Ifrael ;  and  their  exiftence  in  tribes, 
the  fimilarity  of  fome  of  their  cuftoms, 
and  the  likenefs  of  many  words  in  their 
language,  feem  to  favor  this  opinion." 

More  fenfible  than  either  Thomas 
Morton  or  Mr.   Lewis,  William  Wood, 



New  Englifli  Canaan, 

Chap.     III. 

Of  a  great  mortality  that  happened  amongjl  the  Natives  of 
New  England,  neere  about  the  time  that  the  Englifli  came 
there  to  plant. 

IT  fortuned  fome  few  yeares  before  the  Englifh  came  to  in- 
habit at  new  Plimmouth,  in  New  England,  that  upon  fome 
diftafb  given  in  the  Maffachuffets  bay  by  Frenchmen,  then 
trading  there  with  the  Natives  for  beaver,  they  fet  upon 
the  men  at  fuch  advantage  that  they  killed  manie  of 
*  23  them,  burned  their  lhipp,  *  then  riding  at  Anchor  by 
an  Ifland  there,  now  called  Peddocks  Ifland,1  in  mem- 
ory of  Leonard   Peddock 2  that  landed  there,  (where  many 


in  writing  his  New  England's  Pro/peel, 
in  1633,  remarks  (p.  78),  that  "Some 
have  thought  they  [the  Indians]  might 
be  of  the  difperfed  Jews,  becaufe  fome 
of  their  words  be  near  unto  the  Hebrew; 
but  by  the  fame  rule  they  may  conclude 
them  to  be  fome  of  the  gleanings  of  all 
nations,  becaufe  they  have  words  which 
found  after  the  Greek,  Latin,  French, 
and  other  tongues." 

There  is  in  the  Magna/ia  (book  in. 
part  iii.)  a  lengthy  but  highly  charac- 
teriftic  paffage,  in  which  Mather  re- 
counts the  points  of  refemblance  which 
the  evangelift  Eliot  faw  between  the  In- 
dians and  "  the  pofterity  of  the  difperfed 
and  rejected  Ifraelites." 

1  Peddock's,  or  Pettick's,  Ifland,  ftill 
fo  called,  is  one  of  the  largeft  iflands  in 
Bolton  Bay.  It  lies  directly  oppofite  to 
George's  Ifland  and  Hull,  from  which 
laft  it  is  feparated  by  a  narrow  channel, 
and  is  between  Weymouth  and  Quincy 

bays,  on  the  eaft  and  weft.  See  Shurt- 
leff's  Defcription  of  Boflon,  p.  557. 

2  Leonard  Peddock  feems  to  have 
been  in  the  employment  of  the  Council 
for  New  England.  In  the  records  of  the 
Council  for  the  8th  of  November,  1622, 
is  the  following  entry :  "Mr.  Thomfon 
is  ordered  to  pay  unto  Leo :  Peddock 
;£io  towards  his  paynes  for  his  laft  Im- 
ployments  to  New  England."  Subfe- 
quently,  on  the  19th  of  the  fame  month  : 
"  It  is  ordered  that  a  Letter  be  written 
from  the  Counfell  to  Mr.  Wefton,  to  de- 
liver to  Leonard  Peddock,  a  boy  Native 
of  New  England  called  papa  Whinett 
belonging  to  Abbadakeft,  Sachem  of 
Maffachufetts,  which  boy  Mr  Peddock 
is  to  carry  over  with  him  "  {Proceedings 
of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
April,  1867,  pp,  70,  74)- 

Andrew  Wefton  had  returned  to  Eng- 
land in  the  Charity,  leaving  Weffaguffett 
in   September,    1622    (Jupra,  7).      He 


New  Rngli/Ji  Canaan. 


wilde  Anckies1  haunted  that  time,  which  hee  thought  had  bin 
tame,)  diftributing  them  unto  5.  Sachems,  which  were  Lords 
of  the  feverall  territories  adjoyninge  :  they  did  keepe  them  fo 
longe  as  they  lived,  onely  to  fport  themfelves  at  them,  and 
made  thefe  five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  wood  and  water,  Five  French- 
which  is  the  generall  worke  that  they  require  of  a  fervant.2  "the" salvages* 
One  of  thefe  five  men,  out  livinge  the  reft,  had  learned  fo 
much  of  their  language  as  to  rebuke  them  for  their  bloudy 
deede,  faying  that  God  would  be  angry  with  them  for  it, 


would  feem  to  have  brought  over  the 
Indian  boy  in  queftion  with  him.  From 
the  entry  in  the  records  of  the  Council 
for  New  England,  juft  quoted,  it  would 
appear  that  Leonard  Peddock  was  in 
New  England  during  the  fummer  of 
1622.  The  reference  to  him  in  the  text 
is  additional  evidence  that  Morton  was 
there  at  the  fame  time,  and  in  company 
with  Wefton. 

1  This  is  undoubtedly  a  mifprint  for 
Auckies,  which  was  a  failor's  corrup- 
tion for  Auks.  The  Great  Auk  (Alca 
imftennis)  is  probably  referred  to.  This 
bird,  now  fuppofed  to  be  extinct,  was 
formerly  common  on  the  New  England 
coaft.  Audubon,  writing  in  1838,  fays  : 
"  An  old  gunner,  refiding  on  Chelfea 
Beach,  near  Bofton,  told  me  that  he 
well  remembered  the  time  when  the 
Penguins  were  plentiful  about  Nahant 
and  fome  other  iflands  in  the  bay." 
(Am.  Ornithological  Biog.,  vol.  iv. 
p.  316.)  ProfefTor  Orton,  alluding  to  this 
paffage,  in  the  American  Natural/ft 
(1S69,  p.  540),  expreffes  the  opinion 
that  the  Razor-billed  Auk  was  the  bird 
referred  to  ;  but  Profeffor  F.  W.  Put- 
nam adds,  in  a  foot-note,  that  "the  'old 
hunter  '  was  undoubtedly  correcl;  in  his 
ftatement,  as  we  have  bones  of  the  fpe- 
cies  taken  from  the  fhell-heaps  of  Mar- 
blehead,    Eagle    Hill    in    Ipfwich.    and 

Plum  Ifland."  Dr.  Jeffries  Wyman 
found  them  in  the  fhell-heaps  at  Cotuit. 
See  Metn.HiJl.  of  Bofton,  vol.  i.  p.  12. 

There  is  an  elaborate  paper  on  the 
Great  Auk,  under  the  title  of  "The 
Garefowl  and  its  Hillorians,"  by  Pro- 
feffor Alfred  Newton,  in  the  Natural 
Hiftory  Review  for  1865,  p.  467. 

2  Morton  would  feem  to  be  miftaken 
in  this  ftatement.  Between  1614  and 
1619  two  French  veffels  were  loft  on  the 
Maflachufetts  coaft.  One  was  wrecked 
on  Cape  Cod,  and  the  crew,  who  fuc- 
ceeded  in  getting  on  fhore,  were  moll; 
of  them  killed  by  the  favages,  and 
the  remainder  enflaved  in  the  way  de- 
fcribed  in  the  text.  Two  of  thefe  cap- 
tives were  fubfequently  redeemed  by 
Captain  Dermer  (Bradford,  p.  98).  The 
other  vellel  was  captured  by  the  favages 
in  Bofton  Bay,  and  burned.  This  is  the 
veffel  referred  to  by  Morton  as  riding  at 
anchor  off  Peddock's  Ifland.  The  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  capture  are  defcribed 
in  Phinehas  Pratt's  narrative  (iv.  Mafs. 
Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i  v.  pp.  479,  489) .  All  the 
crew,  he  fays,  were  killed,  and  the  fliip, 
after  grounding,  was  burned.  Pratt's 
ftatement  is  diftinft,  and  agrees  with 
Bradford's,  that  the  captives  among  the 
Indians  were  the  furvivors  from  the  vef- 
fel wrecked  on  Cape  Cod,  not  from  that 
captured  in  Bofton  Bay. 

132  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

and  that  hee  would   in  his  difpleafure  deftroy  them  ;    but 

the  Salvages  (it  feemes  boafting  of  their  ftrenght,)  replyed 

and  fayd,  that  they  were  fo  many  that  God  could  not  kill 


The  Plague         But  contrary  wife,  in  fhort  time  after  the  hand  of  God 

dL°s"tAeIn'  fell  heavily  upon  them,  with  fuch  a  mortall  ftroake  that  they 

died  on  heapes  as  they  lay  in  their  houfes  ;  and  the  living, 

that  were  able  to  fhift  for  themfelves,  would  runne  away  and 

let   them   dy,  and  let  there  Carkafes  ly  above  the  ground 

without  buriall.      For   in    a   place   where   many  inhabited, 

there  hath  been  but  one  left  a  live  to  tell  what  became  of  the 

Theihingenot^^',  the  livinge  being  (as  it  feemes)  not  able  to  bury  the 

adeUad°.burythe  dead,  they  were  left  for  Crowes,  Kites  and  vermin  to  pray 

upon.     And  the  bones  and  fkulls  upon  the  feverall  places 

of  their   habitations  made  fuch  a  fpecracle  after  my  com- 

ming  into  thofe  partes,   that,   as    I  travailed    in  that    For- 


1  Pratt's    account    of    this    furvivor  their  unburied  carcafes  ;  and  they  that 

among  the  French  crew  is  to  be  found  were  left  alive  were  fmitten  into  awful 

in  w.Ma/s.  Hiji.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  479,  and  humble  regards  of  the  Englifh  by 

489.     He  fays  that  "  one  of  them  was  the  terrors  which  the  remembrance  of  the 

wont  to  read  much  in  a  book  (fome  fay  Frenchman's  prophecy  had  imprinted  on 

it  was  the  New  Teftament),  and  that  the  them." 

Indians  enquiring  of  him  what  his  book         Pratt,  whom  Mather  followed,  claims 

faid,  he  told  them  it  did  intimate  that  to  have  derived  his  knowledge  of  thefe 

there  was  a  people  like  French  men  that  events  during  the  winter  of  1622-3  di- 

would  come  into  the  country  and  drive  rectly  from  ravages  concerned  in  them, 

out  the  Indians."    The  account  given  by  The  probability  is  that  the  tradition  of 

Mather  (Magnalia,  P>.  1.  ch.  ii.  §  6)  is  the  French  captive,  and  his  book  and 

curioufly  like   that  in   the   text.      After  prophecy,  was  a  common  one  among  the 

quoting  the  fubftance  of    Pratt's  ftate-  fettlers    both    at    Plymouth    and    about 

ment   he   adds:    "Thefe   infidels    then  Bofton   Bay.     Pratt   apparently   had    a 

blafphemoufly  replied,  '  God  could  not  habit,  as  he  grew  old,  of  appropriating 

kill  them  ;  '  which  blafphemous  miftake  to  his  own  account  many  of  the  earlier 

was  confuted  by  a  horrible  and  unufual  and  more  finking  incidents  of  colonial 

plague,  whereby  they  were  confumed  in  hiftory.      (Mather's    Early  New  Ettg- 

fuch  vaft  multitudes  that  our  firft  plant-  land,  p.   17  ) 
ers  found  the  land  almoit  covered  with 

New  Englifh  Canaan. 


reft  nere  the  Maffachuffets,  it  feemed  to  mee  a  new  found 

*  But  otherwife,  it  is  the  cuflome  of  thofe  Indian  *  24 
people  to  bury  their  dead  ceremonioufly  and  carefully, 
and  then  to  abandon  that  place,  becaufe  they  have  no 
defire  the  place  fhould  put  them  in  minde  of  mortality :  and 
this  mortality  was  not  ended  when  the  Brownifts  of  new 
Plimmouth  were  fetled  at  Patuxet  in  New  England :  and 
by  all  likelyhood  the  fickneffe  that  thefe  Indians  died  of 
was  the  Plague,  as  by  conference  with  them  fince  my  arrivall 
and  habitation  in  thofe  partes,  I  have  learned.1    And  by  this 


1  The  myfterious  peftilence,  which  in 
the  years  1616  and  1617  fwept  away 
the  New  England  Indians  from  the  Pe- 
nobfcot  to  Narraganfett  Bay,  is  mentioned 
by  all  the  earlier  writers,  and  its  char- 
acter has  recently  been  fomewhat  dif- 
cuffed.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it 
practically  deftroyed  the  tribes,  espe- 
cially the  Maffachufetts  and  the  Pokano- 
kets,  among  which  it  raged.  The  former 
were  reduced  from  a  powerful  people, 
able,  it  is  faid,  to  mutter  three  thoufand 
warriors,  to  a  mere  remnant  a  few  hun- 
dred ftrong.  The  Pokanokets  were  in 
fome  localities,  notably  at  Plymouth, 
actually  exterminated,  and  the  country 
left  devoid  of  inhabitants  (1.  Mafs.  Hijl. 
Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  148  ;  Young's  Chron.  of 
•Pi&i  P-  183).  Winflow  gave  a  defcrip- 
tion  of  the  defolation  created  by  this 
peftilence,  and  of  the  number  of  the  un- 
buried  dead,  very  like  that  in  the  text 
(Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  pp.  183,  206). 
On  this  fubject,  fee  alfo,  Bradford,  pp. 
102,  325  ;  Johnfon,  p.  16 ;  Wood's  Prof 
peft,  p.  72  ;  in.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol. 
vi.  p.  57. 

No  definite  conclusion  as  to  the  nature 
of  this  peftilence  has  been  reached  by 
medical  men.    It  has  been  fuggefted  that 

it  was  the  yellow-fever  (Palfrey,  vol.  i. 
p. 99,  n).  As,  however,  it  raged  equally 
in  the  depth  of  the  fevereft  winter  as 
in  fummer,  this  could  not  have  been 
the  cafe  (in.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi. 
p.  57  ;  Bradford,  p.  325).  Other  mod- 
ern medical  authorities  have  inclined 
to  the  opinion  that  it  was  a  vifitation 
of  fmall-pox  (Dr.  Holmes  in  Mafs. 
Hifl.  Soc,  Low.  Tnfl.  Left.,  1869.,  p. 
261  ;  Dr.  Green's  Centennial  Addrefs 
before  the  Mafs.  Med.  Soc.,  June  7, 1881, 
p.  12).  In  fupport  of  this  hypothefis 
Captain  Thomas  Dermer  is  quoted,  who, 
failing  along  the  coaft  in  1619-20,  wrote 
"we  might  perceive  the  fores  of  fome 
that  had  efcaped,  who  defcribed  the 
fpots  of  fuch  as  ufually  die  "  (Purchas, 
vol.  iv.  p.  1778).  On  the  other  hand, 
none  of  the  contemporaneous  writers 
who  fpeak  of  the  difeafe  ever  call  it  the 
fmall-pox,  though  all  of  them  were  per- 
fectly familiar  with  fmall-pox,  and  a  very 
large  portion  of  them  probably  bore  its 
marks.  Dermer  fpeaks  of  it  as  "  the 
plague."  Bradford,  when  the  fame  peft- 
ilence raged  on  the  Connecticut,  de- 
fcribed it  as  "an  infectious  fever."  Dr. 
Fuller,  the  firft  New  England  phyfician, 
then  died  cf  it  (Bradford,  p.  314).     He 


134  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

meanes  there  is  as  yet  but  a  fmall  number  of  Salvages  in 
New  England,  to  that  which  hath  beene  in  former  time,  and 
the  place  is  made  fo  much  the  more  fitt  for  the  Englifh 
Sam.  24.  Nation  to  inhabit  in,  and  erecl  in  it  Temples  to  the  glory 
of  God. 

Chap.    IV. 

Of  their  Houfes  and  Habitations. 

THe  Natives  of  New  England  are  accuftomed  to  build 
them  houfes  much  like  the  wild  Irifh ;  they  gather 
Poles  in  the  woodes  and  put  the  great  end  of  them  in  the 
ground,  placinge  them  in  forme  of  a  circle  or  circumference, 
and,  bendinge  the  topps  of  them  in  forme  of  an  Arch,  they 
bind  them  together  with  the  Barke  of  Walnut  trees,  which 
is  wondrous  tuffe,  fo  that  they  make  the  fame  round 
*  25    on  the  Topp  *for  the  fmooke  of  their  fire  to  affend 


could  not  but  have  been  familiar  with  ern  parts  were  fore  fmitten  by  the  con- 

the  fmall-pox  and  its  fymptoms  ;  and  it  tagion  ;  firft  by  the  plague,  afterwards, 

would  feem   moft   improbable    that   he  when  the  Englifh  came,  by  the  fmall- 

fhould  have  died  of  that  difeafe  among  pox." 

his  dying  neighbors,  and  not  have  known  It  would  feem.  therefore,  that  the  pef- 

what   was   killing   him.     Moreover,    in  tilence    of    1616-7  was  clearly  not  the 

1633-4  the  fmall-pox  did  rage   among  fmall-pox.     More   probably   it  was,   as 

the  Indians,  and  Bradford,  in  giving  a  Bradford   fays,   "an   infectious   fever," 

fearfully  graphic  account  of  its  ravages,  or  fome  form  of  malignant  typhus,  due 

adds,  "they  [the  Indians]  fear  it  more  to  the  wretched  fanitary  condition  of  the 

than  the  plague."     Joffelyn  alfo  draws  Indian  villages,  which  had  become  over- 

the  fame  diftinclion,  faying   (Two  Voy-  crowded,  owing  to  that  profpcrous  con- 

ages,   p.    123):    "Not   long  before   the  dition  of  the  tribes  which  Smith  defcribes 

Englifh    came    into   the    country,    hap-  as  exifting  at  the  time  of  his  vifit  to  the 

pined  a  great  mortality  amongft    [the  coaft  in  1614  (in.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol. 

Indians];  efpecially  where  the  Englifh  vi.  p.  109). 
afterwards  planted,  the  Eaft  and  North- 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  135 

and  paffe  through ;  thefe  they  cover  with  matts,  fome 
made  of  reeds  and  fome  of  longe  flagges,  or  fedge,  finely 
fowed  together  with  needles  made  of  the  fplinter  bones  of  a 
Cranes  legge,  with  threeds  made  of  their  Indian  hempe, 
which  their  groueth  naturally,  leaving  feverall  places  for 
dores,  which  are  covered  with  mats,  which  may  be  rowled  up 
and  let  downe  againe  at  their  pleafures,  making  ufe  of  the 
feverall  dores,  according  as  the  winde  litts.1  The  fire  is 
alwayes  made  in  the  middeft  of  the  houfe,  with  winde  fals 
commonly :  yet  fome  times  they  fell  a  tree  that  groweth 
neere  the  houfe,  and,  by  drawing  in  the  end  thereof,  main- 
taine  the  fire  on  both  fids,  burning  the  tree  by  Degrees 
fhorter  and  fhorter,  untill  it  be  all  confumed  ;  for  it  burnetii 
night  and  day.  Their  lodging  is  made  in  three  places  of 
the  houfe  about  the  fire ;  they  lye  upon  plankes,  commonly 
about  a  foote  or  18.  inches  aboue  the  ground,  raifed  upon 
railes  that  are  borne  up  upon  forks ;  they  lay  mats  under 
them,  and    Coats    of    Deares   fkinnes,  otters,   beavers,   Ra- 


1  "Their  houfes,  which  they  call  wig-  whilft  their  women  drefs  their  victuals, 

warns,  are  built  with  poles  pitcht  into  They  have  commonly  two   doors,  one 

the  ground  of  a  round  form  for  moft  opening  to  the  fouth,  the  other  to  the 

part,  fometimes  fquare.    They  bind  down  north,  and,  according  as  the  wind  fets, 

the  tops  of  their  poles,  leaving  a  hole  they  clofe  up  one  door  with  bark  and 

for  fmoak  to  go  out  at,  the  reft  they  hang  a  deers  fkin  or  the  like  before  the 

cover  with  the  bark  of  trees,  and  line  other.     Towns  they  have  none,  being 

the  infide  of  their  wigwams  with  mats  always  removing  from  one  place  to  an- 

made   of    rufhes   painted   with    feveral  other  for  conveniency  of  food,  fometimes 

colors.     One  good  poll  they  fet  up  in  to  thofe  places  where  one  fort  of  fifh  is 

the  middle  that  reaches  to  the  hole  in  moft  plentiful,  other  whiles  where  others 

the  top,  with  a  ftaff  acrofs  before  it ;  at  are.    I  have  feen  half  a  hundred  of  their 

a  convenient  height,  they  knock  in  a  wigwams  together  in- a  piece  of  ground 

pin  upon  which  they  hang  their  kettle,  and  they  fhow  prettily  ;  within  a  day  or 

Beneath  that  they  fet  up  a  broad  ftone  two  or  a  week  they  have  been  all  dif- 

for  a  back  which  keepeth  the  poft  from  perfed."    (JoiTelyn's    Voyages,   p.    126). 

burning.    Round  by  the  walls  they  fpread  See   alfo   Young's   Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p. 

their  mats  and  fkins  where  the  men  deep  144. 

136  New  Engl  if h  Canaan, 

cownes,  and  of  Beares  hides,  all  which  they  have  dreffed 
and  converted  into  good  lether,  with  the  haire  on,  for  their 
coverings :  and  in  this  manner  they  lye  as  warme  as  they 
defire.1     In  the  night  they  take  their  reft ;  in  the  day  time, 


1  Giving  in  his  Key  (p.  48)  the  Indian 
combination  of  words  fignifying  "  let 
us  lay  on  wood,"  Roger  Williams  adds  : 
"  This  they  do  plentifully  when  they  lie 
down  to  deep  winter  and  fummer,  abun- 
dance they  have  and  abundance  they 
lay  on  :  their  fire  is  inftead  of  our  bed- 
clothes. And  fo,  themfelves  and  any 
that  have  any  occafion  to  lodge  with 
them,  muft  be  content  to  turn  often  to 
the  fire,  if  the  night  be  cold,  and  they 
who  firft  wake  muft  repair  the  fire." 
Elfewhere  he  fays  :  "  God  was  pleafed 
to  give  me  a  painful,  patient  fpirit,  to 
lodge  with  them  in  their  filthy,  fmoky 
holes."  See  alfo  Gookin's  Indians,  1. 
Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  150. 

When  Stephen  Hopkins  and  Edward 
Window  were  fent  on  their  miffion  to 
Maffafoit,  in  June,  162 1,  they  fay  of  their 
entertainment  on  the  night  they  arrived 
at  his  lodge  :  "  Late  it  grew,  but  vict- 
uals he  offered  none  ;  for  indeed  he  had 
not  any,  being  he  came  so  newly  home. 
So  we  defired  to  go  to  reft :  he  layd  us 
on  the  bed  with  himfelf  and  his  wife, 
they  at  the  one  end  and  we  at  the  other, 
it  being  only  planks  layd  a  foot  from  the 
ground,  and  a  thin  mat  upon  them. 
Two  more  of  his  chief  men,  for  want 
of  room,  preffed  by  and  upon  us ;  fo 
that  we  were  worfe  weary  of  our  lodg- 
ing than  of  our  journey."  (Mourt,  p.  45). 
Two  nights  of  this  entertainment  fuf- 
ficed  for  the  embaffadors  who  "feared 
we  fhould  either  be  light-headed  for 
want  of  deep,  for  what  with  bad  lodg- 
ing, the  favages  barbarous  tinging,  (for 
they  ufe  to  fing  themfelves  afleep,) 
lice  and  fleas  within  doors,  and  mufke- 
tos  without,  we  could  hardly  flcep  all 

the  time  of  our  being  there."  (lb.,  p.  46) 
Another  obferver  remarked  of  the  New 
England  Indians  :  "  Tame  cattle  they 
have  none,  excepting  Lice,  and  Dogs  of 
a  wild  breed "  (Joffelyn's  Voyages,  p. 
127)  ;  and  to  the  fame  effect  Roger 
Williams  notes  {Key,  p.  74) :  "  In  middle 
of  fummer,  becaufe  of  the  abundance  of 
fleas,  which  the  duft  of  the  houfe  breeds, 
they  [the  Indians]  will  fly  and  remove 
on  a  fudden  to  a  frefh  place." 

Smith,  defcribing  the  Virginia  Ind- 
ians, fays  (Trice  Travels,  vol.  i.  p. 
130)  :  "  Their  houfes  are  built  like  our 
arbors,  of  fmall  young  fprings  bowed  and 
tyed,  and  fo  clofe  covered  with  mats,  or 
the  barkes  of  trees  very  handfomely,  that 
nothwithftanding  either  winde,  raine,  or 
weather,  they  are  as  warm  as  ftoves, 
but  very  fmoaky,  yet  at  the  toppe  of  the 
houfe  there  is  a  hole  made  for  the  fmoake 
to  go  into  right  over  the  fire. 

"  Againft  the  fire  they  lie  on  little 
hurdles  of  Reeds  covered  with  a  mat, 
borne  from  the  ground  a  foote  and  more 
by  a  hurdle  of  wood.  On  thefe  round 
about  the  houfe  they  lie  heads  and  points, 
one  by  the  other,  againft  the  fire,  fome 
covered  with  mats,  fome  with  fkins,  and 
fome  ftark  naked  lie  on  the  ground,  from 
fix  to  twenty  in  a  houfe." 

In  Parkman's  Jefuits  in  North  Amer- 
ica there  is  a  lively  account  of  Le  Jeune's 
experience  in  paffing  the  winter  of  1633- 
4  among  the  Algonquins :  "  Put  afide 
the  bear-fkin,  and  enter  the  hut.  Here, 
in  a  fpace  fome  thirteen  feet  fquare,  were 
packed  nineteen  favages,  men,  women 
and  children,  with  their  dogs,  crouched, 
fquatted,  coiled  like  hedge-hogs,  or  ly- 
ing on  their  backs,  with  knees  drawn  up 


New  Rnglifli  Canaan. 


either  the  kettle  is  on  with  fifli  or  flefli,  by  no  allowance,  or 
elfe  the  fire  is  imployed  in  roafting  of  fifhes,  which  they 
delight  in.1  The  aire  doeth  beget  good  ftomacks,  and  they 
feede  continually,  and  are  no  niggards  of  their  vittels ;  for 
they  are  willing  that  any  one  fhall  eate  with  them. 
Nay,  if  any  one  that  fhall  come  into  their  *  houfes  and  *  26 
there  fall  a  fleepe,  when  they  fee  him  difpofed  to  lye 
downe,  they  will  fpreade  a  matt  for  him  of  their  owne  accord, 
and  lay  a  roule  of  fkinnes  for  a  boulfter,  and  let  him  lye.  If 
hee  fleepe  untill  their  meate  be  difhed  up,  they  will  fet  a 
wooden  boule  of  meate  by  him  that  fleepeth,  and  wake  him 
faying,  Cattup  keene  Meckin2:  That  is,  If  you  be  hungry, 
there  is  meat  for  you,  where  if  you  will  eate  you  may.  Such 
is  their  Humanity.3 


perpendicularly  to  keep  their  feet  out  of 
the  fire.  .  .  .  The  bark  covering  was  full 
of  crevices,  through  which  the  icy  blafts 
ftreamed  in  upon  him  from  all  fides  ;  and 
the  hole  above,  at  once  window  and 
chimney,  was  fo  large,  that,  as  he  [Le 
Jeune]  lay,  he  could  watch  the  ftars  as 
well  as  in  the  open  air.  While  the  fire 
in  the  midft,  fed  with  fat  pine-knots, 
fcorched  him  on  one  fide,  on  the  other 
he  had  much  ado  to  keep  himfelf  from 
freezing.  At  times,  however,  the  crowded 
hut  feemed  heated  to  the  temperature 
of  an  oven.  But  thefe  evils  were  light 
when  compared  to  the  intolerable  plague 
of  fmoke.  During  a  fnow-ftorm,  and 
often  at  other  times,  the  wigwam  was 
filled  with  fumes  fo  denfe,  stifling,  and 
acrid,  that  all  its  inmates  were  forced 
to  lie  flat  on  their  faces,  breathing 
through  mouths  in  contact  with  the  cold 
earth.  Their  throats  and  mouths  felt 
as  if  on  fire ;  their  fcorched  eyes  ftreamed 
with  tears.  .  .  .  The  dogs  were  not  an 

unmixed  evil,  for  by  fleeping  on  and 
around  [Le  Jeune],  they  kept  him  warm 
at  night ;  but,  as  an  offset  to  this  good 
fervice,  they  walked,  ran  and  jumped 
over  him  as  he  lay  "  (pp.  27-8). 

1  In  regard  to  the  food  of  the  Indians 
and  their  alternate  gluttony  and  abfti- 
nence,  fee  Joffelyn's  Two  Voyages,  pp. 
129-30 ;  Wood's  Pro/peel,  p.  57.  Wood's 
account  of  the  Indians  is  ufually  the 
beft.  As  refpects  eating,  he  fays:  "At 
home  they  will  eate  till  their  bellies  ftand 
South,  ready  to  fplit  with  fulneffe :  it 
being  their  fafhion,  to  eate  all  at  fome- 
times,  and  fometimes  nothing  at  all  in 
two  or  three  days,  wife  providence  being 
a  ftranger  to  their  wilder  dayes." 

2  "  Cattup  keen  ?  '  Are  you  hungry  ? ' 
Meechin,  '  meat ;  '  or,  as  an  Indian 
would  be  more  likely  to  fay,  Meech,  '  eat.' 
In  Eliot's  orthography,  Kodtup  ken  ? 
Meechum,  '  victuals,  food,'  or  meech, 
'  eat."  —  7.  H.  Trumbull. 

3  In  regard  to  the  hofpitality  of  the 


138  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Likewife,  when  they  are  minded  to  remoove,  they  carry 
away  the  mats  with  them ;  other  materiales  the  place  adjoyn- 
ing  will  yeald.  They  ufe  not  to  winter  and  fummer  in  one 
place,  for  that  would  be  a  reafon  to  make  fuell  fcarfe  ;  but, 
after  the  manner  of  the  gentry  of  Civilized  natives,  remoove 
for  their  pleafures ;  fome  times  to  their  hunting  places,  where 
they  remaine  keeping  good  hofpitality  for  that  feafon  ;  and 
fometimes  to  their  fifhing  places,  where  they  abide  for  that 
feafon  likewife :  and  at  the  fpring,  when  fifh  comes  in  plen- 
tifully, they  have  meetinges  from  feverall  places,  where  they 
exercife  themfelves  in  gaminge  and  playing  of  juglinge 
trickes  and  all  manner  of  Revelles,  which  they  are  deligted 
in ;  [fo]  that  it  is  admirable  to  behould  what  paftime  they 
ufe  of  feverall  kindes,  every  one  ftriving  to  furpaffe  each 
other.1     After  this  manner  they  fpend  their 


Chapter     V. 

Indians,  Wood  fays  {Ptofpecl,  p.  59)  : 
"  Though  they  be  fometimes  fcanted, 
yet  are  they  as  free  as  Emperors,  both 
to  their  countrymen  and  Englifti,  be  he 
ftranger  or  mere  acquaintance ;  count- 
ing it  a  great  difcourtefie  not  to  eat  of 
their  high  conceited  delicates,  and  fup 
of  their  un-oat-meal'd  broth,  made  thick 
with  fifhes,  fowles  and  beafts  boiled 
all  together;  fome  remaining  raw,  the 
reft  converted  by  over-much  feething  to 
a  loathed  mafs,  not  halfe  fo  good  as 
IriJJi  Boniclapper."  See  alfo  Gookin's 
Indians,  1.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p. 


So  alfo  Roger  Williams  {Key,  ch.  ii. 

and  iii.)  :  "  If  any  ftranger  came  in, 
they  prefently  give  him  to  eat  of  what 
they  have  ;  many  a  time,  and  at  all  times 
of  the  night  (as  I  have  fallen  in  travel, 

upon  their  houfes)  where  nothing  hath 
been  ready,  have  themfelves  and  their 
wives,  rifen  to  prepare  me  fome  refrefh- 

"  In  Summer-time  I  have  knowne 
them  lye  abroad  often  themfelves,  to 
make  room  for  ftrangers,  Englifli,  or 

"  /  have  known  them  leave  their  Houfe  and 
to  lodge  a  friend  or  ftranger, 
Where  Jeives  and  Chrijlians  oft  have  sent 
Chrijl  Jefus  to  the  manger.  ' 

1  In  regard  to  the  games  and  remov- 
als of  the  Indians,  fee  Williams's  Key, 
chs.  xi.  and  xxviii. ;  Smith's  True  Trav- 
els, vol.  i.  p.  133  ;  Gookin's  Indians, 
1.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  153  ;  and 
Wood's  Profpecl,  pp.  63,  73-5.     Wood 


New  Engli/Ii  Canaan, 


*Chap.    V. 

Of  their  Religion. 



IT  has  bin  a  common  receaved  opinion  from  Cicero,1  that 
there  is  no  people  fo  barbarous  but  have  fome  worfhipp 
or  other.  In  this  particular,  I  am  not  of  opinion  therein 
with  Tully  ;  and,  furely,  if  hee  had  bin  amongffc  thofe  people 
fo  longe  as  I  have  bin,  and  converfed  fo  much  with  them 
touching  this  matter  of  Religion,  hee  would  have  changed 
his  opinion.  Neither  fhould  we  have  found  this  error, 
amongft  the  reft,  by  the  helpe  of  that  wodden  profpecl,2  if  it 


fives  an  excellent  defcription  of  the 
ndian  game  of  foot-ball :  "  Their  goals 
be  a  mile  long  placed  on  the  fands, 
which  are  as  even  as  a  board ;  their 
ball  is  no  bigger  than  a  hand-ball,  which 
fometimes  they  mount  in  the  air  with 
their  naked  feet,  fometimes  it  is  fwayed 
by  the  multitude ;  fometimes  alfo  it  is 
two  days  before  they  get  a  goal ;  then 
they  mark  the  ground  they  win,  and 
begin  the  next  day.  .  .  .  Though  they 
play  never  fo  fiercely  to  outward  appear- 
ance, yet  anger-boiling  blood  never 
ftreams  in  their  cooler  veins  ;  if  any 
man  be  thrown,  he  laughs  out  his  foil, 
there  is  no  feeking  of  revenge,  no  quar- 
relling, no  bloody  nofes,  fcratched  faces, 
black  eyes,  broken  fhins,  no  bruifed 
members  or  crufhed  ribs,  the  lament- 
able effects  of  rage  ;  but  the  goal  being 
won,  the  goods  on  the  one  fide  loft ; 
friends  they  were  at  the  foot-ball,  and 
friends  they  muft  meet  at  the  kettle." 
To  the  fame  effect  fee  Strachey's 
Hijiorie,  p.  78. 

1  Ipfifque  in  hominibus  nulla  gens  eft 
neque  tarn  immanfueta,  neque  tarn  fera, 

quae  non,  etiam  fi  ignoret  qualem  habere 
deum  deceat,  tamen  habendum  fciat 
(De  Leg/bus,  Lib.  I.  §  8). 

Quae  eft  enim  gens,  aut  quod  genus 
hominum,  quod  non  habeat  fine  doclxina. 
anticipationem  quandam  deorum?  (De 
ATattira  Deorum,  Lib.  I.  §  16). 

2  The  reference  here  is  to  Wood's 
New  England' 's  Profpefl  (p.  70) .  I  n  re- 
gard to  the  time  when  this  work  was 
written  and  publifhed,  fee  Mr.  Deane's 
preface  to  the  edition  in  the  publications 
of  the  Prince  Society.  Morton  makes 
numerous  references  to  it  in  the  New 
Canaan  (infra,  *38,  53,  64,  84,  99). 
The  prefent  reference  is  one  of  the  few 
unintelligible  paffages  in  the  book. 
Wood's  language,  to  which  Morton  ap- 
parently takes  exception,  is  as  follows  : 
"  As  it  is  natural  to  all  mortals  to  wor- 
fhip  fomething,  fo  do  thefe  people  ;  but 
exactly  to  defcribe  to  whom  their  wor- 
fhip  is  chiefly  bent,  is  very  difficult  ; 
they  acknowledge  efpecially  two,  Ketan, 
who  is  their  good  God,  to  whom  they 
facrifice  after  their  garners  be  full  with  a 
good  crop  :  upon  this  God  likewife  they 


140  New  EnglifJi  Canaan, 

had  not  been  fo  unadvifedly  built  upon  fuch  highe  land  as 
that  Coaft  (all  mens  judgements  in  generall,)  doth  not  yeeld, 
had  hee  but  taken  the  judiciall  councell  of  Sir  William 
Alexander,  that  fetts  this  thing  forth  in  an  exact  and  con- 
clufive  fentence ;  if  hee  be  not  too  obftinate  ?  hee  would 
graunt  that  worthy  writer,  that  thefe  people  are  fine  fide,  fine 
lege,  &  fine  rege}  and  hee  hath  exemplified  this  thinge  by 
a  familiar  demonftration,  which  I  have  by  longe  experience 
obferved  to  be  true. 

And,  me  thinks,  it  is  abfurd  to  fay  they  have  a  kinde  of 
worfhip,  and  not  able  to  demonftrate  whome  or  what  it  is 
they  are  accuftomed  to  worfhip.  For  my  part  I  am  more 
willing  to  beleeve  that  the  Elephants  (which  are  reported  to 


invocate  for  fair  weather,  for  rain  in  time 
of  drought,  and  for  the  recovery  of  their 
fick  ;  but  if  they  do  not  hear  them,  then 
they  verify  the  old  verfe,  Fleclere  fi 
nequeo  Super es,  Acheronta  movebo,  their 
Pow-wows  betaking  themfelves  to  their 
exorcifms  and  unromantick  charms.  .  .  . 
by  God's  permiffion,  through  the  Devil's 
help,  their  charms  are  of  force  to  pro- 
duce effects  of  wonderment."  Morton 
would  feem  to  have  wifhed  to  depreciate 
Wood,  as  an  authority  on  New  England, 
and  fo,  playing  upon  his  name  and  the 
title  of  his  book,  he  implied  that  he  had 
taken  a  much  more  elevated  view  of  the 
religious  development  of  the  Indians 
than  could  be  juftified  either  by  the  ac- 
tual facts,  or  the  judgment  of  the  beft 

Being  unintelligible,  the  paffage,  from 
the  word  "neither"  to  the  end  of  the 
paragraph,  is  reproduced  here  in  all  re- 
flects, including  punctuation,  as  it  is  in 
the  text  of  the  original  edition. 

1  There  is  no  expreffion  of  this  nature 
to  be  found  anywhere  in  thofe  writings 

of  Sir  William  Alexander  which  have 
come  down  to  us  and  are  included  in  the 
publications  of  the  Prince  Society.  He 
may  have  ufed  the  expreffion  quoted  in 
converfation,  or  in  a  letter.  Winflow,  in 
Mourt,  fays :  "  They  [the  favages]  are  a 
people  without  any  religion,  or  knowledge 
of  any  God  "  (p.  61).  This  ftatement  he 
fubfequently,  however,  retracted  in  his 
Good  News  (Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg-, 
p.  355),  where  he  fays,  "  therein  I  erred, 
though  we  could  then  gather  no  better." 
The  fubject  of  the  religion  of  the  North 
American  aborigines  has  been  treated  by 
Parkman  in  the  introduction  to  the  Jefu- 
its  in  North  America  (pp.  Ixvii.-lxxxix), 
and  he  concludes  that  "  the  primitive  In- 
dian, yielding  his  untutored  homage  to 
an  All-pervading  and  Omnipotent  Spirit, 
is  a  dream  of  poets,  rhetoricians  and  fen- 
timentalifts."  To  the  fame  effect  Pal- 
frey, at  the  clofe  of  his  vigorous  difcuf- 
fion  of  the  fame  fubject  (vol.  i.  p.  45), 
declares  that  the  devout  Indian  of  the 
"  untutored  mind  is  as  fabulous  as  the 
griffin  or  the  centaur." 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  141 

be  the  moft  intelligible  of  all  beafts)  doe  worfhip  the 
moone,  for  the  reafons  *  given  by  the  author  of  this  *  28 
report,  as  Mr.  Thomas  May,  the  minion  of  the  Mufes 
dos  recite  it  in  his  continuation  of  Lucans  hiftoricall  poem,1 
rather  then  this  man :  to  that  I  mult  bee  conftrained,  to  con- 
clude againfl  him,  and  Cicero,  that  the  Natives  of  New 
England  have  no  worfliip  nor  religion  at  all ;  and  I  am  fure 
it  has  been  fo  obferved  by  thofe  that  neede  not  the  helpe  of 
a  wodden  profpect  for  the  matter. 

Chap.    VI. 

Of  the  Indians  apparrell. 

THe  Indians  in  thefe  parts  do  make  their  apparrell  of 
the  fkinnes  of  feverall  fortes  of  beaftes,  and  commonly 
of  thofe  that  doe  frequent  thofe  partes  where  they  doe  live  ; 
yet  fome  of  them,  for  variety,  will  have  the  fkinnes  of  fuch 
beafts  that  frequent  the  partes  of  their  neighbors,  which  they 
purchafe  of  them  by  Commerce  and  Trade. 


1  Thomas  May,  better  known  as  the  "But  in  a  higher  kind  (as  fome  relate) 
hiftorian  and  fecretary  of  the  Long  Par-      Do  Elephants  with  men  communicate, 
liament,  was  born  in  1595  and  died  in      (If  you  believe  it)  a  religion 
1650.      In  1627  he  publifhed  a  tranfla-      They  have,   and  monthly   do   adore  the 

tion  of  Lucan's  Pharfalia,  with  a  fit 6-      -r,  rj    °?n\  ,i3    XT  ,    it  , 

,/,._.  „    .•  J    .-        /./-     y  f         Befides  the  loftie  Nabathaean  wood, 

Piemen  um    or  continuation  (1630),  by      Qf  vaft  e  A      ,0>s         ,e  flood< 

himfelf  in  feven  books.     This  continua-  Gliding  alongj  the  fandie  mould  combines. 

tion  he  fublequently  tranflated  into  Latin,  Thither,  as  oft  as  waxing  Cynthia  fhines 

and  it  is  included  in  Lemaire's  edition  In  her  firfl:  borrowed  light,  from  out  the 

of  the  Pharfalia  in  his  Bibliotheca  Claf-  wood, 

fica  Latina  (Paris,  1832).     The  paffage  Come  all  the  Elephants,  and  in  the  floud 

to  which  Morton  refers  is  in  the  third  Warning  themfelves  (as  if  to  purine) 

book  of  the    continuation   (11.    108-78).  They  proftrate  fall ;  and  when  religiouHy 

The  following  are  fome  of  the  verfes  :  —      They  ,have  ad°re(?  ,th.e  M,oon>  return  aSain 

Into  the  woods  with  joy. 


142  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

The    Indians      Thefe  fkinnes  they  convert  into  very  good  lether,  making 

make    good  ,  .  -\        r    c  r-  r         1        r-         n    «  * 

lether.  the   lame   plume   and   iott.      Some  of   thefe    fkinnes    they 

dreffe  with  the  haire  on,  and  fome  with  the  haire  off;  the 

hairy  fide  in  winter  time  they  weare  next  their  bodies,  and 

in  warme  weather  they  weare  the    haire  outwardes  :    they 

make   likewife   fome    Coates  of   the    Feathers    of    Turkies, 

which  they  weave  together  with  twine  of  their  owne  makinge, 

very  prittily :  thefe  garments  they  weare  like  mantels 

*  29    knit  over  *  their  moulders,  and  put  under  their  arme  : 

they   have  likewife  another  fort  of  mantels,  made  of 

Mofe  fkinnes,  which  beaft  is  a  great  large  Deere  fo  bigge 

as  a  horfe ;  thefe  fkinnes  they  commonly  dreffe  bare,  and 

Indians  inge-  make  them  wondrous  white,  and  ftripe  them  with  fize  round 

'men  foTZJir  about  the  borders,  in  forme  like  lace  fet  on  by  a  Taylor,  and 

gai  fome  they  ftripe  with  fize  in  workes  of  feverall  fafhions  very 

curious,  according  to  the  feverall  fantafies  of  the  workemen, 

wherein  they   flrive    to  excell    one  another:    And  Mantels 

made  of  Beares  fkinnes  is  an  ufuall  wearinge,  among  the 

Natives  that  live  where  the  Beares  doe  haunt :    they  make 

fliooes  of  Mofe  fkinnes,  which  is  the  principall  leather  ufed 

to  that  purpofe ;  and  for  want  of  fuch  lether  (which  is  the 

ftrongeft)  they  make  fliooes  of  Deeres  fkinnes,  very  hand- 

fomly  and  commodious ;  and,  of  fuch  deeres  fkinnes  as  they 

dreffe  bare,  they  make  ftockinges   that  comes  within  their 

fliooes,  like  a  ftirrop  ftockinge,  and  is  faftned  above  at  their 

belt,  which  is  about  their  middell ;    Every  male,  after  hee 

The  modejiy  of  iX\.2M\zs>  unto  the  age  which  they  call  Pubes,  wereth  a  belt 

mm*  han     about  his  middell,  and  a  broad  peece  of  lether  that  goeth 

betweene  his  leggs  and  is  tuckt  up  both  before  and  behinde 

under  that  belt ;  and  this  they  weare  to  hide  their  fecreats 


New  Englijli  Canaan. 


of  nature,  which  by  no  meanes  they  will  fuffer  to  be  feene, 
fo  much  modefty  they  ufe  in  that  particular ;  thofe  gar- 
ments they  allwayes  put  on,  when  they  goe  a  huntinge,  to 
keepe  their  fkinnes  from  the  brum  of  the  Shrubbs :  and 
when  they  have  their  Apparrell  one  they  looke  like 
Irifh  in  *  their  troufes,  the  Stockinges  joyne  fo  to  *  30 
their  breeches.  A  good  well  growne  deere  fkin  is  of 
great  account  with  them,  and  it  muft  have  the  tale  on,  or  elfe 
they  account  it  defaced  ;  the  tale  being  three  times  as  long 
as  the  tales  of  our  Englifh  Deere,  yea  foure  times  fo  longe, 
this  when  they  travell  is  raped  round  about  their  body,  and, 
with  a  girdle  of  their  making,  bound  round  about  their  mid-  Indians  tmv- 

11  ,  1*1  •     1 1        •        r    n  1         1  •  1   •    1      1   •       •     o  atfe  with  mate- 

dies,  to  which  girdle  is  taltned  a  bagg,  in  which  his  mitru-  rials  to  jirike 
ments  be  with  which  hee  can  ftrike  fire  upon  any  occafion.1     fireat<aiitmes- 

1  In  his  Latin  poem  on  New  England, 
which  the  Rev.  William  Morell  wrote 
during  his  eighteen  months'  relldence  at 
Weffagufiet  as  the  fpiritual  head  of  the 
Robert  Gorges  fettlement  of  1623,  there 
is  a  defcription  of  the  Indian  and  his 
garments.  The  following  is  the  author's 
Englifh  rendering  of  his  more  elegant 
Latin  original :  — 

"  Whofe  hayre  is  cut  with  greeces,  yet  a 

Is  left ;  the  left  fide  bound  up  in  a  knott : 
Their  males  finall  labour  but  great  pleaf- 

ure  know, 
Who  nimbly  and  expertly  draw  the  bow ; 
Traind  up  to  fuffer  cruell  heat  and  cold, 
Or  what  attempt  fo  ere  may  make  them 

bold ; 
Of  body  ftraight,  tall,  ftrong,  mantled  in 

Of  deare  or  bever,  with  the  hayre-fide  in  ; 
An  otter  fkin  their  right  armes  doth  keepe 

To  keepe  them  fit  for  ufe,  and  free  from 

harme ; 


A  girdle  fet  with  formes  of  birds  or  beads, 
Begirts   their  wafte,   which   gentle    gives 

them  eafe. 
Each  one  doth  modeflly  bind  up  his  fhame, 
And  deare-fkin  ftart-ups  reach  up  to  the 

fame ; 
A  kind  of  fin/en  keeps  their  feet  from  cold, 
Which  after  travels  they  put  off,  up-fold, 
Themfelves  they  warme,  their  ungirt  limbes 

they  reft 
In  ftraw,  and  houfes,  like  to  flies." 

1.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  131. 

Wood's  defcription  of  the  Indian  ap- 
parel is  very  like  Morton's.  He  fays, 
however  :  "  The  chiefe  reafons  they  ren- 
der why  they  will  not  conforme  to  our 
Englifh  apparell  are  becaufe  their  women 
cannot  wafh  them  when  they  be  foyled, 
and  their  meanes  will  not  reach  to  buy 
new  when  they  have  done  with  their  old  ; 
and  they  confidently  beleeve,  the  Englifh 
will  not  be  fo  liberall  as  to  furnifh  them 
upon  gifture  :  therefore  they  had  rather 
goe  naked  than  be  loufie,  and  bring  their 


144  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Thus  with  their  bow  in  their  left  hand,  and  their  quiuer 
of  Arrowes  at  their  back,  hanging  one  their  left  fhoulder 
with  the  lower  end  of  it  in  their  right  hand,  they  will  runne 
away  a  dogg  trot  untill  they  come  to  their  journey  end ; 
and,  in  this  kinde  of  ornament,  they  doe  feeme  to  me  to  be 
hanfomer  then  when  they  are  in  Englifh  apparrell,  their 
gefture  being  anfwerable  to  their  one  habit  and  not  unto 

Their  women  have  fhooes  and  ftockinges  to  weare  like- 
wife  when  they  pleafe,  fuch  as  the  men  have,  but  the  mantle 
they  ufe  to  cover  their  nakedneffe  with  is  much  longer  then 
that  which  the  men  ufe ;  for,  as  the  men  have  one  Deeres 
fkinn,  the  women  have  two  foed  together  at  the  full  lenght, 
and  it  is  fo  lardge  that  it  trailes  after  them  like  a  great 
Ladies  trane ;  and  in  time  I  thinke  they  may  have  their 
Pages  to  beare  them  up ;  and  where  the  men  ufe  but  one 
Beares  fkinn  for  a  Mantle,  the  women  have  two  foed  togeth- 
er ;  and  if  any  of  their  women  would  at  any  time  fhift  one, 
they  take  that  which  they  intend  to  make  ufe  of,  and 
*  31     *caft  it  over  them  round,  before  they  fhifte  away  the 


bodies  out  of  their  old  tune,  making  them  with  the  hayre,  but  in  Sommer  without, 

more  tender  by  a  new  acquired  habit,  The   better   fort  ufe    large   mantels   of 

which  poverty  would  conftrain  them  to  Deare  fkins,  not  much  differing  in  fafh- 

leave."  (Profpeft,  p.  56).  ion  from  the  Irifli  mantels.     Some  im- 

The    defcription    given    by   Winflow  brodered  with  white  beads,  fome  with 

(Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,\>.  365)  is  very  copper,  others  painted  after  their  man- 

fimilar  to  Morell's.     See  alfo  Gookin's  ner.     But  the  common  fort  have  fcarce 

Indians,  I.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  to  cover  their  nakedneffe,  but  with  graffe, 

152;  Joffelyn's  Two  Voyages, 00.  128-9,  the  leaves  of  trees  or  fuch  like.   We  have 

and  Williams's  Key,  ch.  xx.  feene  fome  ufe  mantels  made  of  Turkey 

Smith  {True  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.  129)  feathers  fo  prettily  wrought  and  woven 

fays :    "  For    their    apparell,    they    are  with  threads  that  nothing  could  be  dif- 

fometimes  covered  with  the  fkinnes  of  cerned  but  the  feathers." 
wilde  beafls,  which  in  winter  are  dreffed 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  145 

other,   for    modefty,   being   unwilling    to    be  feene   to    dif- 
cover    their  nakedneffe ;    and  the  one  being  fo   caft   over,  tju    Indians 
they  flip  the  other  from  under  them  in  a  decent  manner,  aaea™dnak{d- 
which  is  to   be  noted  in  people  uncivilized ;    therein  they  ne^e- 
feeme   to  have   as  much  modefty  as  civilized  people,  and 
deferve  to  be  applauded  for  it.1 

Chap.    VII. 

Of  their  Child-bearing,  and  delivery,  and  what  manner  of 

perfons  they  are. 

THe  women  of  this  Country  are  not  fuffered  to  be  ufed 
for  procreation  untill  the  ripeneffe  of  their  age,  at 
which  time  they  weare  a  redd  cap  made  of  lether,  in  forme 
like  to  our  flat  caps,  and  this  they  weare  for  the  fpace  of  12 
moneths,  for  all  men  to  take  notice  of  them  that  have  any 
minde  to  a  wife ;  and  then  it  is  the  cuftome  of  fome  of  their 
Sachems  or  Lords  of  the  territories,  to  have  the  firft  fay  or 
maidenhead  of  the  females.2      Very  apt  they  are  to  be  with 


1  Supra,  16,  note.  (Young's  Chron.  of  Pila.,  p.  364)  fays: 

2  Speaking  of  a  ceremony  common  to  —  "  When  a  maid  is  taken  in  marriage, 
the  Algonquins  and  the  Hurons,  of  pro-  me  firft  cutteth  her  hair,  and  after  wear- 
pitiating  their  filhing-nets  by  formally  eth  a  covering  on  her  head,  till  her  hair 
marrying  them  every  year  to  two  young  be  grown  out.  Their  women  are  di- 
girls,  Parkman  fays :  "As  it  was  indif-  verfely  difpofed ;  fome  as  modeft,  as 
penfable  that  the  brides  fhould  be  vir-  they  will  fcarce  talk  one  with  another 
gins,  mere  children  were  chofen"  {The  in  the  company  of  men,  being  very 
Jefuits  in  North  America,  p.  lxix.  note),  chafte  alfo  ;  yet  others  feem  light,  laf- 
The  fubjecl;  of  female  chaftity  among  civious,  and  wanton.  .  .  .  Some  com- 
the  Indians  has  already  been  referred  to  mon  ftrumpets  there  are,  as  well  as 
(fupra,  p.  17),  and  it  is  extremely  quef-  in  other  places  ;  but  they  are  fuch  as 
tionable  whether  they  had  any  concep-  either  never  married,  or  widows,  or  put 
tion  of  it.     Winflow,  in  his  Good  News  away  for  adultery  ;  for  no  man  will  keep 





ii/Ii  Q 


The  women  bfg  childe,  and  very  laborious  when  they  beare  children  ;  yea, 

laborwul.  very  when  they  are  as  great  as  they  can  be  :  yet  in  that  cafe  they 

neither  forbeare  laboure,  nor  travaile  ;  I  have  feene  them  in 

that  plight  with  burthens  at  their  backs  enough  to  load  a 

horfe  ;  yet  doe  they  not  mifcarry,  but  have  a  faire  delivery, 

and  a  quick :   their  women  are  very  good   midwifes, 


32    and  the  women  very  lufty  after  *  delivery,  and  in  a  day 
or  two  will   travell   or  trudge  about.1      Their  infants 

fuch  an  one  to  wife."  Strachey  (Hif- 
torie,  p.  65),  fays  of  the  Virginians : 
"Their  younger  women  goe  not  fhad- 
owed  [clothed]  amongft  their  owne  com- 
panie,  until  they  be  nigh  eleaven  or 
twelve  returnes  of  the  leafe  old,  nor  are 
they  much  afhamed  thereof,  and  there- 
fore would  the  before  remembered  Po- 
chahuntas,  a  well  featured,  but  wanton 
yong  girle,  Powhatan's  daughter,  fome- 
tymes  reforting  to  our  fort,  of  the  age 
then  of  eleven  or  twelve  yeares,  get  the 
boyes  forth  with  her  into  the  markett 
place,  and  make  them  wheele,  falling  on 
their  hands,  turning  up  their  heeles  up- 
wards, whome  (he  would  followe,  and 
wheele  fo  her  felf,  naked  as  the  was,  all 
the  fort  over  ;  but  being  over  twelve 
yeares,  they  put  on  akindoffemecinctum 
lethern  apron  (as  doe  our  artificers  or 
handycrafts  men)  before  their  bellies, 
and  are  very  fhamefac't  to  be  feen  bare." 
Ellis,  in  his  Red  Man  and  White  Man 
(p.  185),  remarks  on  this  point:  "The 
obfcenity  of  the  favages  is  unchecked  in 
its  revolting  and  difgufting  exhibitions. 
Senfuality  feeks  no  covert." 

Under  thefe  circumftances  it  is  unnec- 
effary  to  fay  that  Morton's  ftatements  as 
to  the  red  cap  and  the  Sachem's  privi- 
lege are  pure  fiction,  and  what  Parkrnan 
fays  of  the  Hurons  is  probably  true  of 
the  Maffachufetts,  —  their  women  were 
wantons  before  marriage  and  houfehold 


drudges    after   it.       CJefuits   in  North 
America,  p.  xxxv). 

1  To  the  fame  effect  Roger  Williams 
fays  :  "  Moll  of  them  count  it  a  fhame 
for  a  woman  in  travell  to  make  com- 
plaint, and  many  of  them  are  fcarcely 
heard  to  groane.  I  have  often  known  in 
one  quarter  of  an  hour  a  woman  merry 
in  the  houfe,  and  delivered  and  merry 
again  :  and  within  two  dayes  abroad,  and 
after  foure  or  five  dayes  at  worke." 
{Key,  ch.  xxiii.).  See  alio  Joffelyn's 
Two  Voyages,  p.  127.  Wood's  account 
is  almoft  as  comprehenfive,  though  not 
quite  fo  detailed  and  graphic  as  Jofle- 
lyn's :  "  They  likewife  few  their  huf- 
band's  fhooes,  and  weave  mats  of  Turkic 
feathers  ;  befides  all  their  ordinary 
houfehold  drudgery  which  dayly  lies 
upon  them,  fo  that  a  bigge  belly  hinders 
no  bufmeffe  nor  a  childbirth  takes  much 
time,  but  the  young  infant  being  greafed 
and  footed,  wrapped  in  a  Beaver  fkin, 
bound  to  his  goode  behaviour  with  his 
feete  up  to  his  bumme,  upon  a  board  two 
foot  long  and  one  foot  broade,  his  face 
expofed  to  all  nipping  weather,  this  little 
Pappoufe  travels  about  with  his  bare- 
footed mother,  to  paddle  in  the  Icie 
Clammbanks  after  three  or  four  daies 
of  age  have  fealed  his  paffe-board  and 
his  mother's  recovery."  (Pro/peel,  p. 
82).     See  alfo  Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg^ 

P-  358- 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  147 

are  borne  with  haire  on  their  heads,  and  are  of  complexion 
white  as  our  nation ;  but  their  mothers  in  their  infancy- 
make  a  bath  of  Wallnut  leaves,  hufkes  of  Walnuts,  and  fuch  children 
things  as  will  ftaine  their  fkinne  for  ever,  wherein  they  dip  &JuU 
and  wafhe  them  to  make  them  tawny 1 ;  the  coloure  of  their 
haire  is  black,  and  their  eyes  black.  Thefe  infants  are  car- 
ried at  their  mothers  backs  by  the  help  of  a  cradle  made  of 
a  board  forket  at  both  ends,  whereon  the  childe  is  fait  bound 
and  wrapped  in  furres;  his  knees  thruft  up  towards  his 
bellie,  becaufe  they  may  be  the  more  ufefull  for  them  when 
he  fitteth,  which  is  as  a  dogge  does  on  his  bumme :  and 
this  cradle  furely  preferues  them  better  then  the  cradles  of 
our  nation,  for  as  much  as  we  finde  them  well  proportioned, 
not  any  of  them  crooked  backed  or  wry  legged  :  and  to  give 
their  charracler  in  a  worde,  they  are  as  proper  men  and 
women  for  feature  and  limbes  as  can  be  found,  for  nefh  and 
bloud  as  active :    longe   handed   they  are,  (I   never  fawe  a 


1  The  idea  that  the  Indian  was  born  of  the  fuppofed  procefs :  The  Indians 

white  was  very  commonly  entertained  "  are  generally  of  a  cullour  browne  or 

in  the  firft  half  of  the  feventeenth  cen-  rather  tawny,  which  they  caft  themfelves 

tury.     Lechford,  in  his  Plaine  Dealing,  into  with  a  kind  of  arfenick  ftone,   .   .   . 

fays  (p.  50)  :  "  They  are  of  complexion  and  of  the  fame  hue  are  their  women ; 

fwarthy  and  tawny  ;  their  children  are  howbeit,  yt  is  fuppofed  neither  of  them 

borne  white,  but  they  bedaube  them  with  naturally  borne  fo  difcouloured ;  for  Cap- 

oyle,  and  colours,  prefently."     Joffelyn  tain    Smith  (lyving   fomtymes    amongft 

alfo    fpeaks    of    the     Indians    "dying  them)  affirmeth  how  they  are  from  the 

[their  children]  with  a  liquor  of  boiled  womb  indifferent  white,  but  as  the  men, 

Hemlock-Bark  {Two  Voyages,  p.  128).  fo  doe  the  women,  dye  and  difguife  them- 

Speaking  of  the  Virginia  women,  Smith  felves  into  this  tawny  cowler,  efteeming 

fays  :  "  To  make  [their  children]  hardie,  yt  the  beft  beauty  to  be  neereft  fuch  a 

in  the  coldeft  mornings  they  them  warn  kynd  of  murrey  as  a  fodden  quince  is 

in  the  rivers,  and  by  paynting  and  oynt-  of  (to  liken  yt  to  the  neereft  coulor  I 

ments  fo  tanne  their  fkinnes,  that  after  can),  for  which  they  daily  anoint  both 

a  year  or  two,  no   weather  will   hurt  face  and  bodyes  all  over  with  fuch  a 

them."  {True   Travels,  vol.   i.  p.   131).  kind  of  fueus  or  unguent  as  can  caft 

Strachey  gives  a  more  particular  account  them  into  that  ftayne."  {Hijlorie,  p.  63). 

148  New  Englifli  Canaan, 

clunchfifted  Salvadg  amongft  them  all  in  my  time.) 1  The 
colour  of  their  eies  being  fo  generally  black  made  a  Salvage, 
that  had  a  younge  infant  whole  eies  were  gray,  fhewed  him 
to  us,  and  faid  they  were  Englifh  mens  eies;  I  tould  the 
Father  that  his  fonne  was  nan  weeteo,  which  is  a  baftard ; 
hee  replied  litla  CheJJietue  fquaa?  which  is,  hee  could  not 
tell,  his  wife  might  play  the  whore  ;  and  this  childe  the  father 
defired  might  have  an  Englifli  name,  becaufe  of  the  lite- 
neffe3  of  his  eies,  which  his  father  had  in  admiration  be- 
caufe of  novelty  amongft  their  nation. 

*  33  *Chap.    VIII. 

Of  their  Reverence,  and  refpecl,  to  age. 

IT  is  a  thing  to  be  admired,  and  indeede  made  a  prefident, 
that  a  Nation  yet  uncivilizied  fhould  more  refpecl  aw 
Sxf  U     '  then  fc>me  nations  civilized,  fince  there  are  fo  many  precepts 
both  of  divine  and  humane  writers  extant  to  inftrucl:  more 


1  "  If  there  was  noticed  a  remarka-  Titta  fhould  be  tatta,  a  word  com- 
ble  exemption  from  phyfical  deformi-  mon  among  Indians,  which  is  well 
ties,  this  was  probably  not  the  effec~t  of  enough  tranflated  by  Morton.  Eliot 
any  peculiar  congenital  force  or  com-  renders  it '  I  know  not,'  and  R.  Williams 
pletenefs,  but  of  circumftances  which  adds  to  this  meaning,  '  I  cannot  tell ;  it 
forbade  the  prolongation  of  any  imper-  may  be  fo.' 

feci  life.     The  deaf,  blind  or  lame  child  "  CheJJietue  is  unknown   to   me,  but 

was  too  burdenfome  to  be  reared,  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  Morton 

according  to  a  favage  eftimate  of  uieful-  heard  fomething  like  it,  in  the  connec- 

nefs  and  enjoyment,  its  prolonged  life  tion  and  fubftantially  with  the  meaning 

would  not  requite  its  nurture."  Palfrey,  he  gives  it, —  fome  adjective  of  difpraife, 

vol.  i.  p.  23.  qualifying  fquaa,   or,   as  we  write   it, 

2  Mr.  Trumbull  writes :    "  Morton's  /gnaw" 

nan  weeteo  ftands  for  Eliot's  nanwe-        8  [likenefle.]    See fupra,  ni,note  1. 
tee'   (jianwetue,   Cotton),   'a  baftard.' 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  149 

Civill  Nations :  in  that  particular,  wherein  they  excell,  the 
younger  are  allwayes  obedient  unto  the  elder  people,  and  at 
their  commaunds  in  every  refpect  without  grummbling  ; x  in 
all  councels,  (as  therein  they  are  circumfpect  to  do  their  ac- 
ciones  by  advife  and  councell,  and  not  rafhly  or  inconfider- 
ately,)  the  younger  mens  opinion  mall  be  heard,  but  the  old 
mens  opinion  and  councell  imbraced  and  followed :  befides, 
as  the  elder  feede  and  provide  for  the  younger  in  infancy,  fo 
doe  the  younger,  after  being  growne  to  yeares  of  manhood, 
provide  for  thofe  that  be  aged :  and  in  diftribution  of  Acctes 
the  elder  men  are  nrft  ferved  by  their  difpenfator ;  and  their 
counfels  (efpecially  if  they  be  powahs)  are  efteemed  as 
oracles  amongft  the  younger  Natives. 

The  confideration  of  thefe  things,  mee  thinkes,  mould 
reduce  fome  of  our  irregular  young  people  of  civilized 
Nations,  when  this  ftory  mail  come  to  their  knowledge,  to 


1  The  obfervations  of  Roger  Wil-  To  the  fame  effect  Champlain  wrote 
liams  led  him  to  a  different  conclufion :  {Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  170):  "The  chil- 
"  Their  affections,  efpecially  to  their  dren  have  great  freedom  among  thefe 
children,  are  very  ftrong.  .  .  .  This  ex-  tribes.  The  fathers  and  mothers  in- 
treme  affection,  together  with  want  of  dulge  them  too  much,  and  never  pun- 
learning,  makes  their  children  faucie,  ifh  them.  Accordingly  they  are  fo  bad 
bold  and  undutifull.  I  once  came  into  and  of  fo  vicious  a  nature,  that  they 
a  houfe,  and  requefted  fome  water  to  often  ftrike  their  mothers  and  others, 
drink ;  the  father  bid  his  fonne  (of  The  moft  vicious,  when  they  have 
fome  8  yeeres  of  age)  to  fetch  fome  acquired  the  ftrength  and  power,  ftrike 
water :  the  boy  refufed,  and  would  not  their  fathers.  They  do  this  whenever 
ftir;  I  told  the  father,  that  I  would  cor-  the  father  or  mother  does  anything  that 
reft  my  child,  if  he  fhould  so  difobey  does  not  pleafe  them.  This  is  a  fort 
me  &c.  Upon  this  the  father  took  up  of  curfe  that  God  inflicts  upon  them." 
a  fticke,  the  boy  another,  and  flew  at  Winflow,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  Good 
his  father :  upon  my  perfuafion,  the  News,  lends  fome  fupport  to  Morton's 
poore  father  made  him  fmart  a  little,  ftatement  in  the  text.  He  fays :  "  The 
throw  down  his  flick,  and  run  for  water,  younger  fort  reverence  the  elder,  and 
and  the  father  confeffed  the  benefits  of  do  all  mean  offices,  whilft  they  are 
correction,  and  the  evill  of  their  too  in-  together,  although  they  be  ftrangers." 
dulgent  affections."  {Key,  ch.  v.)  (Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  3°3-) 

150  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

better  manners,  and  make  them  afhamed  of  their  for- 
*  34    mer  error  in  this   kinde,   and   to  *  become  hereafter 

more  duetyfull ;  which  I,  as  a  friend,  (by  obfervation 
having  found,)  have  herein  recorded  for  that  purpofe. 

Chap.   IX. 

Of  their  pretty  conjuring  tricks. 

IF  we  doe  not  judge  amiffe  of  thefe  Salvages  in  account- 
ing them  witches,  yet  out  of  all  queflion  we  may  be  bould 
to  conclude  them  to  be  but  weake  witches,  fuch  of  them  as 
wee  call  by  the  names  of  Powahs :  fome  correfpondency 
they  have  with  the  Devil  out  of  al  doubt,  as  by  fome  of 
their  accions,  in  which  they  glory,  is  manifefted.  Papafi- 
quineo,1  that  Sachem  or  Sagamore,  is  a  Powah  of  greate  efti- 
mation  amongft  all  kinde  of  Salvages  there  :  hee  is  at  their 
Revels  (which  is  the  time  when  a  great  company  of  Salvages 


1  This  Sachem,  "the moft  noted  pow-  declares  of  the   Indians,  "their  chiefe 

ow  and  forcerer  of  all  the  country,"  is  God  they  worfhip  is  the  Devil"  {True 

better  known  by  the  name  of  Paflacon-  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.   138)  ;    Mather  inti- 

away.     There   is   quite  an  account  of  mates  that  it  was  the  devil  who  feduced 

him  in  Drake's   Book  of  the  Indians  the  firft  inhabitants  of  America  into  it 

(B.  in.  ch.  vii).     He   is    the    Piffacan-  (Magnalia,   B.  1.  ch.  i.  §  3),  and  Win- 

nawa  mentioned  by  Wood  in  his  Prof-  throp,   defcribing   the   great  frefhet  of 

pefl  (p.  70),  of  whom  the  favages  re-  1638,  records  that  the  Indians  "being 

ported  that  he  could  "make  the  water  pavvawing    in   this    tempeft,    the    Devil 

burn,  the  rocks  move,  the  trees  dance,  came  and  fetched  away  five  of  them  " 

metamorphize    himfelf    into   a   flaming  (vol.  i.  p.  *  293). 

man."  Morton  fays  of  the  Indian  con-  See  alfo  Gookin's  Indians,  1.  Alafs. 
jurers,  "  fome  correfpondency  they  have  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  154;  Young's 
with  the  Devil  out  of  all  doubt ;"  Wood,  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  356;  and  Cham- 
to  the  fame  effect,  remarks  that  "by  plain's  Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  171.  Cham- 
God's  permiffion,  through  the  Devil's  plain  fays  the  Indians  do  not  worfhip 
helpe,  their  charmes  are  of  force  to  pro-  any  God  ;  "they  have,  however,  fome 
duce  effects  of   wonderment;"    Smith  refpect  for  the  devil." 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  1 5  1 

meete  from  feverall  parts  of  the  Country,  in  amity  with  their 
neighbours)  hath  advaunced  his  honor  in  his  feats  or  jugling 
tricks  (as  I  may  right  tearme  them)  to  the  admiration  of  the 
fpeclators,  whome  hee  endevoured  to  perfwade  that  he  would 
goe  under  water  to  the  further  fide  of  a  river,  to  broade  for 
any  man  to  undertake  with  a  breath,  which  thing  hee  per- 
formed by  fwimming  over,  and  deluding  the  company  with 
caftins:  a  mift  before  their  eies  that  fee  him  enter  in  and 
come  out,  but  no  part  of  the  way  hee  has  bin  feene :  like- 
wife  by  our  Englifh,  in  the  heat  of  all  fummer  to  make  Ice 
appeare  in  a  bowle  of  faire  water ;  firft,  having  the  water  fet 
before  him,  hee  hath  begunne  his  incantation  according  to 
their  ufuall  accuftome,  and  before  the  fame  has  bin 
ended  a  thick  Clowde  has  darkned  the  *  aire  and,  on  a  *  35 
fodane,  a  thunder  clap  hath  bin  heard  that  has  amazed 
the  natives ;  in  an  inftant  hee  hath  fhewed  a  firme  peece  of 
Ice  to  flote  in  the  middeft  of  the  bowle  in  the  prefence  of 
the  vulgar  people,  which  doubtles  was  done  by  the  agility 
of  Satan,  his  confort. 

And  by  meanes  of  thefe  Heights,  and  fuch  like  trivial 
things  as  thefe,  they  gaine  fuch  eftimation  amongft  the  reft 
of  the  Salvages  that  it  is  thought  a  very  impious  matter  for 
any  man  to  derogate  from  the  words  of  thefe  Powahs.  In 
fo  much  as  hee  that  mould  flight  them,  is  thought  to  commit 
a  crime  no  leffe  hainous  amongft  them  as  facriledge  is  with 
us,  as  may  appeare  by  this  one  paffage,  which  I  wil  fet  forth 
for  an  inftance. 

A  neighbour  of  mine  that  had  entertain'd  a  Salvage  into  a  Salvage  en- 
his  fervice,  to  be  his  fador  for  the  beaver  trade  amongft  his  ^iwdafac- 
countrymen,  delivered  unto  him  divers  parcells  of  commodi- 

152  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

ties  fit  for  them  to  trade  with  ;  amongfl  the  reft  there  was 

one  coate  of  more  efteeme  then  any  of  the  other,  and  with 

this  his  new  entertained  marchant  man  travels   amonft  his 

countrymen  to  truck  them  away  for  beaver :  as  our  cuftome 

hath  bin,  the  Salvage  went  up  into  the  Country  amongfl:  his 

neighbours  for  beaver,  and  returned  with  fome,  but  not  enough 

anfvverable  to  his  Mafteers  expectation,  but  being  called  to  an 

accompt,  and  efpecially  for  that  one  Coate  of  fpeciall   note, 

made  aniwer  that  he  had  given  that  coate  to  Tantoquineo,  a 

Powah  :  to  which  his  mafter  in  a  rage  cryed,  what  have  I  to 

doe  with  Tantoquineo  ?     The   Salvage,  very  angry  at  the 

matter,  cryed,  what  you  fpeake  ?    you  are  not  a  very  good 

man  ;  wil  you  not  give  Tantoq.  a  coat  ?  whats  this  ?  as 

*  36    if  he  had  offered  *  Tantoquineo  the  greateft  indignity 

that  could  be  devifed :  fo  great  is  the  eftimation  and 

reverence  that  thefe  people  have  of  thefe  Iugling1  Powahs, 

who  are  ufually   fent  for  when  any  perfon  is  ficke  and   ill 

at  eafe  to   recover   them,    for  which   they  receive  rewards 

An    Fntfijii-  as  doe  our  Chirgeons  and  Phifitions ;  and  they  doe  make  a 

TjLeSg.  °f  trade  of  it,  and  boaft  of  their  fkill  where  they  come : 2  One 

amongfl  the  reft  did  undertake  to  cure  an  Englifhman  of 

1  [Ingling.]     Seefuftra,  III.  note  I.  HI.  part,  iii.,  where   Mather  fays:    "In 

2  In  regard  to  the  Indian  Powaws,  moft  of  their  dangerous  diftempers,  it  is 
priefts,  or  medicine  men,  and  their  meth-  a  powaw  that  muft  be  fent  for  ;  that  is, 
ods  of  dealing  with  the  fick,  fee  the  de-  a  prieft  who  has  more  familiarity  with 
tailed  account  in  Champlain's  Voyages,  Satan  than  his  neighbors  ;  this  conjurer 
vol.  iii.  pp.  171— 8  ;  Joffelyn's  Two  Voya-  comes  and  roars  and  howls  and  ufes 
ges,  p.  134;  Wood's  Prof  peel,  p.  71 ;  Wil-  magical  ceremonies  over  the  fick  man, 
liams's  Key,  ch.xxxi.;  Cookies  Indians,  and  will  be  well  paid  for  it  when  he  is 
1.  Mass.  Hift.Coll.,  vol.i.p.  154;  Young's  done;  if  this  don't  effect  the  cure,  the 
Chron. ofPilg.,  pp.  317,  357;  Lechford's  'man's  time  is  come,  and  there's  an 
Plaine  Dealing, (Trumbull's  ed.)  p.  117;  end.'  "  For  a  fummary  in  Indian  med- 
Parkman's  Jefuits  in  North  America,  ical  practice,  fee  further,  Ellis's  Red 
pp.  lxxxiv-lxxxvii  ;  alfo  Magnalia,   B.  Man  and  White  A/an,  pp.  127-33. 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  153 

a  fwelling  of  his  hand  for  a  parcell  of  bifkett,  which  being 
delivered  him  hee  tooke  the  party  greived  into  the  woods 
afide  from  company,  and  with  the  helpe  of  the  devill,  (as 
may  be  conjectured,)  quickly  recovered  him  of  that  fwelling, 
and  fent  him  about  his  worke  againe. 

Chap.     X . 

Of  their  duels,  and  the  honourable  ejlimation  of  viclory 

obtained  thereby. 

THefe   Salvages  are  not  apt  to  quarrell  one  with  another: 
yet  fuch  hath  bin  the  occafion  that  a  difference  hath 
happened  which  hath  growne  to  that  height  that  it  has  not 
bin  reconciled  otherwife  then  by  combat,  which  hath  bin  per- 
formed in  this  manner :  the  two  champions  prepared  for  the 
fio;ht,  with  their  bowes  in  hand  and  a  quiver  full  of  arrowes  HmotheSaiv- 
at   their  backs,  they  have  entered  into  the  field;  the  Chal-  iheire  dudis. 
lenger  and  challenged  have  chofen  two  trees,  ftanding 
within  *  a  little  diflance  of  each  other ;  they  have  caft    #  37 
lotts  for  the  cheife  of  the  trees,  then  either  champion 
fetting  himfelfe  behinde  his-  tree  watches  an  advantage  to 
let  fly  his  fhafts,  and  to  gall  his  enemy ;  there  they  continue 
fhooting  at  each  other ;  if  by  chaunce  they  efpie  any  part 
open,  they  endeavour  to  gall  the  combatant  in  that  part,  and 
ufe  much  agility  in  the  performance  of  the  tafke   they  have 
in  hand.     Refolute  they  are  in  the  execution  of  their  ven- 
geance, when  once  they  have  begunne  ;  and  will  in  no  wife 
be  daunted,  or  feeme  to  fhrinck  though  they  doe  catch  a  clap 



New  Englifli  Canaan. 

with  an  arrow,  but  fight  it  out  in  this  manner  untill  one  or 
both  be  flaine. 

I  have  bin  (hewed  the  places  where  fuch  duels  have  bin 

performed,  and  have  fuond  the  trees  marked  for  a  memoriall 

Trees  marked  of  the  Combat,  where  that  champion  hath  flood  that  had  the 

tv/l€f€  tllCV  fief- 

formeadueii.  hap  to  be  flaine  in  the  duell :  and  they  count  it  the  greateft 
honor  that  can  be  to  the  ferviving  Cumbatant,  to  fliew  the 
fcares  of  the  wounds  received  in  this  kinde  of  Conflict,  and 
if  it  happen  to  be  on  the  arme,  as  thofe  parts  are  moft  in 
danger  in  thefe  cafes,  they  will  alwayes  weare  a  bracelet  upon 
that  place  of  the  arme,  as  a  trophy  of  honor 
to  their  dying  day. 

A  marriage. 

*38  *Chap.     XI. 

Of  the  maintaining  of  their  Reputation. 

REputation  is  fuch  a  thing  that  it  keepes  many  men  in 
awe,  even  amongft  Civilized  nations,  and  is  very  much 
flood  upon :  it  is  (as  one  hath  very  well  noted)  the  awe  of 
great  men  and  of  Kings.  And,  fince  I  have  obferved  it  to 
be  maintained  amongfl  Salvage  people,  I  cannot  chufe  but 
give  an  inflance  thereof  in  this  treatife,  to  confirme  the 
common  receaved  opinion  thereof. 

The  Sachem  or  Sagamore  of  Sagus  made  choife,  when 
hee  came  to  mans  eflate,  of  a  Lady  of  noble  difcent,  Daugh- 
ter to  Papafiquineo,  the  Sachem  or  Sagamore  of  the  territo- 
ries neare  Merrimack  River,  a  man  of  the  befl  note  and 
eftimation  in  all  thofe  parts,  and   (as  my  Countryman  Mr. 


New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  155 

Wood  declares  in  his  profpect)  a  great  Nigromancer ;  this 
Lady  the  younge  Sachem  with  the  confent  and  good  liking 
of  her  father  marries,  and  takes  for  his  wife.1  Great  enter- 
tainement  hee  and  his  receaved  in  thofe  parts  at  her  fathers 
hands,  where  they  weare  fefled  in  the  bed  manner  that 
might  be  expected,  according  to  the  Cuftome  of  their  nation, 
with  reveline  and  fuch  other  folemnities  as  is  ufuall  among-ft 
them.  The  folemnity  being  ended,  Papafiquineo  caufes  a 
felected  number  of  his  men  to  waite  upon  his  Daughter 
home  into  thofe  parts  that  did  properly  belong  to  her  Lord 
and  hufband  ;  where  the  attendants  had  entertainment  by 
the  Sachem  of  Sagus  and  his  Countrymen  :  the  folemnity 
being  ended,  the  attendants  were  gratified. 

Not  long  after  the  new  married  Lady  had  a  great 
*  defire  to  fee  her  father  and  her  native  country,  from  *  39 
whence  fhee  came  ;  her  Lord  willing  to  pleafure  her 
and  not  deny  her  requeft,  amongft  them  thought  to  be  rea- 
fonable,  commanded  a  felected  number  of  his  owne  men  to 
conduct  his  Lady  to  her  Father,  wher,  with  great  refpecl:, 
they  brought  her ;  and,  having  feafted  there  a  while,  returned 
to  their  owne  country  againe,  leaving  the  Lady  to  continue 


1  Paffaconoway,  already   referred    to  made  the  fubject  of  a  poem,  The  Bridal 

(fupra,  p.  150,  note),  dwelt  at  a  place  of  Pennacook,  by  Whittier,  and  Drake 

called  Pennakook,  and  his  dominions  ex-  repeats  it  ;  but  as  Winnepurkitt  is  faid 

tended  over  the  fachems  living  upon  the  by  Drake  to  have  been  born  in  1616,  and 

Pifcataqua  and  its  branches.    The  young  to   have    fucceeded    Montowampate  as 

Sachem    of  Saugus  was    named    Win-  Sachem  in  1633,  and  as  Morton,  at  the 

nepurkitt,    and   was   commonly   known  clofe  of  the  prefent  chapter,  declares  that 

among  the  Englifh  as  George  Rumney-  "  the   lady,    when    I   came   out   of  the 

marfh.    He  was  a  fon  of  Nanepafhemet,  country  [in  1630], remained  ftill  with  her 

and    at   one    time    proprietor    of    Deer  father,"  the  whole  ftory  would  feem  to  be 

Ifland  in  Bofton  Harbor.    (Drake's  Book  not  only   highly  inconiiftent  with  what 

of  the  Indians,  ed.  1851,  pp.    105,  in,  we  know  of  Indian  life  and  habits,  but 

27S.)     The  incident  in  the  text  has  been  alfo  at  variance  with  facts  and  dates. 

156  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

there  at  her  owne  pleafure,  amongft  her  friends  and  old  ac- 
quaintance ;  where  fhee  paffed  away  the  time  for  a  while,  and 
in  the  end  defired  to  returne  to  her  Lord  againe.  Her  father, 
An  ambaffage  the  old  Papafiquineo,  having  notice  of  her  intent,  fent  fome 
JpJiiqmneo  7<?  of  his  men  on  ambaffage  to  the  younge  Sachem,  his  fonne  in 
tw/a'sac/Jm.  law>  to  let  nmi  underftand  that  his  daughter  was  not  willing 
to  abfent  her  felfe  from  his  company  any  longer,  and  ther- 
fore,  as  the  meffengers  had  in  charge,  defired  the  younge 
Lord  to  fend  a  convoy  for  her ;  but  hee,  Handing  upon 
tearmes  of  honor,  and  the  maintaining  of  his  reputation, 
returned  to  his  father  in  law  this  anfwere,  that,  when  fhe 
departed  from  him,  hee  caufed  his  men  to  waite  upon  her  to 
her  fathers  territories,  as  it  did  become  him  ;  but,  now  fhee 
had  an  intent  to  returne,  it  did  become  her  father  to  fend 
her  back  with  a  convoy  of  his  own  people ;  and  that  it  flood 
not  with  his  reputation  to  make  himfelf  or  his  men  fo  fervile, 
to  fetch  her  againe.  The  old  Sachem  Papafiquineo,  having 
this  meffage  returned,  was  inraged  to  think  that  his  young 
fon  in  law  did  not  efteeme  him  at  a  higher  rate  then  to 
capitulate  with  him  about  the  matter,  and  returne[d]  him 
this  fharpe  reply ;  that  his  daughters  bloud  and  birth  de- 
ferred more  refpect  then  to  be  fo  flighted ;  and,  therefore, 
if  he  would  have  her  company,  hee  were  belt  to  fend  or 

come  for  her. 

*  40        *  The  younge  Sachem,  not  willing  to  under  value 

himfelfe  and   being  a  man   of   a  flout  fpirit,  did  not 

flick  to  fay  that  hee  fhould  cither  fend    her  by  his  owne 

Convey,  or  keepe  her ;  for  hee  was  determined  not 1  to  floope 

fo  lowe. 


1  [not  determined.]     Seefi//>ra,  III,  note  1. 

New  Englijli  Canaan.  157 

So  much  thefe  two  Sachems  flood  upon  tearmes  of  repu- 
tation with  each  other,  the  one  would  not  fend  her,  and  the 
other  would  not  fend  for  her,  leaft  it  mould  be  any  diminifh- 
ing  of  honor  on  his  part  that  mould  feeme  to  comply,  that 
the  Lady  (when  I  came  out  of  the  Country)  remained  ftill 
with  her  father;  which  is  a  thinge  worth  the  noting,  that 
Salvage  people  mould  feeke  to  maintaine  their  reputation  fo 
much  as  they  doe. 

Chap.    XII. 

Of  their  trafficke  and  trade  one  with  another. 

ALthough  thefe  people  have  not  the  ufe  of  navigation, 
whereby  they  may  trafficke  as  other  nations,  that  are 
civilized,  ufe  to  doe,  yet  doe  they  barter  for  fuch  commodi-  Beads  injiead 
ties  as  they  have,  and  have  a  kinde  of  beads,  infteede  of  °f  <mey' 
money,  to  buy  withall  fuch  things  as  they  want,  which  they 
call  Wampampeak :  and  it  is  of  two  forts,  the  one  is  white, 
the  other  is  of  a  violet  coloure.  Thefe  are  made  of  the  fhells 
of  fifhe.  The  white  with  them  is  as  filver  with  us  ;  the  other 
as  our  gould:  and  for  thefe  beads  they  buy  and  fell,  not 
onely  amongft  themfelves,  but  even  with  us. 

*  We  have  ufed  to  fell  them  any  of  our  commodities    *  4 1  The  name  of 
for  this  Wampampeak,  becaufe  we  know  we  can  have  Wampampeak. 

beaver  againe  of  them  for  it :  and  thefe  beads  are  currant  in 
all  the  parts  of  New  England,  from  one  end  of  the  Coaft 
to  the  other. 

And  although  fome  have  indevoured  by  example  to  have 
the  like  made  of  the  fame  kinde  of  fhels,  yet  none  hath  ever, 



New  Englifli  Canaan. 

as  yet,  attained  to  any  perfection  in  the  compofure  of  them, 
but  that  the  Salvages  have  found  a  great  difference  to  be 
in  the  one  and  the  other ;  and  have  knowne  the  counterfett 
beads  from  thofe  of  their  owne  making ;  and  have,  and  doe 
flight  them.1 

The    fkinnes  of   beafts  are   fould  and  bartered,  to  fuch 


1  Joffelyn's  account  of  the  Indian 
wampum  is  written,  more  than  any- 
other  which  has  come  down  to  us,  in  the 
fpirit  of  the  New  Canaan  :  "  Their  Mer- 
chandize are  their  beads,  which  are  their 
money,  of  thefe  there  are  two  forts,  blew 
Beads  and  white  Beads,  the  firft  is  their 
Gold,  the  laft  their  Silver,  thefe  they 
work  out  of  certain  fhells  fo  cunningly 
that  neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can  counter- 
feit, they  dril  them  and  firing  them,  and 
make  many  curious  works  with  them  to 
adorn  the  perfons  of  their  Sagamores 
and  principal  men  and  young  women,  as 
Belts,  Girdles,  Tablets,  Borders  for  their 
womens  hair,  Bracelets,  Necklaces,  and 
links  to  hang  in  their  ears.  Prince 
Phillip,  a  little  before  I  came  for  Eng- 
land, coming  to  Bofton,  had  a  coat  on 
and  Bufkins  fet  thick  with  thefe  Beads 
in  pleafant  wild  works,  and  a  broad  belt 
of  the  fame  ;  his  Accoutrements  were 
valued  at  Twenty  pounds.  The  Englifli 
Merchant  giveth  them  ten  (hillings  a 
fathom  for  their  white,  and  as  much 
more  or  near  upon  for  their  blew  beads." 
{Two  Voyages,  pp.  142-3.) 

There  is  a  much  better  defcription  of 
wampum  in  Lawfon's  account  of  Caro- 
lina, quoted  by  Drake  {Book  of  the  In- 
dians, p.  328),  in  which  he  fays  that 
wampum  was  current  money  among  the 
Indians  "all  over  the  continent,  as  far 
as  the  bay  of  Mexico."  Lawfon's  ex- 
planation of  the  fact:  that  wampum  was 
not  counterfeited  to  any  confiderable 
extent  is  much  more  natural  than  Mor- 

ton's. It  coft  more  to  counterfeit  it  than 
it  was  worth.  "  To  make  this  Peak 
it  coft  the  Englifli  five  or  ten  times  as 
much  as  they  could  get  for  it;  whereas 
it  coft  the  Indians  nothing,  becaufe  they 
fet  no  value  upon  their  time,  and  there- 
fore have  no  competitors  to  fear,  or  that 
others  will  take  its  manufacture  out  of 
their  hands." 

Roger  Williams  {Key,  ch.  xxvi.)  de- 
votes confiderable  fpace  to  this  fubjecl, 
and  fays  :  "  They  [the  Indians]  hang 
thefe  firings  of  money  about  their  necks 
and  wrifts  ;  as  alfo  upon  the  necks  and 
wrifts  of  their  wives  and  children.  They 
make  [girdles]  curioufly  of  one,  two, 
three,  foure  and  five  inches  thicknefs  and 
more,  of  this  money  which  (fometimes 
to  the  value  of  ten  pounds  and  more) 
they  weare  about  their  middle  and  as  a 
fcarfe  about  their  flioulders  and  breafts. 
Yea,  the  Princes  make  rich  Caps  and 
Aprons  (or  fmall  breeches)  of  thefe 
Beads  thus  curioufly  fining  into  many 
formes  and  figures  :  their  blacke  and 
white  finely  mixt  together  "  See  alfo 
Trumbull's  notes  in  his  edition  of  the 
Key,  and  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  p.  3 1 .  Parkman 
{Jcfuits  in  North  America,  pp.  xxxi., 
lxi.)  fays  of  wampum  :  "  This  was  at 
once  their  currency,  their  ornament,  their 
pen,  ink  and  parchment."  He  defcribes 
the  ufes  to  which  it  was  put  among  the 
Hurons  and  Iroquois,  but  adds  :  "  The 
art  [of  working  it]  foon  fell  into  difufe, 
however  ;  for  wampum  better  than  their 
own  was  brought  them  by  the  traders, 


New  Englifli  Canaa7t.  159 

people  as  have  none  of  the  fame  kinde  in  the  parts  where 
they  live.1 

Likewife  they  have  earthen  potts  of  divers  fizes,  from  a 
quarte  to  a  gallon,  2.  or  3.  to  boyle  their  vitels  in  ;  very 
ftronge,  though  they  be  thin  like  our  Iron  potts. 

They  have  dainty  wooden  bowles  of  maple,  of  highe 
price  amongft  them  ;  and  thefe  are  difperfed  by  bartering 
one  with  the  other,  and  are  but  in  certaine  parts  of  the 
Country  made,  where  the  feverall  trades  are  appropriated  to 
the  inhabitants  of  thofe  parts  onely. 

So  likewife  (at  the  feafon  of  the  yeare)  the  Salvages  that 

live  by  the  Sea  fide  for  trade  with  the  inlanders  for  frefh 

water,  reles  curious  filver  reles,2  which  are  bought  up  of  fuch 

as  have  them  not  frequent  in  other  places :  cheftnuts, 

and  fuch  like  ufefull  *  things  as  one  place  affordeth,     *  42 

are  fould  to  the  inhabitants  of  another,  where  they  are 

a  novelty  accompted  amongft  the  natives  of  the  land.3     And 

there  is  no  fuch  thing  to  barter  withall,  as  is  their  Wham- 


Chapter    XIII. 

befides  abundant  imitations  in  glafs  and  have  been  turned  into  "  reles  "  through 

porcelain."  the   compofitor's   inability   to  decipher 

1  "  How  have  foule  hands  (in  fmoakie  copy. 

houfes)  the  firft  handling  of  thefe  Furres  3  There  is    not   much  to  be  faid  on 

which  are  often  worne  upon  the  hands  the  manufactures,  utenfils  and  trade  of 

of  Queens  and  heads  of  Princes  !  "  (Wil-  the  New  England  aborigines.     Gookin 

Hams 's  Key,  p.  158.)  (1.  Mafs.  Htfl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  151)  has 

2  There  is  obvioufly  fome  corruption  a  comprehenfive  paragraph  on  the  fub- 
of  the  original  manufcript  here,  but  I  jedt,  and  there  is  a  paflage  in  Joffelyn 
have  been  unable  to  obtain  any  even  {Two  Voyages,  p.  143).  See  alfo  Wil- 
plaufible  fuggeftion  of  what  word  may  liams's  Key,  ch.  xxv. 

160  New  Englifh  Canaan. 


Chap.     XIII. 

Of  their  Magazines  or  Storehowfes. 

kHefe  people  are  not  without  providence,  though  they  be 
uncivilized,  but  are  carefull  to  preferve  foede  in  ftore 
What  care  they  againft  winter ;  which  is  the  corne  that  they  laboure  and 
'cor^forwZ  dreffe  in  the  fummer.  And,  although  they  eate  freely  of  it, 
ter-  whiles  it  is  growinge,  yet  have  they  a  care  to  keepe  a  con- 

venient portion  thereof  to  releeve  them  in  the  dead  of  winter, 
(like  to  the  Ant  and  the  Bee,)  which  they  put  under  ground. 
Their  barnes  are  holes  made  in  the  earth,  that  will  hold  a 
Hogfhead  of  corne  a  peece  in  them.  In  thefe  (when  their 
corne  is  out  of  the  hufke  and  well  dried)  they  lay  their  ftore 
in  greate  bafkets  (which  they  make  of  Sparke1)  with  matts 
under,  about  the  fides,  and  on  the  top  ;  and  putting  it  into 
the  place  made  for  it,  they  cover  it  with  earth :  and  in  this 
manner  it  is  preferved  from  deflru6lion  or  putrifaction ;  to 
be  ufed  in  cafe  of  neceffity,  and  not  elfe.2 


1  Joffelyn  alfo  fpeaks  of  "bafkets,  "Their  corn  being  ripe,  they  gather  it, 
bags  and  mats  woven  with  Sparke.'1''  and  drying  it  hard  in  the  Sun,  conveigh 
{Two  Voyages,  p.  143.)  "Spart,"  Mr.  it  to  their  barnes,  which  be  great  holes 
Trumbull  writes,  "was  a  northern  Eng-  digged  in  the  ground  in  forme  of  a 
lifh  name  for  the  dwarf-rufh,  and  (as  braffe  pot,  feeled  with  rinds  of  trees, 
'fpart'  in  the  gloffaries)  for  ofiers,  and  wherein  they  put  their  corne,  covering 
I  gue/s,  Morton's  and  JolTelyn's  fparke  it  from  the  inquifitive  fearch  of  their 
is  another  form  of  that  name-"  Gookin  gurmundizing  hufbands,  who  would  eate 
fays  (1.  Mafs.  Hijt.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  151):  "P  both  their  allowed  portion,  and  re- 
"  Some  of  their  bafkets  are  made  of  ferved  feed,  if  they  knew  where  to  finde 
rufhes  ;  fome,  of  bents  ;  others,  of  maize-  it-  But  our  hogges  having  found  a  way 
hufks  ;  others,  of  a  kind  of  filk  grafs  ;  to  unhindge  their  barne  doores,  and 
others,  of  a  kind  of  wild  hemp  ;  and  robbe  their  garners,  they  are  glad  to 
fome,  of  barks  of  trees."  implore  their  hufbands  helpe  to  roule 

2  Wood  fays  of  the  Indian  women :  the  bodies  of  trees  over  their  holes,  to 


New  Engli/Ji  Canaan.  161 


And  I  am  perfwaded,  that  if  they  knew  the  benefit  *  43 
of  Salte  *  (as  they  may  in  time,)  and  the  meanes  to 
make  falte  meate  frefh  againe,  they  would  endeaver  to  pre- 
ferve  fifhe  for  winter,  as  well  as  corne ;  and  that  if  any 
thinge  bring  them  to  civility,  it  will  be  the  ufe  of  Salte,  to 
have  foode  in  ftore,  which  is  a  cheife  benefit  in  a  civilized 

Thefe  people  have  begunne  already  to  incline  to  the  ufe  TheybeggSaite 
of  Salte.  Many  of  them  would  begge  Salte  of  mee  for  to 
carry  home  with  them,  that  had  frequented  our  howfes  and 
had  been  acquainted  with  our  Salte  meats  :  and  Salte  I 
willingly  gave  them,  although  I  fould  them  all  things  elfe, 
onely  becaufe  they  fhould  be  delighted  with  the  ufe  there  of, 
and  thinke  it  a  commodity  of  no  value  in  it  felfe,  allthough 
the  benefit  was  great  that  might  be  had  by  the  ufe  of  it. 

Chap.     XIV. 

Of  their e  Subtilety. 

THefe  people  are  not,  as  fome  have  thought,  a  dull,  or 
flender  witted  people,  but  very  ingenious,  and  very 
fubtile.  I  could  give  maine  inftances  to  maintaine  mine 
opinion  of  them  in  this ;  but  I  will  onely  relate  one,  which 
is  a  paffage  worthy  to  be  obferved. 


prevent  thefe  pioneers,  whofe  theevery  have,  too,   a  great  unkindnefs  for  our 

they    as    much    hate    as    their    flefh."  fwine ;   but   I  fuppofe  that  is  becaufe 

(Proffiefl,  p.  81.)     Mather  alfo,  in  enu-  the  hogs  devour  the  clams,  which  are 

merating  the  points  of  refemblance  be-  a  dainty  with  them." 

tween   the    Indians  and  the    Ifraelites,  *  See   Ellis's   Red  Man  and   White 

{Magnalia,  B.  in.  part  iii.)  fays  :  "  They  Man,  p.  148  ;  alfo,  infra,  175,  n. 

1 62  New  Englifh  Canaan, 

*  44        *  In  the   Maffachuffets   bay  lived   Cheecatawback,1 
the  Sachem  or  Sagamore  of  thofe  territories,  who  had 
large  dominions  which  hee  did  appropriate  to  himfelfe. 

Into  thofe  parts  came  a  greate  company  of  Salvages  from 
the  territories  of  Narohiganfet,  to  the  number  of  ioo.  per- 
fons ;  and  in  this  Sachems  Dominions  they  intended  to 

When  they  went  a  hunting  for  turkies  they  fpreade  over 
fuch  a  greate   fcope  of  ground  that  a  Turkie  could  hardily 
efcape  them :   Deare  they  killed  up  in  greate  abundance,  and 
feafted  their  bodies  very  plentifully :  Beavers  they  killed  by 
They  trade     no  allowance ;  the  fkinnes  of  thofe  they  traded  away  at  Waf- 
ajkmneseaforrs  fagufcus  with  my  neighboures 2    for  corne,  and  fuch  other 
come.  commodities  as  they  had  neede  of ;  and  my  neighboures  had 

a  wonderfull   great  benefit   by  their   being  in  thofe  parts. 
Yea,  fometimes  (like  genious  fellowes)  they  would  prefent 
their  Marchant  with  a  fatt  beaver  fkinne,  alwayes  the  tayle 
a  beaver jkinnevjus  not  diminifhed,  but  prefented  full  and  whole  ;  although 
I!»  o/^grea/  the  tayle  is  a  prefent  for  a  Sachem,3  and  is  of  fuch  mafcu- 
ejiimaaon.       \a[ne  vertue  that   if  fome  of  our  Ladies  knew  the  benefit 
thereof  they  would  defire  to  have  fhips  fent  of  purpofe  to- 
trade  for  the  tayle  alone :  it  is  fuch  a  rarity,  as  is  not  more 
efteemed  of  then  reafon  doth  require. 

But  the  Sachem  Cheecatawbak,  (on  whofe  poffeffions  they 
ufurped,  and  converted    the  commodities   thereof   to    their 


1  This  Sachem  has  already  been  fuffi-  were  William  Jeffrey,  John  Burfley  and 
ciently  referred  to  {Supra,  p.  II.)  All  fuch  others  of  the  Robert  Gorges  expe- 
that  is  known  concerning  him  can  be  dition  of  1623  as  ftill  remained  there, 
found  in  Drake's  Book  of  the  India/is,  {Supra,  4,  24,  30.)  See  alfo  Mafs.  Hifl. 
(ed.  1851),  pp.  107-9.  Soc-  Proc-  l878>  P-  x98- 

2  Morton's  neighbors  at  Weffagufcus  3  Infra,  *-jy. 

New  Engli/Ji  Canaan.  163 

owne  ufe,  contrary  to   his  likeing,)  not  being  of  power  to 

refiffc  them,  praclifed  to  doe  it  by  a  fubtile  ftratagem.  a  fubtiie  plot 

And  to  that  end  *  gave  it  out  amongft  us,  that  the    *  45 

caufe  why  thefe  other  Salvages  of  the  Narohiganfets 

came  into  thefe  parts,  was  to  fee  what  ftrength  we  were  of, 

and  to  watch  an  opportunity  to  cut  us  off,  and  take  that 

which  they  found    in  our  cuftody  ufefull    for    them  ;    And 

added  further,  they  would  burne  our  howfes,  and  that  they 

had  caught  one  of  his  men,  named  Mefhebro,  and  compelled 

him  to  difcover  to  them  where  their  barnes,  Magazines,  or 

ftorehowfes  were,  and  had  taken  away  his  corne ;  and  feemed 

to  be  in  a  pittifull  perplexity  about  the  matter. 

And,  the  more  to  adde  reputation  to  this  tale,  defires 
that  his  wifes  and  children  might  be  harbered  in  one  of  our 
howfes.  This  was  graunted;  and  my  neighbours  put  on 
corflets,  headpeeces,  and  weapons  defenlive  and  offenfive. 

This  thing  being  knowne  to  Cheecatawback,  hee  caufed 
fome  of  his  men  to  bring  the  Narohiganfets  to  trade,  that 
they  might  fee  the  preparation.  The  Salvage,  that  was 
a  ftranger  to  the  plott,  (imply  comming  to  trade,  and  find- 
ding  his  merchants  lookes  like  lobfters,  all  cladd  in  harneffe, 
was  in  a  maze  to  thinke  what  would  be  the  end  of  it. 
Hafte  hee  made  to  trade  away  his  furres,  and  tooke  anything 
for  them,  wifhing  himfelfe  well  rid  of  them  and  of  the  com- 
pany in  the  howfe. 

But  (as  the  manner  has  bin)  hee  muft  eate  fome  furmety1  a    Salvage 


before  hee  goe :  downe  hee  fits  and  eats,  and  withall  had  an 


1  "Frumenty, n.  [M(o  furmenty  and     foned  with  fugar,  cinnamon,  &c."     Web- 
fumety  ;  from  Lat.  frumentu»i\.    Food    fter. 
made  of  wheat  boiled  in  milk,  and  fea- 

164  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

eie  on  every  fide  ;  and  now  and  then  faw  a  fword  or  a  dagger 
layd  a  thwart  a  head  peece,  which  hee  wondered  at, 
*  46  and  afked  his  *  giude  whether  the  company  were  not 
angry.  The  guide,  (that  was  privy  to  his  Lords  plot) 
anfwered  in  his  language  that  hee  could  not  tell.  But  the 
harmeleffe  Salvage,  before  hee  had  halfe  filled  his  belly, 
flarted  up  on  a  fodayne,  and  ranne  out  of  the  howfe  in  fuch 
haft  that  hee  left  his  furmety  there,  and  ftayed  not  to  looke 
behinde  him  who  came  after :  Glad  hee  was  that  he  had 
efcaped  fo. 

The  fubtile  Sachem,  hee  playd  the  tragedian,  and  fained 
a  feare  of  being  furprifed ;  and  lent  to  fee  whether  the  ene- 
mies (as  the  Meffenger  termed  them)  were  not  in  the  howfe ; 
and  comes  in  a  by  way  with  his  wifes  and  children,  and 
ftopps  the  chinkes  of  the  out  howfe,  for  feare  the  fire  might 
be  feene  in  the  night,  and  be  a  meanes  to  direcT:  his  enemies 
where  to  finde  them. 

And,  in  the  meane  time,  hee  prepared  for  his  Ambaffador 
to  his  enemies  a  Salvage,1  that  had  lived  12.  moneths  in  Eng- 
land, to  the  end  it  might  adde  reputation  to  his  ambaffage. 
a  Salvage  that  This  man  hee  fends  to  thofe  intruding  Narohiganfets,  to  tell 
Mowtks    in   them  that  they  did  very  great  injury  to  his  Lord,  to  trench 
fo"glaan  Am-  uPon  n^s  prerogatives :  and  advifed   them   to  put  up  their 
bajfador.         pipes,  and  begon  in  time  :  if  they  would  not,  that  his  Lord 
would  come  upon  them,  and    in    his    ayd    his  freinds   the 
Englifh,  who  were  up  in  armes  already  to  take  his  part,  and 
compell  them  by  force  to  be  gone,  if  they  refufed  to  depart 

by  faire  meanes. 


1  Squanto.     See  infra,  *io4- 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan,  165 

This  meffage,  comming  on  the  neck  of  that  which 
*  doubtleffe  the  fearefull  Salvage  had  before  related  of    *  47 
his  efcape,  and  what  hee  had  obferved,  caufed  all  thofe 
hundred  Narohiganfets  (that  meant  us  no  hurt)  to  be  gone 
with  bagg,  and  baggage.     And  my  neighboures  were  gulled  a  good  oppor- 
by  the  fubtilety  of  this  Sachem,  and  loft  the  beft  trade  of  ^ckh/bytiie 
beaver   that   ever  they  had   for  the  time ;  and    in   the  end  Radian.  °f 
found  theire  error  in  this  kinde  of  credulity  when  it  was 
too  late. 

Chap.     XV. 

Of  their  admirable  perfection,  in  the  ufe  of  the  fences. 

THis  is  a  thinge  not  onely  obferved  by  mee  and  diverfe 
of  the  Salvages  of  New  England,  but,  alfo,  by  the 
French  men  in  Nova  Francia,  and  therefore  I  am  the  more 
incouraged  to  publifh  in  this  Treatice  my  obfervation  of 
them  in  the  ufe  of  theire  fences :  which  is  a  thinge  that  I 
fhould  not  eafily  have  bin  induced  to  beleeve,  if  I  my  felfe 
had  not  bin  an  eie  witneffe  of  what  I  fhall  relate. 

I  have  obferved  that  the  Salvages  have  the  fence  of  feeing  755*  salvages 
fo  farre  beyond  any  of  our  Nation,  that  one  would  allmoft  0f/eeinge{"t£r 
beleeve  they  had  intelligence  of  the  Devill  fometimes,  when  %™  the  Eng' 
they  have  tould  us  of  a  fhipp  at  Sea,  which  they  have 
feene  *  foener  by  one  hower,  yea,  two  howers   fayle,    *  48 
then   any  Englifh  man   that  flood   by  of    purpofe  to 
looke  out,  their  fight  is  fo  excellent. 

Their  eies  indeede  are  black  as  iett ;   and  that  coler  is 
accounted  the  ftrongeft  for  fight.    And  as  they  excell  us  in 


1 66  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

this  particular  fo  much  noted,  fo  I  thinke  they  excell  us  in 
all  the  reft. 

This  I  am  fure  I  have  well  obferved,  that  in  the  fence  of 
fmelling  they  have  very  great  perfection ;  which  is  confirmed 
by  the  opinion  of  the  French  that  are  planted  about  Can- 
ada, who  have  made  relation  that  they  are  fo  perfect  in  the 
Salvages  that  ufe  of  that  fence,  that  they  will  diftinguifh  between  a  Span- 
T  spanfard    i'ird  and  a  Frenchman  by  the  fent  of  the  hand  onely.1    And 
man%re;!t  l  am  perfwaded  that  the  Author  of  this  Relation  has  feene 
{"dud  ^  t/u  very  Pr°t>able  reafons  that  have  induced  him  to  be  of  that 
opinion  ;  and  I  am  the  more  willing  to  give  credit  thereunto, 
becaufe  I  have  obferved  in  them  fo  much  as  that  comes  to. 

I  have  feene  a  Deare  paffe  by  me  upon  a  neck  of  Land, 

and  a  Salvage  that  has  purfued  him  by  the  view.     I  have 

accompanied  him  in  this  purfuite  ;  and  the  Salvage,  pricking 

a  Deare  pur-  the   Deare,  comes  where  hee  findes  the  view  of  two  deares 

vitw  0}  the    together,  leading  feveral  wayes.      One,  hee  was  fure,   was 

jounJZnd*  frefh,  but  which  (by  the  fence  of  feeing)  hee  could  not  judge  ; 

killed.  therefore,  with  his  knife,  hee  diggs  up  the  earth  of  one  ;   and, 

by  fmelling,  fayes,  that  was   not  of  the  frefh   Deare :    then 

diggs  hee  up  the  other ;  and  viewing  and  fmelling  to  that, 

concludes  it  to  be  the  view  of  the  frefh  Deare,  which  hee 

had    purfued ;    and   thereby   followes    the   chafe,   and 

*  49    killes  that  *  Deare,  and  I  did  eate  part  of  it  with  him : 

fuch  is  their  perfection  in  thefe  two  fences. 

Chapter     XVI. 

1  In  reference  to  this  paffage,  Mr.  affertions  in  queftion.  In  fa6t,  as  there 
Francis  Parkman  writes:  "I  have  were  no  Spaniards  in  Canada,  and  likely 
fearched  my  memory  in  vain  for  any-  to  be  none  on  French  veffels  going  there, 
tiling  in  the  early  French  writers  an-  Indians  of  thofe  parts  would  hardly  have 
fwerfng  to  Morton's  ftatement.  I  don't  the  opportunity  of  d i Hi ngui filing  be- 
think that  Cartier,  Champlain,  Biard,  tween  them  by  fmell  or  otherwife.  In- 
Lefcarbot  or  Le  Jeune,  the  principal  wri-  deed,  they  did  not  know  the  exiftence  of 
ters  before  1635,  make  the  extraordinary  fuch  a  nation." 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  167 

Chap.     XVI. 

Of  their  acknowledgment  of  the  Creatio7t,  and  immortality  of 

the  Soule. 


Lthough  thefe  Salvages  are  found  to  be  without  Reli- 

gion, Law,  and  King  (as  Sir  William  Alexander  hath 
well  obferved,1)  yet  are  they  not  altogether  without  the 
knowledge  of  God  (hiftorically) ;  for  they  have  it  amongft 
them  by  tradition  that  God  made  one  man  and  one  woman, 
and  bad  them  live  together  and  get  children,  kill  deare, 
beafts,  birds,  fifh  and  fowle,  and  what  they  would  at  their 
pleafure ;  and  that  their  pofterity  was  full  of  evill,  and  made 
God  fo  angry  that  hee  let  in  the  Sea  upon  them,  and 
drowned  the  greater!  part  of  them,  that  were  naughty  men, 
(the  Lord  deitroyed  fo;)  and  they  went  to  Sanaconquam,  m  bdecfe  of 
who  feeds  upon  them  (pointing  to  the  Center  of  the  Earth,  '  vages' 
where  they  imagine  is  the  habitation  of  the  Devill : )  the 
other,  (which  were  not  deflroyed,)  increafed  the  world,  and 
when  they  died  (becaufe  they  were  good)  went  to  the  howfe 
of  Kytan,  pointing  to  the  fetting  of  the  fonne  ; 2  where  they 


1  Supra,  *  27,  ?wte.  "  I  have  not  met  with  the  name  San- 

2  "  Kytan  was  an  appellation  of  the  aconquam  elfewhere  :  at  leaft  I  do  not 
greateft  7iianito.  The  word  fignifies  remember  feeing  it  except  in  Morton, 
'greateft'  or  'pre-eminent'  See  my  The  derivation  is  apparently  from  a 
note  (p.  207)  in  Lechford's  Plaine  Deal-  word  meaning  to  prefs  upon,  to  op-prefs, 
ing  (p.  120),  where  is  mention  of  '  Ki-  to  crufh,  or  the  like."  (M  anvfcript  Let- 
tan,  their  good  god.'  Roger  Williams  ter  of  J.  H.  Trumbull,  June  25.  1882.) 
in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Thorowgood,  1635,  See,  alfo,  authorities  referred  to  ft- 
names  '  their  god  Kuttand  to  the  fouth-  pra,  p.140,  note,  and  alfo  Ellis's  Red  Man 
welt'  (Jewes  in  America,  1650,  p.  6)  and  White  Man.  pp.  134-9.  Morellhas 
but  in  his  Key,  he  writes  the  name  Cau-  a  paffage  on  the  Indian's  methods  of 
tantowit  ( To  the  Reader,  p.  24.)  i.  e.,  worfhip  in  his  poem.  (1.  Mafs.  Hifl. 
Keihte-anito  —  'greateft  manito.'  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  136.) 


New  Englifli  Canaan. 

The     Sonne 
called  Kytatt. 


eate  all  manner  of  dainties,  and  never  take  paines  (as  now) 
to  provide  it. 

Kytan  makes  provifion  (they  fay)   and  faves  them   that 

laboure  ;  and  there  they  fhall  live  with  him  forever, 

50    *  voyd  of  care.1     And  they  are  perfwaded  that  Kytan 

is  hee  that  makes  corne  growe,  trees  growe,  and  all 

manner  of  fruits. 

And  that  wee  that  ufe  the  booke  of  Common  prayer  doo  it 
to  declare  to  them,  that  cannot  reade,  what  Kytan  has  com- 
maunded  us,  and  that  wee  doe  pray  to  him  with  the  helpe 
of  that  booke ; 2  and  doe  make  fo  much  accompt  of  it,  that  a 


1  Roger  Williams  fays :  "  They  will 
relate  how  they  have  it  from  their 
Fathers,  that  Kantantowwit  made  one 
man  and  woman  of  a  ftone,  which  diflik- 
ing,  he  broke  them  in  pieces,  and  made 
another  man  and  woman  of  a  tree,  which 
were  the  Fountaines  of  all  mankind." 
(Key,  ch.  xxi.) 

"  They  believe  that  the  foules  of  men 
and  women  goe  to  the  Sou-weft,  their 
great  and  good  men  and  women  to  Can- 
tantowwit  his  Houfe,  where  they  have 
hopes  (as  the  Turks  have)  of  carnal 
Joyes  :  Murtherers,  theeves  and  Lyers, 
their  fouls  (fay  they)  wander  reftleffe 
abroad."    (lb.) 

Wood,  enlarging  on  this,  fays  :  "  Yet 
do  they  hold  the  immortality  of  the 
never-dying  foul,  that  it  fhall  paffeto  the 
South-weft  Elyftum,  concerning  which 
their  Indian  faith  jumps  much  with 
the  TurkiJJi  Alchoran,  holding  it  to  be 
a  kind  of  Paradife,  wherein  they  fhall 
everlaftingly  abide,  folacing  themfelves 
in  odoriferous  Gardens,  fruitfull  corn- 
fields, green  meadows,  bathing  their 
hides  in  the  coole  ftreams  of  pleafant 
Rivers,  and  fhelter  themfelves  from 
heat  and  cold  in  the  fumptuous  Pallaces 
framed  by  the  fkill  of  Natures  curious 

contrivement.  Concluding  that  neither 
care  nor  pain  fhall  moleft  them  but  that 
Natures  bounty  wil  adminifter  all  things 
with  a  voluntary  contribution  from  the 
overflowing  ftorehoufe  of  their  Elyfian 
Hofpital,  at  the  portall  whereof  they 
fay  lies  a  great  Dog,  whofe  churlifh 
fnarlings  deny  a  Pax  intrantibus.  to  un- 
worthy intruders."     (Pro/peel,  p.  79.) 

Parkman  fays  :  "  The  primitive  Indian 
believed  in  the  immortality  of  the  foul, 
but  he  did  not  always  believe  in  a  ftate 
of  future  reward  and  punifhment." 
CJefuits  in  North  America,  p.  lxxx.) 
Referring  to  a  cafe  in  which  one  of  the 
Jefuits  quoted  an  Indian  as  faying 
"  there  was  no  future  life,"  Parkman 
adds  :  "  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  an- 
other inftance  of  the  kind." 

The  romantic  view  of  the  Indian  on 
this  point  was  taken  by  Arnold,  in  his 
Hi/lory  of  Rhode  I/land  (vol.  i.  p.  78), 
and  the  realiftic  view  by  Palfrey,  in  his 
New  England  (vol.  i.  p.  49);  and, 
though  writing  at  the  fame  time,  the 
two  feem  to  be  controverting  each  other. 
See  Ellis's  Red  Man  and  White  Man, 
p.  115. 

2  Supra,  p.  93. 

New  Rnglifli  Canaan.  169 

Salvage  (who  had  lived  in  my  howfe  before  hee  had  taken  a 

wife,  by  whome  hee  had  children)  made  this  requeft  to  mee, 

(knowing  that  I  allwayes  ufed  him  with  much  more  refpecl: 

than  others,)  that  I  would  let  his  fonne  be  brought  up  in  my  a  Salvage  de- 

howfe,  that  hee   might  be  taught  to  reade  in  that  booke :  }Z>i  °  brmtgkt 

which  requeft  of  his  I  granted;  and  hee  was  a  very  joyfull  looLZ/Vmi. 

man  to  thinke  that  his  fonne  mould  thereby  (as  hee  faid)  monPraycr- 

become  an   Englishman ;    and  then   hee   would  be  a  good 


I  afked  him  who  was  a  good  man ;  his  anfwere  was,  hee 
that  would  not  lye,  nor  fteale. 

Thefe,  with  them,  are  all  the  capitall  crimes  that  can  be 

imagined  ;  all  other  are  nothing  in  refpecl;  of  thofe ;  1  and 

hee  that  is  free  from  thefe  muft  live  with  Kytan 

for  ever,  in  all  manner  of 


*Chap.     XVII.  *5i 

Of  their  Annals  and  funerals. 

THefe  people,  that  have  by  tradition  fome  touch  of  the  Their  cujiom 
immortality  of  the  foule,  have  likewife  a  cuftome  to  * 


1  Roger  Williams,  alfo,  in  a  paflage  and  fpeaking  untruth  :  and  unto  Healing, 

juft  quoted   (fupra,   168,  note),  fpeaks  efpecially  from  the  Englifh "  (i.  Mafs. 

of    the     future     punifhment     fuppofed,  Hijt.    Coll.,  vol.   i.   p.  149).      Winflow 

among  the  New  England  Indians,  to  be  defcribes  the  fevere  punifhments  inflicl- 

allotted  to  thieves  and  liars.     Joffelyn,  ed  for  theft  (Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg., 

on  the  other  hand,  defcribes  them  as  p.  364).     Dodge,  in  his   Wild  Indians 

"veryfingurativeortheevifli'^Tw^F^-  (pp.  63-5),  explains  this  difcrepancy  in 

ages,  p.  125);  and  Gookin  fays :  "They  the  authorities.     He   fays:    "All  thefe 

are    naturally   much   addicted  to  lying  authors  are  both  right  and  wrong.     In 


i7 o  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

make  fome  monuments  over  the  place  where  the  corps  is 
interred  :  But  they  put  a  greate  difference  betwene  perfons 
of  noble,  and  of  ignoble,  or  obfcure,  or  inferior  difcent.  For 
indeed,  in  the  grave  of  the  more  noble  they  put  a  planck 
in  the  bottom  for  the  corps  to  be  layed  upon,  and  on  each 
Their  manner  fide  a  plancke,  and  a  plancke  upon  the  top  in  forme  of  a 

of  Monuments.  ^^  ^^    ^   ^^    ^     ^qq    ^    ^^       ^^    ^^ 

they  erect  fome  thing  over  the  grave  in  forme  of  a  hearfe 
cloath,  as  was  that  of  Cheekatawbacks  mother,  which  the 
Plimmouth  planters  defaced  becaufe  they  accounted  it  an  act 
of  fuperftition ;  which  did  breede  a  brawle  as  hath  bin  before 
related  ; 1  for  they  hold  impious  and  inhumane  to  deface  the 
monuments  of  the  dead.  They  themfelves  efteeme  of  it  as 
piaculum ;  and  have  a  cuftome  amongft  them  to  keepe  their 
annals  and  come  at  certaine  times  to  lament  and  bewaile  the 
lofTe  of  their  freind ;  and  ufe  to  black  their  faces,  which  they 
At  burriah,  fo  weare,  inftead  of  a  mourning  ornament,  for  a  longer  or 
}2es.a'  r  a  fhorter  time  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  perfon  :  fo 
is  their  annals  kept  and  obferved  with  their  accuftomed 
folemnity.  Afterwards  they  abfolutely  abandon  the  place, 
becaufe  they  fuppofe  the  fight  thereof  will  but  renew  their 


their  own  bands,  Indians  are  perfectly  faculty  is  held  in   the   higheft   eftima- 

honeft.  ...  It  [theft]  is  the  fole  unpar-  tion." 

donable  crime   anions    Indians."      He  1  The  reference  is  to  ch.  iii.  of  the 

then  defcribes,  like  Window,  the  fever-  Third  Booke  {infra,  *io6-8).    This  paf- 

ityof  the  puniflimentsinfliaed  for  thefts;  fage  would  feem   to  indicate   that   the 

"but,"  he  adds,  "this  wonderfully  ex-  third  book  of  the  New  Canaan  was  writ- 

ceptional    honefty   extends    no    further  ten  firft,  and  that  the  two  other  books 

than  to  the  members  of  his  immediate  were  prepared  fubfequently,  probably  in 

band.     To  all  outfide  of  it,  the  Indian  imitation    of    Wood's   Profpccl.      (See 

is   not   only   one    of    the    moft    arrant  fupra,  78.) 

thieves  in  the  world,  but  this  quality  or  2  "  Yea,  I  faw  with  mine  owne  eyes 


New  E,7tgliJ7i  Canaan. 


*  It  was  a  thing  very  offensive  to  them,  at  our  firft  ^52 
comming  into  thofe  parts,  to  afke  of  them  for  any  one 
that  had  bin  dead ;  but  of  later  times  it  is  not  lb  offenfively 
taken  to  renew  the  memory  of  any  defeafed  perfon,  becaufe 
by  our  example  (which  they  are  apt  to  followe)  it  is  made 
more  familiare  unto  them ;  and  they  marvell  to  fee  no  monu- 
ments over  our  dead,  and  therefore  thinke  no  great  Sachem 
is  yet  come  into  thofe  parts,  or  not  as  yet  deade ;  becaufe 

they  fee  the  graves  all  alike. 

Chapter    XVIII. 

that  at  my  late  commi  ng  forth  of  the  Coun- 
trey,  the  chiefe  and  mod  aged  peace- 
able Father  of  the  countrey,  Caunoflni- 
cus,  having  buried  his  fonne,  he  burned 
his  owne  Palace,  and  all  his  goods  in  it, 
(amongft  them  to  a  great  value)  in  a 
follemne  remembrance  of  his  fonne,  and 
in  a  kind  of  humble  Expiation  to  the 
Gods,  who,  (as  they  believe)  had  taken 
his  fonne  from  him."  (Williams's  Key, 
ch.  xxxii.)  In  the  fame  paffage  Williams 
fays :  "  Upon  the  Grave  is  fpread  the  Mat 
that  the  party  died  on,  the  Difh  he  ate 
in,  and,  fometimes,  a  faire  Coat  of  fkin 
hung  upon  the  next  tree  to  the  Grave, 
which  none  will  touch,  but  fuffer  it  there 
to  rot  with  the  dead."  See  alfo  Young's 
Chron.  of  Pilg.,  pp.  142,  143,  154,  363  ; 
Strachey's  Hi/lorie,  p.  90. 

"In  times  of  general  Mortality  they 
omit  the  Ceremonies  of  burying,  expos- 
ing their  dead  Carkafes  to  the  Beafts  of 
prey.  But  at  other  times  they  dig  a  Pit 
and  fet  the  difeafed  therein  upon  his 
breech  upright,  and,  throwing  in  the 
earth,  cover  it  with  the  fods  and  bind 
them  down  with  flicks,  driving  in  two 
flakes  at  each  end  ;  their  mournings 
are  fomewhat  like  the  howlings  of  the 
Irifh,  feldom  at  the  grave  but  in  the 
Wigwam  where  the  party  dyed,  blaming 
the  Devil  for  his  hard-heartednefs,  and 
concluding  with  rude  prayers  to  him  to 
afflict  them  no  further."  (Joffelyn,  Two 
Voyages,  p.  132.)  There  is  a  highly 
characleriftic  paffage  to  the  fame  effect 
in  Wood's  Pro/peel,  p.  79. 

172  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Chap.    XVIII. 

Of  their  Cuftome   in  burning  the  Country,  and  the  reafon 


THe  Salvages  are  accuftomed  to  fet  fire  of  the  Country 
in  all  places  where  they  come,  and  to  burne  it  twize 
a  yeare,  viz :  at  the  Spring,  and  the  fall  of  the  leafe.     The 
reafon  that  mooves  them    to    doe    fo,   is    becaufe    it  would 
The  Saiva-     other  wife  be  fo  overgrowne  with  underweedes  that  it  would 
scoimiry'e      De  all  a  coppice  wood,  and  the  people  would  not  be  able 
twice  a  yeare.    jn  any  w^e  to  paffe  through  the  Country  out  of  a  beaten 

The  meanes  that  they  do  it  with,  is  with  certaine  minerall 
ftones,  that  they  carry  about  them  in  baggs  made  for  that 
purpofe  of  the  fkinnes  of  little  beaftes,  which  they  convert 
into  good  lether,  carrying  in  the  fame  a  peece  of 
*  53  touch  wood,  very  excellent  *for  that  purpofe,  of  their 
owne  making.1  Thefe  minerall  ftones  they  have  from 
the  Piquenteenes,  (which  is  to  the  Southward  of  all  the 
plantations  in  New  England,)  by  trade  and  trafficke  with 
thofe  people. 

The  burning  of  the  graffe  deflroyes  the  underwoods,  and 
fo  fcorcheth  the  elder  trees  that  it  fhrinkes  them,  and  hin- 
ders their  grouth  very  much :  fo  that  hee  that  will  looke  to 
finde  large  trees  and  good  tymber,  mull  not  depend  upon 
the  help  of  a  woodden  profpe6t  to  finde  them  on  the  upland 

ground ; 

1  Supra,  143. 

New  Rnglijli  Canaan.  173 

ground ; x  but  muft  feeke  for  them,  (as  I  and  others  have 
done,)  in  the  lower  grounds,  where  the  grounds  are  wett, 
when  the  Country  is  fired,  by  reafon  of  the  fnow  water  that 
remaines  there  for  a  time,  untill  the  Sunne  by  continuance 
of  that  hath  exhaled  the  vapoures  of  the  earth,  and  dried  up 
thofe  places  where  the  fire,  (by  reafon  of  the  moifture,)  can 
have  no  power  to  doe  them  any  hurt :  and  if  he  would 
endevoure  to  finde  out  any  goodly  Cedars,  hee  mull:  not 
feeke  for  them  on  the  higher  grounds,  but  make  his  inqueft 
for  them  in  the  vallies,  for  the  Salvages,  by  this  cuftome  of 
theirs,  have  fpoiled  all  the  reft:  for  this  cuftome  hath  bin 
continued  from  the  beginninge. 

And  leaft  their  firing  of  the  Country  in  this  manner 
fhould  be  an  occafion  of  damnifying  us,  and  indaingering 
our  habitations,  wee  our  felves  have  ufed  carefully  about  the 
fame  times  to  obferve  the  winds,  and  fire  the  grounds  about 
our  owne  habitations ;  to  prevent  the  Dammage  that  might 
happen  by  any  neglect  thereof,  if  the  fire  fhould  come  neere 
thofe  howfes  in  our  abfence. 

*  For,  when  the  fire  is  once  kindled,  it  dilates  and    *  54 
fpreads  it  felfe  as  well   againft,   as   with   the  winde; 
burning  continually  night  and  day,  untill  a  fliower  of  raine 
falls  to  quench  it. 

And  this  cuftome  of  firing  the  Country  is  the  meanes  to 
make  it  paffable ;  and  by  that  meanes  the  trees  growe  here 
and  there  as  in  our  parks :  and  makes  the  Country  very 
beautifull  and  commodious. 

Chapter   XIX. 

1  The  reference  is  to  Wood's  New     the  Indian  cuftom  of  firing  the  country 
England's  ProfpeH,  p.  13  ;  where,  alfo,     in  November  is  defcribed. 

174  New  Englifh  Canaan, 

Chap.  XIX. 

Of  their  inclination  to  Drunkennejfe. 

ALthough  Drunkenneffe  be  juflly  termed  a  vice  which 
the  Salvages  are  ignorant  of,  yet  the  benefit  is  very 
great  that  comes  to  the  planters  by  the  fale  of  flrong  liquor 
to  the  Salvages,  who  are  much  taken  with  the  delight  of  it ; 
for  they  will  pawne  their  wits,  to  purchafe  the  acquaintance 
of  it.  Yet  in  al  the  commerce  that  I  had  with  them,  I  never 
proffered  them  any  fuch  thing ;  nay,  I  would  hardly  let  any 
of  them  have  a  drame,  unles  hee  were  a  Sachem,  or  a 
Winnaytue,  that  is  a  rich  man,  or  a  man  of  eftimation  next 
in  degree  to  a  Sachem  or  Sagamore.  I  alwayes  tould  them 
it  was  amongfl  us  the  Sachems  drinke.  But  they  fay  if  I 
come  to  the  Northerne  parts  of  the  Country  I  fhall  have  no 
trade,  if  I  will  not  fupply  them  with  lufty  liquors :  it  is  the 
life  of  the  trade  in  all  thofe  parts :  for  it  fo  happened  that 
thus  a  Salvage  defperately  killed  himfelfe ;  when  hee  was 
drunke,  a  gunne  being  charged  and  the  cock  up,  hee  fets 
the  mouth  to  his  breft,  and,  putting  back  the  tricker  with  his 

foote,  fhot  himfelfe  dead.1 

Chapter   XX. 

1  Gookinfays:  "This  beaftly  fin  of  evil  and  beaftly  fin  of  drunkennefs." 
drunkennefs  could  not  be  charged  upon  (i.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  p.  151.) 
the  Indians  before  the  Englifh  and  In  regard  to  the  peculiarities  of  In- 
other  Chriftian  nations,  as  Dutch,  dian  drunkennefs,  fee  Dodge's  Wild 
French,  and  Spaniards,  came  to  dwell  Indians,  pp.  333-5.  What  is  there 
in  America:  which  nations,  efpecially  faid  of  the  Indians  of  "the  plains"  is 
the  Englifh  in  New-England,  have  caufe  probably  true  of  all  the  northern  Ameri- 
to  be  greatly  humbled  before  God,  that  can  Indians.  "  This  paffion  for  intoxi- 
thev  have  been,  and  are,  inftrumental  to  cation  amounts  almoft  to  an  infanity. 
caufe  thefe  Indians  to  commit  this  great  ...    To  drink  liquor  as  a  beverage, 


New  Englifli  Canaan.  175 

Chap.    XX.  *  55 

That  the  Salvages  live  a  contended  life. 

A  Gentleman  and  a  traveller,  that  had  bin  in  the  parts 
of  New  England  for  a  time,  when  hee  retorned  againe, 
in  his  difcourfe  of  the  Country,  wondered,  (as  hee  faid,)  that 
the  natives  of  the  land  lived  fo  poorely  in  fo  rich  a  Country, 
like  to  our  Beggers  in  England.  Surely  that  Gentleman 
had  not  time  or  leafure  whiles  hee  was  there  truely  to 
informe  himfelfe  of  the  ftate  of  that  Country,  and  the  happy 
life  the  Salvages  would  leade  weare  they  once  brought  to 
- 1  muft  confeffe  they  want  the  ufe  and  benefit  of  Naviga-  The  Salvages 

..  /     i   •    1       •         j  1  r  r  n  •  n  •  /">  want  the  art 

tion,  (which  is  the  very  linnus  of  a  rlounlhing  Common-  0j navigation. 
wealth,)  yet  are  they  fupplied  with  all  manner  of  needefull 
things  for  the  maintenance  of  life  and  lifelyhood.  Foode 
and  rayment  are  the  cheife  of  all  that  we  make  true  ufe  of ; 
and  of  thefe  they  finde  no  want,  but  have,  and  may  have, 
them  in  a  moft  plentifull  manner.1 


for  the  gratification  of  tafte,  or  for  the  a  beaft,  covering  their  hind-parts,  their 

fake  of  pleafurable  conviviality,  is  fome-  fore-parts  having   but   a   little   apron, 

thing  of  which  the  Indian  can  form  no  where   nature  calls   for   fecrecy;    their 

conception.      His   idea   of   pleafure  in  diet  has  not  a  greater  dainty  than  their 

the  ufe  of  ftrong  drink  is  to  get  drunk,  Nokehick,   that  is   a   fpoonful  of  their 

and  the  quicker  and  more  complete  that  parched  meal,  with  a  fpoonful  of  water, 

effect,  the  better  he  likes  it."  which  will  ftrengthen  them  to  travel  a 

1  "  They  live  in  a  country  where  we  day  to-gether ;  except  we  fhould  men- 

now  have  all  the  conveniences  of  human  tion    the    flefh    of    deers,   dears,    mqfe, 

life :  but  as  for  them,  their  houfeng  is  rackoons,  and  the  like,  which  they  have 

nothing  but  a  few  i?iats  tyed  about  poles  when  they  can  catch  them;   as  alfo  a 

fattened  in  the  earth,  where  a  good  fire  little  JiJJi,    which,   if  they   would    pre- 

is  their  bed-clothes  in  the  coldeft  fea-  ferve,  it  was  by  drying,  not  by  falling ; 

fons ;    their  clothing   is   but  a  fkin  of  for  they  had  not  a  grain  of  fait  in  the 


176  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

If  our  beggers  of  England  fhould,  with  fo  much  eafe  as 
they,  furnifh  themfelves  with  foode  at  all  feafons,  there 
would  not  be  fo  many  ftarved  in  the  ftreets,  neither  would 
fo  many  gaoles  be  fluffed,  or  galloufes  furniflied  with  poore 

wretches,  as  I  have  feene  them. 
*  56  *  But  they  of  this  fort  of  our  owne  nation,  that  are  fitt 
to  goe  to  this  Canaan,  are  not  able  to  tranfport  them- 
felves ;  and  moft  of  them  unwilling  to  goe  from  the  good  ale 
tap,  which  is  the  very  loadftone  of  the  lande  by  which  our 
Englifh  beggers  fteere  theire  Courfe ;  it  is  the  Northpole 
to  which  the  flowre-de-luce  of  their  compaffe  points.  The 
more  is  the  pitty  that  the  Commonalty  of  oure  Land  are  of 
fuch  leaden  capacities  as  to  neglect  fo  brave  a  Country,  that 
doth  fo  plentifully  feede  maine  lufty  and  a  brave,  able  men, 
women  and  children,  that  have  not  the  meanes  that  a  Civil- 
ized Nation  hath  to  purchafe  foode  and  rayment ;  which 
that  Country  with  a  little  induflry  will  yeeld  a  man  in  a 
very  comfortable  meafure,  without  overmuch  carking. 

I  cannot  deny  but  a  civilized  Nation  hath  the  prehemi- 
nence  of  an  uncivilized,  by  meanes  of  thofe  inftruments  that 
are  found  to  be  common  amongft  civile  people,  and  the 
uncivile  want  the  ufe  of,  to  make  themfelves  mafters  of 
thofe  ornaments  that  make  fuch  a  glorious  fliew,  that  will 
give  a  man  occafion  to  cry,  Jic  tranjit  gloria  Mundi. 

Now  fince  it  is  but  foode  and  rayment  that  men  that  live 
needeth,  (though  not  all  alike,)  why  fhould  not  the  Natives 


world,  I  think,  till  we  bellowed  it  on  lin  comments  on  the  failure  of  the  In- 

them."     Ma^nalia,  B.  in.  part  iii.     In  dians  to  make  any  ufe  of  fait,  even  in 

his    Letters  and  Notes   on   the    North  localities  where  it  abounds.    SzQf?tpra, 

American  Indians  (Letter  No.  17)  Cat-  161. 

New  Knglifli  Canaan.  177 

of  New  England  be  fayd  to  live  richly,  having  no  want  of 
either?  Cloaths  are  the  badge  of  fmne ;  and  the  more  vari- 
ety of  fafhions  is  but  the  greater  abufe  of  the  Creature :  the 
beafts  of  the  forreft  there  doe  ferve  to  furnifh  them  at  any 
time  when  they  pleafe :  fifh  and  flefh  they  have  in  greate 
abundance,  which  they  both  roaft  and  boyle. 

*  They  are  indeed  not  ferved  in  dimes  of  plate  with    *  57 
variety  of  Sauces  to  procure  appetite ;  that  needs  not 
there.      The  rarity  of  the  aire,  begot  by  the  medicinable 
quality  of  the  fweete  herbes  of   the  Country,  alwayes  pro- 
cures srood  flomakes   to  the  inhabitants. 


I  mufl  needs  commend  them  in  this  particular,  that, 
though  they  buy  many  commodities  of  our  Nation,  yet  they 
keepe  but  fewe,  and  thofe  of  fpeciall  ufe. 

They  love  not  to  bee  cumbered  with  many  utenfilles,  and 
although  every  proprietor  knowes  his  owne,  yet  all  things, 
(fo  long  as  they  will  laft),  are  ufed  in  common  amongft 
them :  A  bifket  cake  given  to  one,  that  one  breakes  it 
equally  into  fo  many  parts  as  there  be  perfons  in  his  com- 
pany, and  diftributes  it.  Platoes  Commonwealth  is  fo  much 
practifed  by  thefe  people. 

According  to  humane  reafon,  guided  onely  by  the  light 
of    nature,  thefe  people    leades  the  more   happy  and  freer  They  leade  a 
life,  being  voyde  of  care,  which  torments  the  mindes  of  fo  hUg  v/yd  of 
many  Chriftians :   They  are  not  delighted   in    baubles,  but care' 
in  ufefull  things. 

Their  naturall  drinke  is  of  the  Criftall  fountaine,  and 
this  they  take  up  in  their  hands,  by  joyning  them  clofe  to- 
gether. They  take  up  a  great  quantity  at  a  time,  and  drinke 
at  the  wrifts.     It  was  the  fight  of  fuch  a  feate  which  made 



New  Englifh  Canaan. 

They    make 
ufe  of  ordi' 
nary  things, 
one  of  an- 
others  as 

Diogenes  hurle  away  his  difhe,  and,  like  one  that  would 
have  this  principall  confirmed,  Natura  paucis  contentat,  ufed 

a  dim   no  more. 
*  58        *  I  have  obferved  that  they  will  not  be  troubled  with 

fuperfluous  commodities.  Such  things  as  they  finde 
they  are  taught  by  neceffity  to  make  ufe  of,  they  will  make 
choife  of,  and  feeke  to  purchafe  with  induftry.  So  that,  in 
refpecl:  that  their  life  is  fo  voyd  of  care,  and  they  are  fo 
loving  alfo  that  they  make  ufe  of  thofe  things  they  enjoy, 
(the  wife  onely  excepted,)  as  common  goods,  and  are  therein 
fo  compaffionate  that,  rather  than  one  mould  ftarve  through 
want,  they  would  ftarve  all.  Thus  doe  they  paffe  awaye  the 
time  merrily,  not  regarding  our  pompe,  (which  they  fee  dayly 
before  their  faces,)  but  are  better  content  with  their  owne, 
which  fome  men  efteeme  fo  meanely  of. 

They  may  be  rather  accompted  to  live  richly,  wanting 

nothing  that  is  needefull ;  and  to  be  commended  for  leading 

a  contented  life,  the  younger  being  ruled  by  the  Elder,  and 

the  Elder  ruled  by  the  Povvahs,  and  the  Powahs  are  ruled  by 

the  Devill ;  *  and  then  you  may  imagin  what  good 

rule  is  like  to  be  amongft 



1  The  relations  fuppofed  to  exift  be- 
tween the  Indians  and  the  devil  have 
been  referred  to  in  a  previous  note, 
fupra,  150.  It  is,  however,  a  fome- 
what  curious  faff  that  the  aboriginal 
hierarchy,  fuggefted  in  the  text,  had  a 
few  years  before  found  its  exact  politi- 
cal counterpart  in  the  talk  of  the  Eng- 

lifh people.  "  '  Who  governs  the  land  ?  ' 
it  was  afked.  '  Why,  the  King.'  '  And 
who  governs  the   King  ?  '     '  Why,  the 

King  ? ' 
Duke  of  Buckingham.' 

'  And  who  gov- 
Why,  the  Devil.' " 

erns  the  Duke  ? ' 

(Ewald's  Stories  from  the  State  Papers, 

vol.  ii.  p.  1 17.) 





The  fecond  Booke. 

Containing  a  defcription  of  the  bewty  of  the  Coun- 
try with  her  naturall  indowements,  both  in 
the  Land  and  Sea;  with  the  great  Lake  of 

Chap.     I. 

The  generall  Survey  of  the  Country. 

N  the  Moneth  of  Iune,  Anno  Salutis  1622, 
it  was  my  chaunce  to  arrive  in  the  parts  of  New 
England  with  30.  Servants,  and  provifion  of  all 
forts  fit  for  a  plantation  :  and  whiles  our  howfes 
were  building,  I  did  indeavour  to  take  a  furvey  of  the 
*  Country :  The  more  I  looked,  the  more  I  liked  it. 
And  when  I  had  more  ferioufly  confidered  of  the  bewty 




A    famous 

180  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

of  the  place,  with  all  her  faire  indowments,  I  did  not  thinke 

that  in  all   the  knowne  world  it  could  be  paralel'd,  for  fo 

many  goodly  groues  of  trees,  dainty  fine  round  riling  hil- 

Thdr  faun-   lucks,  delicate  faire  large  plaines,  fweete  criftall  fountaines, 

dean  a7    *  and  cleare    running   ftreames  that  twine  in  fine  meanders 

Cri/iaii.  through  the  meads,  making  fo  fweete  a  murmering  noife  to 

heare  as  would  even  lull  the  fences  with  delight  a  fleepe,  fo 

pleafantly  doe   they  glide   upon  the  pebble   ftones,  jetting 

moft  jocundly   where  they  doe   meete  and    hand    in    hand 

runne  dovvne  to  Neptunes  Court,  to  pay  the  yearely  tribute 

which  they  owe  to  him  as  foveraigne  Lord  of  all  the  fprings. 

Greate  jiore     Contained  within  the  volume  of  the  Land,  [are]   Fowles  in 

andturtu-     abundance,  Fifh  in   multitude;    and   [I]  difcovered,  befides, 

doves.  Millions  of  Turtledoves  one  the  greene  boughes,  which  fate 

pecking  of  the  full  ripe  pleafant  grapes  that  were  fupported 

by  the  lufty  trees,  whofe  fruitfull  loade  did  caufe  the  armes  to 

bend :    [among]  which  here  and  there  difperfed,  you  might 

fee  Lillies  and  of  the  Daphnean-tree :  which  made  the  Land 

tomee  feeme  paradice  :  for  in  mine  eie  t'was  Natures  Mafter- 

peece;   Her  cheifeft  Magazine  of  all  where  lives  her  ftore  :   if 

this  Land  be  not  rich,  then  is  the  whole  world  poore. 

What  I  had  refolved  on,  I  have  really  performed  ;  and 
I  have  endeavoured  to  ufe  this  abftracl:  as  an  inftrument,  to 
bee  the  meanes  to  communicate  the  knowledge  which  I 
have  gathered,  by  my  many  yeares  refidence  in  thofe 
*  6 1  parts,  unto  my  Countrymen  :  #  to  the  end  that  they 
may  the  better  perceive  their  error,  who  cannot  imag- 
ine that  there  is  any  Country  in  the  univerfall  world  which 
may  be  compared  unto  our  native  foyle.  I  will  now  dif- 
cover  unto  them  a  Country  whofe  indowments  are  by  learned 


New  Rnglifh  Canaan.  181 

men  allowed  to  (land  in  a  paralell  with  the  Ifraelites  Canaan, 
which  none  will  deny  to  be  a  land  farre  more  excellent  then 
Old  England,  in  her  proper  nature. 

This  I  confider  I  am  bound  in  duety  (as  becommeth  a 
Chriftian  man)  to  performe  for  the  glory  of  God,  in  the  firft 
place ;  next,  (according  to  Cicero,)  to  acknowledge  that,  Non 
nobis  folum  nati fitmus.fed  partim  patria,  partim  parentes, 
partim  amici  vindicant} 

For  which  caufe  I  muft  approove  of  the  indeavoures  of  my 
Country  men,  that  have  bin  ftudious  to  inlarge  the  territories 
of  his  Majefties  empire  by  planting  Colonies  in  America. 

And  of  all  other,  I  muft  applaude  the  judgement  of  thofe 
that  have  made  choife  of  this  part,  (whereof  I  now  treat,) 
being  of  all  other  moft  abfolute,  as  I  will  make  it  appeare 
hereafter  by  way  of  paralell.  Among  thofe  that  have  fetled 
themfelvs  in  new  England,  fome  have  gone  for  their  con- 
fcience  fake,  (as  they  profeffe,)  and  I  wifh  that  they  may  plant 
the  Gofpel  of  Iefus  Chrift,  as  becommeth  them,  fincerely 
and  without  fatifme  or  faction,  whatfoever  their  former  or 
prefent  praclifes  are,  which  I  intend  not  to  juftifie  :  howfo- 
ever,  they  have  deferved  (in  mine  opinion)  fome  commenda- 
tiones,  in  that  they  have  furnifhed  the  Country  fo  commodi- 
oufly  in  fo  fhort  a  time ;  although  it  hath  bin  but  for  their 
owne  profit,  yet  pofterity  will  tafte  the  fweetnes  of  it,  and 
that  very  fodainly. 

*  And  fmce  my  tafke,  in  this  part  of  mine  abftracl;,  is    *  62 


1  "  Sed  quoniam,  (ut  praeclare  fcrip-  parentes "  are  not  in  the  original,  but 

turn   eft  a   Platone)    non    nobis    folum  have  been  inferted  by  modern  fcholars 

nati  fumus,  ortufque  noftri  partem  pa-  as  rendering;  the  quotation  from  Plato 

tria,  vindicat,  partem  amici."     De  Offi-  more  correct. 
cits,  Lib.  1.  §  7.     The  words  "  partem 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

to  intreat  of  the  naturall  indowments  of  the  Country,  I 
will  make  a  breife  demonstration  of  them  in  order,  fever- 
ally,  according  to  their  feverall  qualities  :  and  fliew  you  what 
they  are,  and  what  profitable  ufe  may  be  made  of  them  by 

Chap.     II. 

What  trees  are  there  and  how  commodious} 

i.  oake.  /^\Akes  are  there  of  two  forts,  white  and  redd;2  excellent 
V-/  tymber  for  the  building  both  of  howfes  and  fhipping: 
and  they  are  found  to  be  a  tymber  that  is  more  tough  then 
the  oak  of  England.  They  are  excellent  for  pipe-ftaves,  and 
fuch  like  veffels;  and  pipe-ftaves  at  the  Canary  Hands  are  a 
prime  commodity.  I  have  knowne  them  there  at  35.  p.  the 
iooo,3  and  will  purchafe  a  fraight  of  wines  there  before  any 


1  In  annotating  this  chapter  I  have 
been  indebted  to  Profeffors  Afa  Gray 
and  C.  S.  Sargent  of  Harvard  Univer- 
fity  for  affiftance,  they  having  fent  me 
feveral  of  the  more  technical  notes.  This 
and  the  five  following  chapters  of  the 
New  Canaan  have  a  certain  intereft  as 
being  among  the  earlieft  memoranda  on 
the  trees,  animals,  birds,  fifh  and  geol- 
ogy of  Maffachufetts.  The  only  earlier 
publication  of  at  all  a  fimilar  character  is 
Wood's  New  England 's  Pro/peel,  which 
appeared  in  1634,  and  contained  the  re- 
fult  of  obfervations  made  during  the  four 
years  1629  to  1633.  Morton's  acquaint- 
ance with  the  country  was  earlier  and 
longer  than  Wood's,  but  the  New  Ca- 
naan was  not  publi fhed  until  three  years 
after  the  Profpecl,  which  it  followed 
clofely  in  its  defcription  of  the  country 
and  its  products.    Joffelyn's  firft  voyage 

was  made  in  1638,  and  his  ftay  in  New 
England  covered  a  period  of  fifteen 
months,  July.  1638,10  October,  1639.  His 
fecond  vifit  was  in  1663,  and  Lifted  until 
1 67 1 .  The  New  England's  Rarities  was 
publiflied  in  1672,  and  the  Two  Voyages 
in  1674.  Joffelyn's  alone  of  thefe  works 
can  make  any  pretence  to  a  fcientific 
character  or  nomenclature,  but  the  four 
taken  together  conftitute  the  whole  body 
of  early  New  England  natural  hiftory 
and  geology.  Only  occafional  reference 
to  this  clafs  of  fubjects  is  found  in  other 

2  The  White  Oake  includes,  no  doubt, 
Ouercus  alba  and  bicolor,  and  the  Redd 
Oake,  Quercus  rubra,  tincloria  and  coc- 

3  Edward  Williams,  in  his  Virginia 
(in.  Force's  Trails,  No.  11.  p.  14),  writ- 
ten in  1650,  fays:  "  Nor  are  Pipeftaves 


New  Rnglijli  Canaan.  183 

commodity  in  England,  their  onely  wood  being  pine,  of 
which  they  are  enforced  alio  to  build  fhippinge ;  of  oackes 
there  is  great  abundance  in  the  parts  of  New  England,  and 
they  may  have  a  prime  place  in  the  Catalogue  of  com- 

Aflie 1  there  is  ftore,  and  very   good  for  ftaves,  oares  or  2.  A/he. 
pikes ;  and  may  have  a  place  in  the  fame  Catalogue. 

Elme  :  of  this  fort  of  trees  there  are  fome  ;  but  there  hath  3-  Elme. 
not  as  yet  bin  found  any  quantity  to  fpeake  of. 

*  Beech  there  is  of  two  forts,  redd  and  white  ; 2  very   *  63  4-  Beech. 
excellent  for  trenchers  or  chaires,  and  alfo  for  oares ; 
and  may  be  accompted  for  a  commodity. 

Wallnutt :  of  this  forte  of  wood  there  is  infinite  ftore,  and  5.  Walnutt. 
there  are  4  forts : 3  it  is  an  excellent  wood,  for  many  ufes 
approoved ;  the  younger  trees  are  imployed  for  hoopes,  and 
are  the  beft  for  that  imployement  of  all  other  ftuffe  what- 
foever.  The  Nutts  ferve  when  they  fall  to  feede  our  fvvine, 
which  make  them  the  delicateft  bacon  of  all  other  foode : 
and  is  therein  a  cheife  commodity. 

Cheftnutt :    of  this  forte  there  is  very  greate  plenty,  the  6.  chejinuts. 
tymber  whereof  is    excellent  for  building;    and    is  a  very 


and  Clapboard  a  defpicable  commodity,        2  It  is  interefting  to  note  that,  at  this 

of  which  one  man  may  with  eafe  make  early  day.  two  forms  of  our  one  fpecies 

fifteen  thoufand  yearely,  which  in  the  of  Beech  were  diftinguifhed  by  the  color 

countrey  itfelfe  are  fold  for  4 1.  in  the  Ca-  of  the  wood,  a  distinction  which  has  often 

naries  for  twenty  pound  the  thoufand,  been  adopted  by  Botanifts  and  is  ftill 

and  by  this   means  the  labour  of  one  confidered   by   mechanics    and  woodf- 

man  will  yeeld  him  60 1.  per  annum,  at  men. 

the  loweft  Market."  3  This  refers,  no  doubt,  to  our  differ- 

1  Probably  Fraxinus  Americana,  al-  ent  fpecies   of    Hickory,    although  the 

though   two   other  fpecies   of  Afli   are  Butternut  (/Juglans  cinerea)  is  common 

common  in  Maffachufetts,  the  Red  and  in  MaiTachufetts. 
the  Black  Afh  (F.  pubefcens  axid/ambu- 

184  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

good  commodity,  efpecially  in  refpecl;  of  the  fruit,  both  for 
man  and  beaft. 

7.  tHne.  Pine  :    of  this  forte  there  is  infinite  ftore  in  fome  parts  of 

the  Country.1  I  have  travelled  10.  miles  together  where  is 
little  or  no  other  wood  growing.2  And  of  thefe  may  be  made 
rofin,  pitch  and  tarre,  which  are  fuch  ufefull  commodities 
that  if  wee  had  them  not  from  other  Countries  in  Amity  with 
England,  our  Navigation  would  decline.  Then  how  great 
the  commodity  of  it  will  be  to  our  Nation,  to  have  it  of  our 
owne,  let  any  man  judge. 

s.  Cedar.  Cedar  : 3  of  this  forte  there  is  abundaunce  ;  and  this  wood 

was  fuch  as  Salomon  ufed  for  the  building  of  that  glorious 

Temple  at  Hierufalem ;  and  there  are  of  thefe  Cedars,  firre 

trees  and  other  materialls  neceffary  for  the  building  of  many 

faire  Temples,4  if  there  were  any  Salomons  to  be  at  the  Colt 

of  them  :   and  if  any  man  be  defirous  to  finde  out  in 

*  64   what  part  of  the  *  Country  the   beft  Cedars  are,   he 

muft  get  into  the  bottom  grounds,  and  in  vallies  that 

are  wet  at  the  fpring  of  the  yeare,  where  the  moifture  pre- 

ferves  them  from  the  fire  in  fpring  time,  and  not  in  a  woodden 

profpect.5     This  wood  cutts  red,  and  is  good  for  bedfteads, 

tables  and  chefts ;   and  may  be  placed  in  the  Catalogue  of 

Commodities.  ~ 

Cypres : 

1  Both  the  White  and  the  Pitch  Pine  4  This  is  clearly  a  contemptuous  ref- 
(Pinusftrobus,  and  rigidd)  are  probably  erence  to  Wood,  who  in  his  Profpe^l  (p. 
referred  to.  15)   had    faid,    "The   Cedar    tree   is  a 

2  "  For  I  have  feene  of  thefe  ftately  tree  of  no  great  growth,  not  bearing 
high  growne  trees,  ten  miles  together  above  a  foote  and  a  halfe  fquare  at  the 
clofe  by  the  River  fide,  from  whence  by  mod,  neither  is  it  very  high.  I  fuppofe 
fhipping  they  might  be  conveyed  to  any  they  be  much  inferiour  to  the  Cedars  of 
defired  Port."  (Wood's  New  England's  Lebenon,  fo  much  commended  in  holy 
Proffiefl,  p.  15.)  writ." 

8  The  Red  Cedar  {jfuniperus  virgi-        6  Supra,  173. 
nid) . 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  185 

Cypres : *  of  this  there  is  great  plenty ;  and  vulgarly  this  9-  Cypres. 
tree  hath  bin  taken  for  another  fort  of  Cedar ;  but  workemen 
put  a  difference  betweene  this  Cypres,  and  the  Cedar,  efpe- 
cially  in  the  colour ;  for  this  is  white  and  that  redd  white : 
and  likewife  in  the  finenes  of  the  leafe  and  the  fmoothnes 
of  the  barque.  This  wood  is  alio  fweeter  then  Cedar,  and, 
(as  it  is  in  Garrets 2  herball,)  a  more  bewtif ull  tree  ;  it  is  of  all 
other,  to  my  minde,  molt  bewtifull,  and  cannot  be  denied  to 
paffe  for  a  commodity. 

Spruce  3 :  of  thefe  there  are  infinite  flore,  efpecially  in  the  10.  spruce. 
Northerne  parts   of   the   Country ;   and  they  have  bin  ap- 
prooved  by  workemen  in   England  to  be  more  tough  then 
thofe  that  they  have  out  of  the  eafl  country :  from  whence 
wee  have  them  for  mafts  and  yards  of  fhippes. 

The  Spruce    of  this  country  are  found  to  be  3.  and  4.  The  spruce 
fadum  about:   and  are  reputed  able,  fingle,  to  make  mafts  %y^efa!md 
for  the  biggeft  fhip  that  fayles  on  the  maine  Ocean,  without  fJiu%  *" 4 
peeling ;  which  is  more  than  the  Eafl  country  can  afford.4  aboute- 
And  feeing  that  Navigation  is  the  very  finneus  of  a  flourifh- 
ing  Commonwealth,  it  is  fitting  to  allow  the  Spruce  tree  a 

principall  place  in  the  Catalogue  of  commodities. 


1  The  White  Cedar  (Chamaecyparis  Yards :  It  is  generally  conceived  by 
thyoides)  ;  or  perhaps  Arbor -Vitae  thofe  that  have  fkill  in  Building  of  Ships, 
{Thuja  occidentalis),  which  is  the  that  here  is  abfolutely  the  beft  Trees  in 
"  more  bewtifull  tree."  the  World,  many  of  them  being  three 

2  A  mifprint  for  Gerard,  whofe  Herb-  Fathom  about,  and  of  great  length." 
all,  or  Gencrall  Hijlorie  of  Plants,  was  (JofTelyn,  Rarities,  p.  63.)  "  At  Pafcat- 
publifhed  in  1597,  and  Johnfon's  edition  away  there  is  now  a  Spruce-tree  brought 
of  it  in  1633.  down  to  the  water-fide  by  our  Mafl-men 

3  This  probably  includes  both  the  of  an  incredible  bignefs,  and  fo  long  that 
Black  Spruce  {Picea  nigra)  and  the  no  Skipper  durft  ever  yet  adventure  to 
Hemlock  (Truga  canadenfis).  fhip   it,  but  there  it   lyes  and  Rots." 

4  "  Spruce  is  a  goodly  Tree,  of  which  {Two  Voyages,  p.  67.) 
they  make  Mafts  for   Ships,  and    Sail 

1 86 

New  Englifh  Canaan. 

ii.  Alder. 

12.  Birch. 

13.  Maple. 

14.  Eldeme. 

15.  Haw- 

16.   Vines. 


65         *  Alder  :  of  this  forte  there  is  plenty  by  rivers  fides, 
good  for  turners. 

of  this  there  is  plenty  in  divers  parts  of  the  Coun- 
try. Of  the  barck  of  thefe  the  Salvages  of  the  Northerne 
parts  make  them  delicate  Canowes,  fo  light  that  two  men 
will  tranfport  one  of  them  over  Land  whither1  they  lift;  and 
yet  one  of  them  will  tranfporte  tenne  or  twelffe  Salvages  by 
water  at  a  time. 

Mayple  : 2  of  thofe  trees  there  is  greate  abundance ;  and 
thefe  are  very  excellent  for  bowles.  The  Indians  ufe  of  it 
to  that  purpofe ;  and  is  to  be  accompted  a  good  com- 

Elderne:3  there  is  plenty  in  that  Country;  of  this  the 
Salvages  make  their  Arrowes,  and  it  hath  no  ftrong  unfavery 
fent  like  our  Eldern  in  England. 

Hawthorne  :  of  this  there  is  two  forts,  one  of  which  beares 
a  well  tafting  berry  as  bigg  as  ones  thumbe,  and  lookes  like 
little  Queene  apples. 

Vines :  of  this  kinde  of  trees  there  are  that  beare  grapes 
of  three  colours :  that  is  to  fay,  white,  black  and  red.4 

The  Country  is  fo  apt  for  vines,  that,  but  for  the  fire  at 
the  fpring  of  the  yeare,  the  vines  would  fo  over  fpreade  the 
land  that  one  fhould  not  be  able  to  paffe  for  them ; 5  the  fruit 
is  as  bigg,  of  fome,  as  a  mufket  bullet,  and  is  excellent  in 

tai*e#  Plumtrees : 

1  [whether.]    See/upra,  ill,  note  1. 

2  Probably  the  Sugar,  Red  and  White 
Maples  are  intended  :  Acer  facchari- 
num,  rubriun  and  dafycarpum.  It  is 
lingular  that  no  reference  to  the  manu- 
facture of  maple  fugar  by  the  Indians 

3  (Elder)  Sambucus  Canadenfis. 

*  Wood  {Pro/peel,  p.  15)  fays,  "Two 
forts,  Red  and  White."  None  of  our 
native  Grape  vines  bear  White  grapes. 

5  Supra,  173. 

New  Engli/Ji  Canaan.  187 

Plumtrees :  *  of  this  kinde  there  are  many ;  fome  that  beare  17-  Piummes. 
fruit  as  bigg  as  our  ordinary  bullis  :  others  there  be  that  doe 
beare  fruite  much  bigger  than  peare  piummes ;  their  colour 
redd,  and  their  ftones  flat ;  very  delitious  in  tafle. 

*  Cheritrees  there  are  abundance  ;  but  the  fruit  is  as    *  66  18.  cherries. 
fmall  as  our  floes  ;  but  if  any  of  them  were  replanted 
and  grafted,  in  an  orchard,  they  would  foone  be  raifed  by 
meanes  of  fuch ;  and  the  like  fruits. 

There  is  greate  abundance  of  Mufke  Rofes  in  divers  places  :  19.  Ro/es. 
the  water  diftilled  excelleth  our  Rofewater  of  England. 

There  is  abundance  of  Saffafras 2  and  Sarfaperilla,3  grow-  20.  sajfafras 
ing  in  divers  places  of  the  land ;  whofe  budds  at  the  fpring  2I.  sar/a- 
doe  perfume  the  aire.  pern  a. 

Other  trees  there  are  not  greatly  materiall  to  be  recited 
in  this  abftracT:,  as  goofe  berries,  rafberies,  and  other  beries. 

There  is   Hempe4  that  naturally  groweth,  finer  then  our 
Hempe  of  England. 

Chapter    III. 

1  Perhaps  our  little  Beach  plum  {P.  Thomas  Wiggin,  alfo,  in  writing  of 
maritima)  is  intended.  The  wild  Amer-  New  England  in  November,  1632,  fays  : 
ican  Plum-tree  is  probably  not  a  native  "As  good  hempe  and  fflax  as  in  any 
of  Maffachufetts,  although  it  was  early  parte  of  the  world,  growes  there  natu- 
cultivated  by  the  aborigines  and  fettlers.  rally."     (in.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  viii. 

2  {Saffafras  officinale?)  p.  322.)     Hemp,  however,  is  not  native 

3  The  Ginfeng  (A ralia  quinquefolia*),  to  New  England  or  America.  That 
or  the  Wild  Sarfaparilla  (Aralia  nudi-  fpoken  of  mull  have  been  grown  from 
caulis).  feed    brought    over   by    the    colonifts. 

4  In  Chapter  IX.  of  this  Book  {infra,  Morton  may  have  feen  it  growing  in 
*94)  Morton  again  refers  to  the  growth  garden  foil  at  Plymouth  and  Weffaguf- 
of  hemp  in  New  England,  as  evidence  fet,  but  that  any  field  of  it  ever  reached 
of  the  fertility  of  the  foil.  He  declares  a  height  of  ten  or  ten  and  a  half  feet 
"  that  it  fhewteth  up  to  be  tenne  foote  in  eaftern  Maffachufetts  is  very  quef- 
high    and    tenne    foote   and   a  halfe."  tionable. 

1 88 

New  Engli/h  Canaan. 


ram,   Tyme, 


Angel  I ic  a, 



and Annifeeds. 


and  Balme. 

Chap.     III. 

Potthearbcs  and  other  hcrbes  for  Sallets. 

THe  Country  there  naturally  affordeth  very  good  pot- 
herbes  and  fallet  herbes,  and  thofe  of  a  more  mafkuline 
vertue  then  any  of  the  fame  fpecies  in  England ;  as  Potmar- 
ioram,  Tyme,  Alexander,  Angellica,  Purfland,  Violets,  and 
Annifeeds,  in  very  great  abundance :  and  for  the  pott  I 
gathered   in  fummer,  dried  and  crumbled    into  a  bagg  to 

preferve  for  winter  ftore. 
*  6y        *  Hunnifuckles,  balme,  and  divers  other  good  herbes 

are  there,  that  grow  without  the  induftry  of  man,  that 
are  ufed  when  occafion  ferveth  very  commodiouily.1 

Chapter    IV. 

1  Profeffor  Gray  of  Harvard  Univer- 
fity  has  furnifhed  me  the  following  note 
on  this  chapter  :  — 

"  Unlike  Joffelyn,  the  author  evidently 
was  not  an  herbalift,  and  wrote  at  ran- 
dom. His  pot-marjoram,  thyme  and 
balm,  though  not  to  be  fpecifically  iden- 
tified, and  none  of  them  of  the  fame 
fpecies  as  in  England,  muft  be  repre- 
fented  by  our  American  pennyroyal 
(Hedeoma  pulegioides),  a  native  mint 
(Mentha  borealis),  wild  bafil  {Pyaian- 
thanuni),  and  a  fpecies  of  Mo7iarda, 
fometimes  called  balm,  all  fweet  herbs 
of  the  New  England  coaft.  Alexander 
is  hardly  to  be  gueffed.  Angelica  as  a 
genus  occurs  here,  but  not  the  officinal 
fpecies.  Wild  farfaparilla  (Aralia  nn- 
dicaiilis)  was  probably  in  view.  Purf- 
lane  is  interefting  in  this  connection, 
adding  as  it  does  to  the  probability  that 
this  plant  was  in  the  country  before  the 

fettlement.  There  are  no  Annifeeds  in 
New  England,  and  it  is  impoffible  to 
guefs  what  the  author  meant.  It  was 
probably  a  random  ftatement  founded 
on  nothing  in  particular.  The  Honey- 
fuckles  were  doubtlefs  the  two  fpecies 
of  Azalea  to  which  the  name  is  ftill 
applied."  Wood  alfo  fays  {Profpecl,  pp. 
ii,  12),  "There  is  likewife  growing  all 
manner  of  Hearbes  for  meate  and  medi- 
cine, and  not  only  in  planted  Gardens, 
but  in  the  woods,  without  either  the  art  or 
helpe  of  man,  as  fweete  Marjoram,  Purfe- 
lane,  Sorrell,  Peneriall,  Yarrow,  Myrtle, 
Saxifarilla,  Bayes,  &c."  See  alfo  Mr. 
Tuckerman's  introductory  matter  and 
notes,  in  his  edition  of  New  England's 
Rarities  [1865],  and  ProfefTor  Gray's 
chapter  (vol.  i.  ch.  ii.)  on  the  Flora  of 
Bofton  and  vicinity,  and  the  changes  it 
has  undergone,  in  the  Memorial  Hijlory 
of  Bo/ion. 


New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  189 

Chap.    IV. 

Of  Birds,  and  f ether ed  fowles} 
Ow  that  I  have  breifly  fhewed  the  Commodity  of  the 

trees,  herbes,  and  fruits,  I  will  mew  you  a  defcrip- 
tion  of  the  fowles  of  the  aire ;  as  moft  proper  in  ordinary 

And  firft  of  the  Swanne,2  becaufe  fhee  is  the  biggeft  of  all  Swannes. 
the  fowles  of  that  Country.     There  are  of  them  in  Merri- 
mack River,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  greate  ftore 
at  the  feafons  of  the  yeare. 

The  nefh  is  not  much  defired  of  the  inhabitants,  but  the 
fkinnes  may  be  accompted  a  commodity  fitt  for  divers  ufes, 
both  for  fethers  and  quiles. 

There  are  Geefe  of  three  forts,  vize :   brant  Geefe3  which  Geefe,  pide, 
are  pide,  and  white  Geefe 4  which  are  bigger,  and  gray  Geefe 5  Jr"/.' l 
which  are  as  bigg  and  bigger  then  the  tame  Geefe  of  Eng- 

1  For  the  greater  part  of  the  notes  to  likewife  many  Swannes  which  frequent 
this  chapter,  and  for  all  thofe  of  a  tech-  the  frefh  ponds  and  rivers,  feldome  con-, 
nical  character,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  forting  themfelves  with  Duckes  and 
William  Brewfter,  of  Cambridge.  To  Geefe ;  thefe  be  very  good  meate,  the 
his  notes  I  have  added  a  few  references  price  of  one  is  fix  millings."  In  his 
to,  and  extracts  from,  other  early  works  enumeration  of  birds  of  New  England, 
more  or  lefs  contemporaneous  with  the  Joffelyn  {Two  Voyages,  p.  ioo)  men- 
New  Canaan.  tions  "  Hookers  or  wild-.Swtftt.s-."    This 

2  Probably  the  Whiftling  Swan  {Cyg-  bird  is  not  included  in  Peabody's  Report 
nus  Americanus),  now  a  rare  vifitor  to  on  the  Ornithol.  of  Majfachnfetts  (1839). 
New  England.  Wood,  alfo,  in  his  poet-  3  The  Brant  (Bernicla  brenta),  com- 
ical   enumeration   of    birds   and   fowls  mon  at  the  prefent  day. 

{Pro/peel,  p.  23),  fpeaks  of  4  The  Snow  Goofe  {Anfer  hyperbore- 

«  The  Silver  Swan  that  tunes  her  mournf ull  «*).  now  r,are  in, New  £ nf  \*n£>  although 

breath  common  throughout  the  Welt. 

To  fing  the  di'rge  of  her  approaching  death."  5  The  Canada  Goofe  {Bernicla  Cana- 

Further  on  (p.  26)  he  fays,  "  There  be  denfls)- 

190  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

land,  with  black  legges,  black  bills,  heads  and  necks  black  ; 

the  flefli  farre  more  excellent  then  the  Geefe  of  England, 

wild  or  tame ;  yet  the  purity  of  the  aire  is  fuch  that  the 

biggeft  is  accompted  but  an  indifferent  meale  for  a  couple 

of  men.     There  is  of  them  great  abundance.     I  have  had 

often   1000.  before  the  mouth  of  my  gunne.     I  never 

*  68    faw  any  in  *  England,  for  my  part,  fo  fatt  as   I   have 

killed  there  in  thofe  parts ;  the  fethers  of  them  makes 

a  bedd  fofter  then  any  down  bed  that  I  have  lyen  on,  and  is 

Fethers  pay     there  a  very  good  commodity  ;  the  fethers  of  the  Geefe,  that 

an//     I   nave  killed  in  a  fhort  time,  have  paid  for  all  the  powther 

and  fhott  I  have  fpent  in  a  yeare,  and  I  have  fed  my  doggs 

with  as  fatt  Geefe  there  as  I  have  euer  fed  upon  my  felfe 

in  England. 

Ducks  pide,  Ducks  there  are  of  three  kindes,  pide  Ducks,  gray  Ducks, 

gray,  &     c .  anj  black  Ducks  in  greate  abundance :  the  moft  about  my 

habitation  were  black  Ducks:1  and  it  was  a  noted  Cuftome 

at  my  hovvfe,  to  have  every  mans  Duck  upon  a  trencher; 

and  then  you  will  thinke  a  man  was  not  hardly  ufed  :  they 

are  bigger  boddied  then  the  tame  Ducks  of  England :  very 

fatt  and  dainty  flefli. 

The  common  doggs  fees  were  the  gibletts,  unleffe  they 
were  boyled  now  and  than  for  to  make  broath. 
Teaies,  greene       Teales  there  are  of  two  forts,  greene  winged,  and    blew 
winged  : 2  but  a  dainty  bird.     I  have  bin  much  delighted  with 


1  The    Black    Duck   {Anas   ob/cura),  wholly  extin£t ;  the  Gray  Duck  is  prob- 

flill  abundant.    The  identity  of  the  other  ably  the  Pintail  {Dafila  acuta). 

two  is  doubtful ;    the   Pide  Duck  may  2  The  Green-winged  Teal  {Qtterqtie- 

have  been  the  Pied  or  Labrador  Duck  dula  Carolinenfcs)  and  the  Blue-winged 

(Camptola-tuus  Labradorius),  a  fpecies  Teal  (Querqneditla  difcors),  both  noted 

formerly  common  but  now  nearly  if  not  for  the  delicacy  of  their  flefh. 

and  blew. 

New  Englifk  Canaan.  191 

a  roft  of   thefe  for  a  fecond  courfe.     I   had  plenty  in  the 
rivers  and  ponds  about  my  howfe. 

Wido-gens l  there  are,  and  abundance  of  other  water  foule,  widggcns. 
fome  fuch  as  I  have  feene,  and  [fome]  fuch  as  I  have  not 
feene  elfe  where  before  I  came  into  thofe  parts,  which  are 
little  regarded. 

Simpes2  there  are  like  our  Simpes  in  all  refpecls,  with  Simpes. 
very  litle  difference.     I  have  mot  at  them  onely  to  fee  what 
difference    I  could  flnde  betweene  them  and  thofe  of  my 
native  Country,  and  more  I  did  not  regard  them. 

*Sanderlings3  are  a  dainty  bird,  more  full  boddied    *  69  Sanderiings. 
than  a  Snipe ;  and  I  was  much  delighted  to  feede  on 
them  becaufe  they  were  fatt  and  eafie  to  come  by,  becaufe 
I  went  but  a  ftepp  or  to  for  them :  and  I  have  killed  be- 
tweene foure  and  five  dozen  at  a  moot,  which  would  loade 
me  home.  Their 

1  Probably  the  American  Widgeon,  or  in  which  the  bird  in  queftion  is  alluded 
Baldpate  (Mareca  Americana).  The  to,  it  would  be  inferred  that  Simpes  was 
name  Widgeon  is  fometimes  applied  a  natural  mifprint  for  Snipes.  That, 
to  other  fpecies,  however.  however,  is  clearly  not  the  cafe. 

2  Probably  fome  fpecies  of  web-footed  3  The  Sanderling  (Calidris  arenaria), 
bird,  but  exactly  what  is  not  clear.  Mr.  a  common  Sandpiper,  peculiar  in  lacking 
Merriam,  in  his  Review  of  the  Birds  of  the  ufual  hind  toe.  The  context  indi- 
Conneclicut  (pp.  104-5),  identifies  Mor-  cates  that  other  fhore  birds  were  included 
ton's  Simpe  as  the  American  Wood-  under  this  name.  "  There  are  little  Birds 
cock  (Philohela  minor),  but  in  this  he  that  frequent  the  Sea-fhore  in  flocks 
is  doubtlefs  in  error.  In  the  firft  place,  called  Sander/ins,  they  are  about  the 
it  is  not  likely  that  a  keen  fportfman  bignefs  of  a  Sparrow,  and  in  the  fall  of 
like  Morton  would  have  fhot  woodcock  the  leaf  will  be  all  fat ;  when  I  was  firft 
merely  out  of  curiofity,  and  "more  did  in  the  Countrie  the  Englijli  cut  them 
not  regard  them;"  in  the  fecond  place,  into  fmall  pieces  to  put  into  their  Pud- 
JolTelyn,  in  enumerating  the  different  dings  inftead  of  fuet.  I  have  known 
forts  of  ducks,  fpeaks  of  "  Widgeons,  twelve  fcore  and  above  kill'd  at  two 
Simps,  Teal,  Blew  wing'd  and  green  fhots."  (JofTelyn's  Two  Voyages,  p.  102.) 
wing'd."  {Two  Voyages,  p.  101.)  But  To  precifely  the  fame  effect  Wood  fays 
for  the  reference  in  the  next  paragraph  {Profpecl,  p.  27),  "  I  myfelfe  have  killed 
in  the  text,  and  the  difparaging  manner  twelve  fcore  at  two  fhootes." 

192  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Their  foode  is  at  ebbing  water  on  the  fands,  of  fmall  feeds 
that  grows  on  weeds   there,  and  are  very  good  paftime  in 
Cranes.  Cranes *  there  are  greate  ftore,  that  ever  more  came  there 

at  S.  Davids  day,  and  not  before :  that  day  they  never  would 

Thefe  fometimes  eate  our  corne,  and  doe  pay  for  their  pre- 
emption well  enough ;  and  ferveth  there  in  powther,  with 
turnips,  to  fupply  the  place  of  powthered  beefe,  and  is  a 
goodly  bird  in  a  dime,  and  no  difcommodity. 
Turkies.  Turkies 2  there  are,  which  divers  times  in  great  flocks  have 

fallied  by  our  doores ;  and  then  a  gunne,  being  commonly 
in  a  redineffe,  falutes  them  with  fuch  a  courtefie,  as  makes 
them  take  a  turne  in  the  Cooke  roome.  They  daunce  by 
the  doore  fo  well. 

Of  thefe  there  hath  bin  killed  that  have  weighed  forty 
eight  pound  a  peece.3  ~>, 

1  Neither  the  Whooping  Crane  (Grus  yoke  range,  where  fome  are  taken  every 
Americana)  nor  the  Sandhill  Crane  (Grus  year."  Its  total  extinction  probably 
pratcnfis)  is  now  found  in  New  Eng-     occurred  only  a  few  years  later. 

land.    The  latter  is  probably  the  fpecies  3  Probably  an  exaggeration,  although 

referred  to   here.       Our    large    Heron  Audubon    mentions   one   that  weighed 

(Ardea  herodias)  is  often  called  Crane  thirty-fix  pounds  ;  the  ordinary  weight 

by  country  people,  but  it  does  not  eat  of  the  full-grown  male  is  from  fifteen  to 

corn,  and  "  in  a  difhe  "  would  hardly  be  twenty  pounds,  a  gobbler  weighing  twen- 

confidered  "a  goodly  bird."  ty-five  pounds  being  an  unufually  large 

2  The  Wild  Turkey  {Meleagris  galli-  bird.  Yet  Morton's  ftatement  is  fully 
pavo  Americana)  is  mentioned  by  all  the  borne  out  by  other  contemporary  author- 
early  writers  as  an  abundant  bird;  but  ities.  Wood  fays,  "  The  Turky  is  a  very 
it  difappeared  almoft  as  rapidly  as  the  large  bird,  of  a  blacke  colour,  yet  white 
Indians,  before  the  encroachment  of  the  in  flefh  ;  much  bigger  then  our  Englifh 
white  fettiers.  Peabody,  writing  in  1839  Turky.  He  hath  the  ufe  of  his  long  legs 
{Report  on  the  FiJ/ies,  Reptiles,  and  fo  ready,  that  he  can  runne  as  faft  as  a 
Birds  of  Majfachufetts,  p.  352),  fays  :  Dogge,  and  flye  as  well  as  a  Goofe  :  of 
"It  is  ftill  found  occafionally  in  our  thefe  fometimes  there  will  be  forty,  three- 
wellern  mountains,  and  alfo  on  the  Hoi-  fcore  and  an  hundred  of  a  flocke,  fome- 

New  Rngli/Ii  Canaan. 


They  are  by  mainy  degrees  fweeter  then  the  tame  Tur- 
kies  of  England,  feede  them  how  you  can. 

I  had  a  Salvage  who  hath  taken  out  his  boy  in  a  morning, 
and  they  have  brought  home  their  loades  about  noone. 

*  I  have  afked  them  what  number  they  found  in  the  *  70 
woods,  who  have  anfwered  Neent  Metawna,1  which  is 
a  thofand  that  day ;  the  plenty  of  them  is  fuch  in  thofe  parts. 
They  are  eafily  killed  at  roofte,  becauie,  the  one  being  killed, 
the  other  fit  fall  nevertheleffe ;  and  this  is  no  bad  com- 

There  are  a  kinde  of  fowles  which  are  commonly  called  Pjieifants, 


times  more  and  fometimes  leffe  ;  their 
feeding  is  Acorns,  Hawes,  and  Berries, 
fome  of  them  get  a  haunt  to  frequent  our 
EngliJJi  corne :  In  Winter  when  the 
Snow  covers  the  ground,  they  refort  to 
the  Sea-fhore  to  looke  for  Shrimps,  and 
fuch  fmall  fiflies  at  low  tides.  Such  as 
love  Turkie  hunting  muft  follow  it  in 
Winter  after  a  new  falne  Snow,  when  he 
may  follow  them  by  their  tracts  ;  fome 
have  killed  ten  or  a  dozen  in  halfe  a 
day ;  if  they  can  be  found  towards  an 
evening,  and  watched  where  they  peirch, 
if  one  came  about  ten  or  eleaven  of  the 
clocke,  he  may  fhoote  as  often  as  he 
will,  they  will  fit,  unleffe  they  be  flen- 
derly  wounded.  Thefe  Turkies  remain 
all  the  yeare  long.  The  price  of  a  good 
Turkie  cocke  is  foure  millings  :  and  he 
is  well  worth  it,  for  he  may  be  in  weight 
forty  pound  ;  a  Hen  two  fhillings." 
(New  England's  Profpcci,  p.  24.)  So 
alfo  Joffelyn :  "  I  have  heard  feveral  cred- 
ible perfons  affirm,  they  have  feen  Tur- 
kie Cocks  that  have  weighed  forty,  yea 
fixty  pounds  ;  but  out  of  my  perfonal 
experimental  knowledge  I  can  allure 
you,  that  I  have  eaten  my  fhare  of  a 
Turkie  Cock,  that  when  he  was  pull'd 

and  garbidg'd,  weighed  thirty  pound." 
He  adds,  however,  that  even  then  [1670] 
"  the  EngliJJi  and  the  Indians  having 
now  deftroyed  the  breed,  fo  that  'tis  very 
rare  to  meet  with  a  wild  Turkie  in  the 
Woods."  (New  Englands  Rarities, 
p.  9.)  See  alfo  Two  Voyages,  p.  99, 
where  the  fame  writer  fays  :  "  If  you 
would  preferve  the  young  Chickens  alive, 
you  muft  give  them  no  water,  for  if  they 
come  to  have  their  fill  of  water,  they 
will  drop  away  ftrangely,  and  you  will 
never  be  able  to  rear  any  of  them.1'  John 
Clayton,  in  his  Letter  to  the  Royal  So- 
ciety [1688],  fays  of  Virginia:  "There 
be  wild  Turkies  extream  large  ;  they 
talk  of  Turkies  that  have  been  kill'd, 
that  have  weigh'd  betwixt  50  and  60 
Pound  weight  ;  the  largeft  that  ever  I 
faw,  weigh'd  fomething  better  than  38 
Pound."  (in.  Force's  Trails,  No.  12, 
p.  30.)  Williams,  in  his  Virginia\_\6$o\ 
fpeaks  of  "  infinites  of  wilde  Turkeyes, 
which  have  been  knowne  to  weigh  fifty 
pound  weight,  ordinarily  forty."  (in. 
Force's  Trails,  No.  1 1,  p.  12.)  See  alfo 
Strachey's  Hijloric,  p.  125  ;  Young's 
CJiron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  253. 
1  In   regard   to   this   expreffion    Mr. 


194  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

bigger  in  bo- 
dy as  thofe  of 

Q/iailes  big- 
ger in  body 
as  thofe  in 

Pheifants,1  but  whether  they  be  pheyfants  or  no,  I  will  not 
take  upon  mee  to  determine.  They  are  in  forme  like  our 
pheifant  henne  of  England.  Both  the  male  and  the  female 
are  alike  ;  but  they  are  rough  footed,  and  have  ftareing  feth- 
ers  about  the  head  and  neck ;  the  body  is  as  bigg  as  the 
pheyfant  henne  of  England ;  and  are  excellent  white  flefli, 
and  delicate  white  meate,  yet  we  feldome  beftowe  a  fhoote  at 

Partridges2  there  are,  much  like  our  Partridges  of  Eng- 
land ;  they  are  of  the  fame  plumes,  but  bigger  in  body. 
They  have  not  the  figne  of  the  horfemoe  on  the  breft,  as  the 
Partridges  of  England ;  nor  are  they  coloured  about  the 
heads  as  thofe  are.  They  fit  on  the  trees,  for  I  have  feene 
40.  in  one  tree  at  a  time :  yet  at  night  they  fall  on  the 
ground,  and  fit  untill  morning  fo  together ;  and  are  dainty 

There  are  quailes3  alfo,  but  bigger  then  the  quailes  in 
England.     They  take  trees  alfo :  for  I  have  numbered  60. 


Trumbull  writes :  "  Metawna  is  mit- 
tannug  (R.  Williams),  muttannunk 
(Eliot),  —  Englifhed  by  'a  thoufand  ; ' 
but  to  the  Indians  lefs  definite,  '  a  great 
many,'  more  than  he  could  count. 
Neetit  is  poffibly  a  mifprint  for  necut 
(neqitt,  Eliot), '  one,'  —  but,  more  likely, 
ftands  for  '  I  have,'  or  its  equivalent, 
'there  is  to  me.'  Roger  Williams 
(p.  164)  puts  the  numeral  firft,  nnees- 
nne&nna,  '  I  have  killed  two,' — JJiwin- 
ne&nna,  ['  I  have  killed]  three,' "  &c. 

1  The  Pheafant  of  Morton  and  other 
early  writers  has  been  fuppofed  by  or- 
nithologifts  to  be  the  Prairie  Hen  or 
Pinnated  Groufe  {Cupidonia  atpido),  a 
fpecies  which,  however,  has  dark  not 
"  white  flefh,"  —  "  formerly  .  .  .  fo  com- 

mon on  the  ancient  bulky  fite  of  the  city 
of  Bofton,  that  laboring  people  or  fer- 
vants  ftipulated  with  their  employers, 
not  to  have  the  Heath- Hen  brought  to 
table  oftener  then  a  few  times  in  the 
week."  (Nuttall's  Ornithology,  vol.  i. 
p.  800.)  There  is  good  evidence  that 
this  bird  once  ranged  over  a  large  part 
of  Southern  New  England  ;  it  is  Itill 
found  on  Martha's  Vineyard,  where  it 
is  carefully  protected  and  is  not  uncom- 
mon. Elfewhere  it  does  not  now  occur 
much  to  the  eaftward  of  Illinois. 

2  The  Ruffed  Groufe  (Bouafa  tim- 

8  The  American  Partridge,  Quail,  or 
Bob  White  (Ortyx  Virginiand). 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  195 

upon  a  tree  at  a  time.     The  cocks  doe  call  at  the  time  of  the 
yeare,  but  with  a  different  note  from   the  cock  quailes  of 


The  Larkes1  there  are  like  our  Larkes  of  England  in  all  The  Larkes 
refpects :    fauing  that  they  do  not  ufe  to  fing  at  all. 

*  There    are    Ovvles    of   divers   kindes:    but    I    did    *  71  Owies. 
never  heare  any  of  them  whop  as  ours  doe. 

There  are  Crowes,2  kights  and   rooks  that  doe  differ  in  The  Crowes 
fome  refpe&s  from  thofe  of  England.     The  Crowes,  which  I  f™Mufk?m 
have   much  admired  what  mould  be  the  caufe,  both  fmell  ^oTInwinfer. 
and  tafte  of  Mufke  in  fummer,  but  not  in  winter. 

There  are  Havvkes  in  New  England  of  5.  forts;3  and  thefe  iiawkcsof 
of  all  other  fether  fowles  I  mult  not  omitt  to  fpeake  of,  nor 
neede  I  to  make  any  Apology  for  my  felfe  concerning  any 
trefpaffe  that  I  am  like  to  make  upon  my  judgement,  con- 
cerning the  nature  of  them,  having  bin  bred  in  fo  genious 
a  way  that  I  had  the  common  ufe  of  them  in  England  :  and 
at  my  firft  arrivall  in  thofe  parts  praftifed  to  take  a  Lan-  a  Lannaret. 


1  Of  doubtful  application.  Our  Horned  bly  referring  to  the  Swallow-tailed  Kite 
Lark  (Eremophila  alpeftris)  is  the  near-  (Nauclerus  furca(us),  now  a  rare  ftrag- 
eft  North  American  ally  of  the  Englifh  gler  from  the  South,  but  formerly,  as 
Skylark,  but  it  is  fo  differently  colored  fome  ornithologifts  believe,  of  regular 
that  Morton  probably  had  in  mind  fome  occurrence  in  New  England. 

other  fpecies,  perhaps  the  Titlark  (Ati-        3  The    defcriptions    given    for   thefe 

thus  ludovicianus).  Hawks  are  too  vague  to  be  of  much  ufe 

2  Three  fpecies  of  Crows  are  found  in  in  determining  fpecies.  A  clew  is  often 
New  England  :  the  Raven  (Corvus  car-  furnifhed  by  familiar  terms  of  falconry, 
nivorus),  now  confined  to  the  northern  which,  we  may  affume,  would  be  natu- 
parts  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  rally  applied  to  American  reprefenta- 
Vermont ;  the  Common  Crow  (Corvus  tives  of  Old  World  forms.  Morton, 
Aj/iericanus)  ;  and  the  Fifh  Crow  (Cor-  however,  ufes  thefe  terms  very  loofely, 
vns  ojfifragus),  which  occafionally  wan-  or,  perhaps,  with  a  regard  to  fine  dif- 
ders  to  MafTachufetts  from  its  true  home  tinciions  of  meaning  not  now  under- 
in  the  Middle  and  Southern  States,  flood.  In  fuch  a  cafe  nothing  can  be 
The  latter  may  have  been  the  Rook,  done  beyond  pointing  out  their  accepted 
"Kight  "  is  a  dubious  appellation,  poffi-  fignificance  and  probable  application. 

196  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

naret,1  which  I  reclaimed,  trained  and  made  flying  in  a  fort- 
night, the  fame  being  a  paffmger  at  Michuelmas.  I  found 
that  thefe  are  molt  excellent  Mettell,  rank  winged,  well  con- 
ditioned, and  not  tickleifh  footed  ;  and,  having  whoods,  bels, 
luers,  and  all  things  fitting,  was  defirous  to  make  experi- 
ment of  that  kinde  of  Hawke  before  any  other. 

And  I  am  perfwaded  that  Nature  hath  ordained  them  to 
be  of  a  farre  better  kinde  then  any  that  have  bin  ufed  in 
England.2  They  have  neither  dorre3  nor  worm  to  feed  upon, 
(as  in  other  parts  of  the  world,)  the  Country  affording  none ; 
the  ufe  whereof  in  other  parts  makes  the  Lannars  there 
more  buffardly4  then  they  be  in  New  England. 
Fawcom.  There  are  likewife  Fawcons5  and  taffell  gentles,6  ad- 

*  72  mirable  well  fhaped  birds  ;  and  they  will  tower  up  * 
when  they  purpofe  to  pray,  and,  on  a  fodaine  when 
they  effpie  their  game,  they  will  make  fuch  a  cancellere 
that  one  would  admire  to  behold  them.  Some  there  are 
more  black  then  any  that  have  bin  ufed  in  England. 

1  The  male  of  Falco  lanarius,  a  Fal-  prefented  to  his  Majefty  on  Saturday- 
con  found  in  the  fouthern  and  fouth-  next,  by  the  Lords  of  thofe  Provinces, 
eaftern  parts  of  Europe,  as  well  as  in  And  the  laid  Captain  to  be  recommend- 
Weftern  Afia  and  the  adjoining  portions  ed  to  his  Majeftys  fervice  upon  occa- 
of  Africa.  An  American  variety,  the  fion  of  employments  for  his  care  and 
Prairie  Falcon  {Falco  Unarms  polya-  induftry  ufed  to  bring  them  oyer,  and 
grus),  has  a  wide  range  in  the  Weft,  but  for  other  his  fervices  done  in  thofe 
is  not  known   to  have  occurred  to  the  parts." 

eaftward  of  Illinois.     The  bird  referred  8  The  Cockchafer, 

to  by    Morton   is   doubtlefs   the  Duck  4  /.  c,  like  the  Buzzard-Hawks  of  the 

Hawk  (Falco  peregrinus),  an  allied  fpe-  genus  Butco,  a  fluggifh  tribe  of  Raptores. 

cies  not  uncommon  in  New  England.  £  Properly  of  general  application  to 

2  In  the  records  of  the  Council  for  the  genus  Falco;  if  ufed  fpecifically  here 
New  England,  under  date  of  the  26th  of  there  is  no  clew  to  its  precife  meaning. 
November,  1635,  or  about  the  time  that  6  Ufually  written  tercel^  and  fome- 
Morton  was  writing  the  New  Canaan,  times  tiercel  or  /tercel.  The  male  of 
is  the  following  entry  :  "  The  Hawks  any  hawk,  fo  termed  becaufe  he  is  a 
brought  over  by  Capt.  Smart  are  to  be  third  fmaller  than  the  female,  or,  as  fome 



New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  197 

The  Taffell  gent,  (but  of  the  leaft  fize,1)  is  an  ornament 
for  a  perfon  of  eftimation  among  the  Indians  to  weare  in  the 
knot  of  his  lock,  with  the  traine  upright,  the  body  dried  and 
ftretched  out.  They  take  a  great  pride  in  the  wearing  of 
fuch  an  ornament,  and  give  to  one  of  us,  that  mail  kill  them 
one  for  that  purpofe,  fo  much  beaver  as  is  worth  three 
pounds  fterling,  very  willingly. 

Thefe  doe  us  but  little  trefpas,  becaufe  they  pray  on  fuch 
birds  as  are  by  the  Sea  fide,  and  not  on  our  Chickens.  Gof- 
hawkes  there  are,  and  Taffels. 

The  Taffels  are  fhort  truffed  buffards  ;2  but  the  Gofhawkes3  Gojimwh 

are  well  fhaped,  but  they  are  fmall ;  fome  of  white  male,  we  ■'ia^e ' 

and  fome  redd  male,  I  have  feene  one  with  8.  barres  in  the 

traine.    Thefe  fall  on  our  bigger  poultry:  the  leffer  chicken, 

I  thinke  they  fcorne  to  make  their  pray  of ;  for  commonly 

the  Cocke  goes  to  wrack.     Of  thefe   I  have  feene  many; 

and  if  they  come  to  trefpaffe  me,  I  lay  the  law  to  them  with 

the  gunne,  and  take  them  dammage  fefant. 


have  thought,  becaufe  it  was  believed  reprefented  in  New  England  by  three 

that   every   third   bird   hatched    was    a  fpecies,  Buteo  borealis,  B.  lineatus  and 

male.     The  name,  as  ufed  in  falconry,  B.  Pennfylvanicus. 
almoft  always  refers  to  the  male  Gof-         3  If  Morton  always  ufes  tajfel  in  its 

hawk  (AJiur palumbarius),  while  with  commonly   accepted  fenfe  (fee  preced- 

the    addition    of   gentil,    or  gentle,    it  ing  notes),  another  application  muft  be 

indicated  the  female  or  young  of  this  fought  for  the  prefent  name.     The  ac- 

fpecies.      The   bird    alluded  to  here  is  companying  text  may  relate  to  the  Marfh 

probably  the  American  Gofhawk  {AJlur  Hawk  {Circus  cyaneus  Hudfomus),  the 

atricapillus).  adult  male  of  which  is  ourwhiteft  New 

1  The  American  Sparrow  Hawk  (Falco  England  Hawk,  and  the  young  or  female 
fparverius),  a  fmall  and  richly  colored  perhaps  the  reddeft.  The  Marfli  Hawk 
Falcon,  would  be  likely  to  be  ufed  for  does  not  prey  on  full-grown  poultry,  but 
fuch  a  purpofe.  it  may  have  been  credited  with  depre- 

2  If  not  applied  to  the  male  Gofhawk  dations  committed  by  other  fpecies,  a 
(fee  note  on  "taffel  gentles"),  perhaps  piece  of  injuftice  by  no  means  uncom- 
referring  to  Hawks  of  the  genus  Buteo,  mon  at  the  prefent  day. 


New  EnglifJi  Ca7^aa7^. 

fmall  and 


A  Hunning 

bird,  is  as 
fmall  as  a 
Jut- lie.      His 
bill  as  Jliarp 
as  a  needle 
point,  and  his 
f ethers  like 

There  are  very  many  Marlins  \l  fome  very  fmall,  and  fome 
fo  large  as  is  the  Barbary  Taffell. 

I   have  often   beheld  thefe  pretty  birds,   how  they  have 
fcoured  after  the  black  bird,  which  is  a  fmall  fized  Choffe2 

that  eateth  the  Indian  maifze. 
*  j 3  Sparhawkes3  there  are  alfo,  the  faireft  and  *  beft 
fhaped  birds  that  I  have  ever  beheld  of  that  kinde 
thofe  that  are  litle,  no  ufe  is  made  of  any  of  them,  neither 
are  they  regarded.  I  onely  tried  conclufions  with  a  Lannaret 
at  firft  comming ;  and,  when  I  found  what  was  in  that  bird, 
I  turned  him  going  :  but,  for  fo  much  as  I  have  obferved  of 
thofe  birds,  they  may  be  a  fitt  prefent  for  a  prince,  and  for 
goodneffe  too  be  preferred  before  the  Barbary,  or  any  other 
ufed  in  Chriftendome ;  and  efpecially  the  Lannars  and  Lan- 

There  is  a  curious   bird  to  fee  to,  called  a  hunning  bird,4 


1  The  Pigeon  Hawk  (Falco  colum- 
barius)  is  the  New  England  reprefen- 
tative  of  the  European  Merlin  {Falco 

''2  Probably  the  Crow  Blackbird  {Quif- 
calus  purpureas  aliens') . 

3  The  Sharp-fhinned  Hawk  (Accipiler 
fufens),  a  common  New  England  fpe- 
cies  clofely  allied  to  the  European  Spar- 
row Hawk  (Acclpiler  nifus).  Our  Coop- 
er's Hawk  {Accipiter  coopert)  alfo  may 
be  referred  to  under  this  name. 

4  The  Ruby-throated  Humming-bird 
(Troc/u'lus  colubris),  our  only  New  Eng- 
land fpecies.  The  Humming-birds  are 
peculiar  to  the  New  World  ;  hence  the 
wonder  and  intereft  with  which  they 
were  regarded  bv  the  early  explorers 
and  colonifts.  There  is  a  letter  from 
Emanuel  Downing  to  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  of  the  21ft  of  November,   1632,  in 

which  is  this  paragraph  :  "  You  have  a 
litle  bird  in  your  contrie  that  makes 
a  humminge  noyfe,  a  little  bigger  then  a 
bee,  I  pray  fend  me  one  of  them  over, 
perfecl  in  his  fethers,  in  a  little  box." 
(iv.  Ma/s.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  p.  40".) 
There  are  many  defer iptions  of  this  bird 
in  the  earlier  writers,  though  none  that 
I  have  found  fo  early  as  Downing's  let- 
ter. Wood  fays:  "  The  Humbird  is  one 
of  the  wonders  of  the  Countrey,  being  no 
bigger  than  a  Hornet,  yet  hath  all  the  di- 
menfions  of  a  Bird,  as  bill  and  wings,  with 
quils,  Spider-like  legges,  fmall  clawes  : 
For  colour,  fhee  is  glorious  as  the  Raine- 
bow;  as  fhee  flies,  fhee  makes  a  little 
humming  noife  like  a  humble  bee : 
wherefore  fhe  is  called  the  Humbird." 
(New  England's  Pro/pell,  p.  24.)  Joffe- 
lyn's  defcription  is  efpecially  good  : 
"  The  Humming  Bird,  the  leaft  of  all 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  199 

no  bigger  then  a  great  Beetle ;  that  out  of  queftion  lives 
upon  the  Bee,  which  hee  eateth  and  catcheth  amongft  Flow- 
ers :  For  it  is  his  Cuftome  to  frequent  thofe  places.  Flow- 
ers hee  cannot  feed  upon  by  reafon  of  his  fharp  bill,  which 
is  like  the  poynt  of  a  Spannifh  needle,  but  fhorte.  His 
fethers  have  a  gloffe  like  filke,  and,  as  hee  ftirres,  they  fhew 
to  be  of  a  chain^able  coloure  :  and  has  bin,  and  is,  admired 
for  fhape,  coloure  and  fize. 

Chap.     V . 

Of  the  Beafls  of  the  forreft} 

NOw  that  I  have  made  a  rehearfall  of  the  birds  and 
fethered  Fowles,  which  participate  molt  of  aire,  I  will 
give  you  a  defcription  of  the  beafts  ;  and  fhew  you  what 
beafls  are  bred  in  thofe  parts,  and  what  my  experience 
hath  gathered  by  obfervation  of  *  their  kinde  and  *  74 
nature.  I  begin  with  the  mofl  ufefull  and  moft 
beneficiall  beaft  which  is  bredd    in   thofe   parts,    which    is 

the   Deare.  ^, 

1  here 

Birds,  little  bigger  than  a  Dor,  of  vari-  *  For  all  the  technical  and  fcientific 
able  glittering  Colours,  they  feed  upon  notes  to  this  chapter  I  am  indebted  to 
Honey,  which  they  fuck  out  of  BloiToms  Mr.  Joel  A.  Allen,  of  the  Mufeum  of 
and  Flowers  with  their  long  Needle-like  Comparative  Zoology  of  Harvard  Col- 
Bills  ;  they  ileep  all  Winter,  and  are  not  lege.  To  the  matter  contributed  by 
to  be  feen  till  the  Spring,  at  which  time  him  I  have  merely  added,  as  in  the  im- 
they  breed  in  little  Nefts,  made  up  like  a  mediately  preceding  chapters,  extracts 
bottom  of  foft,  Silk-like  matter,  their  from  other  writers,  more  or  lefs  contem- 
Eggs  no  bigger  than  a  white  Peafe,  they  poraneous  with  Morton,  which  feemed 
hatch  three  or  four  at  a  time,  and  are  to  me  to  be  illuftrative  of  the  text,  or  in 
proper  to  this  Country."  {New  Eng-  the  fame  fpirit  with  it.  This  chapter  of 
land' 's  Rarities,  p.  6.)  See  alfo  Clay-  Morton's  is  more  complete,  though  prob- 
ton's  Letter,  &c.  (in.  Force's  Trails,  ably  of  lefs  value,  than  Wood's  and  Jof- 
No.  12,  p.  33).  felyn's  chapters  on  the  fame  fubjecT;. 


New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Deare  of  3. 

Mofe  or  red 

Mofe  or 
deare  greater 
than  a  horfe, 
the  height  of 
than  18. 
hand fulles. 

They  bringe 
forth  three 
f  nines  at  one 

There  are  in  this  Country  three  kindes  of  Deare,  of  which 
there  are  greate  plenty,  and  thofe  are  very  ufefull. 

Firft,  therefore,  I  will  fpeake  of  the  Elke,  which  the  Salv- 
ages call  a  Mofe : 1  it  is  a  very  large  Deare,  with  a  very  faire 
head,  and  a  broade  palme,  like  the  palme  of  a  fallow  Deares 
home,  but  much  bigger,  and  is  6.  footewide  betweene  the 
tipps,  which  grow  curbing  downwards :  Hee  is  of  the  big- 
neffe  of  a  great  horfe. 

There  have  bin  of  them  feene  that  has  bin  18.  handfulls 
highe :  hee  hath  a  bunch  of  haire  under  his  jawes  :  hee  is 
not  fwifte,  but  ftronge  and  large  in  body,  and  longe  legged  ; 
in  fomuch  that  hee  doth  ufe  to  kneele,  when  hee  feedeth 
on  graffe. 

Hee  bringeth  forth  three  faunes,  or  younge  ones,  at  a 
time ;  and,  being  made  tame,  would  be  good  for  draught, 
and  more  ufefull  (by  reafon  of  their  ftrength)  then  the  Elke 
of  Raufhea.2    Thefe  are  found  very  frequent  in  the  northerne 


1  The  Elke  here  mentioned  is  the 
Moofe  (A/ces  malchis)  of  American 
writers ;  it  is  fpecifically  the  fame  as  the 
elk  of  Northern  Europe.  From  Wood's 
account  {New  England'' s  Profpeft, 
p.  1 8),  it  would  feem  that  the  moofe  in 
Morton's  time  ranged  into  eaftern  Maf- 
fachufetts,  though  not  found  now  fouth 
of  northern  Maine.  The  moofe  has 
but  a  fingle  fawn  at  a  birth,  not  three 
as  ftated  in  the  text. 

Mr.  Allen  then  adds  to  the  above  note  : 
"  I  have  met  with  no  publifhed  record 
of  the  occurrence  of  the  American  Elk, 
or  Wapiti  Deer  (Cervus  Canadenfts),  in 
eaftern  Maffachufetts.  Since  publish- 
ing a  ftatement  to  this  effect  (Afem. 
Hifl.  Bofion,  vol.  i.  p.  10),  however,  I 
have  learned  through  the  kindnefs  of  a 
correfpondent  (Henry  S.  Nourfe,  Eiq., 

of  South  Lancafter,  Mafs.,)  that  early  in 
the  eighteenth  century  fixteen  elk  were 
feen  near  a  brook  in  South  Lancafter, 
one  of  which  was  killed.  The  tradition 
is  fupported  by  the  fa<5t  that  the  antlers 
of  the  individual  killed  were  preferved 
in  the  family  of  the  lucky  hunter  (Jonas 
Fairbanks)  for  a  long  period,  and  after- 
wards placed  on  the  top  of  a  guide- 
board,  where  they  ft  ill  remain,  mofl- 
grown  and  weather-worn  by  eighty  years 
of  fun  and  ftorm.  Since  the  receipt  of 
Mr.  Nourfe's  letter  (dated  Feb.  25, 
1882),  his  account  has  been  corroborated 
by  information  from  another  fource. 
That  the  antlers  mentioned  belonged  to 
an  elk  and  not  to  a  moofe  is  beyond 

2  "The  Englifli  have  fome  thoughts 
of  keeping  them  tame,  and  to  accuftome 


New  Englifli  Canaan.  201 

parts  of  New  England :  their  flefli  is  very  good  foode,  and 
much  better  then  our  redd  Deare  of  England. 

Their  hids  are  by  the  Salvages  converted  into  very  good  They  make 
lether,  and  dreffed  as  white  as  milke.  the  hides  of 

Of  this  lether  the  Salvages  make  the  bell  mooes  ;  and  ufe 
to  barter  away  the  fkinnes  to  other  Salvages  that  have 
none  of  that  kinde  of  beds  in  the  parts  where  they 
live.  Very  good  buffe  may  be  made  of  the  *  hids.  I  *  75 
have  feene  a  hide  as  large  as  any  horfe  hide  that  can 
be  found.  There  is  fuch  abundance  of  them  that  the  Salv- 
ages, at  hunting  time,  have  killed  of  them  fo  many,  that  they 
have  bellowed  fix  or  feaven  at  a  time  upon  one  Englifli  man 
whome  they  have  borne  affection  to. 

There  is  a  fecond  fort  of  Deare *  (leffe  then  the  redd  Deare  Themidimg 
of  England,  but  much  bigger  then  the  Englifli  fallow  Deare)  /<?w2w.' 
fwift  of  foote,  but  of  a  more  darke  coloure ;  with  fome  grifeld 
heares,  when  his  coate  is  full  growne  in  the  fummer  feafon  : 
his  homes  grow  curving,  with  a  croked  beame,  refembling 
our  redd  Deare,  not  with  a  palme  like  the  fallow  Deare. 

Thefe  bringe  3.  fawnes  at  a  time,2  fpotted  like  our  fallow 


them  to  the  yoake,  which  will  be  a  great  88,    137).      See,    alfo,  Arew  England's 

commoditie :   Firft,  becaufe  they  are  fo  Rarities,  p.  19. 

fruitfull,  bringing  forth  three  at  a  time,         1  The  common  Virginian  Deer  [Cari- 

being  likewife  very  uberous.     Secondly,  acus  Virginiamis),  formerly  more  or  lefs 

becaufe  they  will  live  in  Winter  without  abundant  throughout  the  eaftern  half  of 

any  fodder.    There  be  not  many  of  thefe  the  United  States. 

in  the  M affachufetts  Bay,  but  forty  miles         2  The  number  of  fawns  produced  at  a 

to  the  Northeaft  there  be  great  ftore  of  birth  is  commonly  two,  fometimes  one, 

them."     {New   England's  Pro/peel,  p.  and    ftill   more    rarely  three;   although 

18.)     There  are  very  good  defcriptions  three  is  ftated  to  be  the  ufual  number 

of  the  Moofe,  and  the  methods  purfued  in  various  feventeenth-century  accounts 

in  hunting  them,  in  Gorges's  Brief  Re-  of  the  natural  productions  of  New  Eng- 

lation  (11.  Mafs.  Hifl.   Coll.,  vol.  ix.  p.  land,  Virginia,  &c. 
18)  and  in  Joffelyn's  Two  Voyages  (pp. 

202  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Deares  fawnes ;  the  Salvages  fay,  foure ;  I  fpeake  of  what  I 

know  to  be  true,  for   I  have  killed  in  February  a  doe  with 

three  fawnes  in  her  belly,  all  heared,  and  ready  to  fall ;  for 

thefe   Deare  fall  their  fawnes  2.  moneths  fooner  then  the 

fallow    Deare    of  England.      There    is   fuch    abundance   of 

them  that  an  hundred  have  bin  found  at  the  fpring  of  the 

yeare,  within  the  compaffe  of  a  mile. 

Trappes  to        The  Salvages  take  thefe  in  trappes  made  of  their  naturall 

CiDcare.  '      Hempe,  which    they  place    in    the  earth  where  they  fell  a 

tree   for   browfe ;    and   when    hee  rounds  the    tree   for  the 

browfe,  if  hee  tread  on  the  trapp  hee  is  horfed  up  by  the 

legg,  by  meanes  of  a  pole  that  ftarts  up  and  catcheth  him.1 

Their  hides  the  Saluages  ufe  for  cloathing,  and  will  give 

for  one  hide  killed  in  feafon,  2.  3.  or  4.  beaver  fkinnes, 

*  76    which  will  yeild  pounds  a  peece  in  that  Coun*try :    fo 

much  is  the  Deares  hide  prifed  with  them  above  the 

beaver.      I   have  made  good    merchandize   of   thefe.      The 


1  Mourt,  in  his  Relation  (p.  8),  records  what  cheere  what  cheere,  Englijhmans 

how   Governor    William    Bradford,    of  squaw  horfe  ;  having  no  better  epithete 

Plymouth,  was  caught  in  one  of  thefe  than    to   call   her   a  woman   horfe,  but 

traps,    and  "  horfed    up    by    the   leg,"  being  loath  to  kill  her,  and  as  fearefull 

when  the  firft  party  from  the  Mayflower  to  approach  neere  the  frifcadoes  of  her 

was  exploring  Cape  Cod  in  November,  Iron  heeles,  they  ported  to  the  EngliJJi 

1620.     Wood  fays  :  "An  Englifli  Mare  to  tell  them   how  the  cafe  flood  or  hung 

being    ftrayed    from    her    owner,    and  with  their   fquaw  horfe,  who  unhorfed 

growne  wild  by  her  long  fojourning  in  their  Mare,  and  brought  her  to  her  for- 

the  woods  ranging  up  and  down   with  mer  tameneffe,  which  fince  hath  brought 

the  wild  crew,  ftumbled  into  one  of  thefe  many  a  good  foale,  and  performed  much 

traps   which    ftopt   her   fpeed,  hanging  good  fervice."     {New  England's  Prof- 

her  like  Mahomet's  tombe,  betwixt  earth  peel,   p.   75.)      Williams,    in    his    Key 

and  heaven;  the  morning  being   come  (cli.    xxvii.),   defcribes    how    the    deer 

the  Indians  went  to  lookc  what  good  fuc-  caught    in    thefe   traps    were   torn  and 

ceffe  their  Venifon  trapps  had  brought  devoured  by  wolves  before  the  Indians 

them,    but   feeing    fuch  a    long   fcutted  came  to  fecure  them.    See,  alfo,  Colonel 

Deere,  praunce  in  their  Meritotter,  they  Norwood's  Voyage   to    Virginia,     (ill. 

bade    her    good    morrow,    crying   out,  Forceps  Tracls,  No.  10,  p.  39.) 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  203 

flefli  is  farre  fweeter  then  the  venifon  of  England :  and  hee 
feedeth  fatt  and  leane  together,  as  a  fwine  or  mutton,  where 
as  our  Deare  of  England  feede  fatt  on  the  out  fide :  they 
doe  not  croake  at  rutting  time,  nor  fpendle  fhafte,  nor  is 
their  flefli  difcoloured  at  rutting.  Hee,  that  will  impale 
ground  fitting,  may  be  brought  once  in  the  yeare  where  with 
bats  and  men  hee  may  take  fo  many  to  put  into  that  parke, 
as  the  hides  will  pay  the  chardge  of  impaleinge.  If  all 
thefe  things  be  well  confidered,  the  Deare,  as  well  as  the 
Mofe,  may  have  a  principall  place  in  the  catalogue  of  com- 

I  for  my  part  may  be  bould   to  tell  you,  that  my  howfe  The  Hum- 
was  not  without  the  flefli  of  this  fort  of  Deare  winter  nor  doggsjee. 
fummer :  the  humbles  was  ever  my  dogges  fee,  which  by  the 
wefell *  was  hanged  on  the  barre  in  the  chimney,  for  his  diet 
only :  for  hee  has  brought  to  my  fland  a  brace  in  a  morning, 
one  after  the  other  before  funne  rifing,  which  I  have  killed. 

There  is  likewife  a  third  forte  of  deare,2  leffe  then  the  Roe  bucks  or 
other,  (which  are  a  kinde  of  rayne  deare,)  to  the  fouthward 
of  all  the  Englifli  plantations :  they  are  excellent  good  flefli. 
And  thefe  alfo  bring  three  fawnes  at  a  time ;  and  in  this 
particular  the  Deare  of  thofe  parts  excell  all  the  knowne 
Deare  of  the  whole  world. 

On  all  thefe  the  Wolfes  doe  pray  continually.     The  befl  Woifespray 

upon  Deare. 


1  Wefil,  obfolete  for  weafand.  River.     The  ftatement  that  it  is  "  leffe 

2  The  "  third  fort  of  Deere,"  of  which  then  the  other  "  (J.  e.  Virginian  Deer), 
the  author  evidently  had  no  perfonal  together  with  the  fouthern  habitat  ac- 
knowledge, is  doubtlefs  a  myth,  as  the  figned  it,  preclude  reference  to  the  Cari- 
Virginia  Deer  is  the  only  fpecies  of  fmall  bou  of  northern  New  England,  which 
deer  found  in  the  United  States,  fouth  the  name  "rayne  deare"  otherwife  fug- 
of  New  England,  eaft  of  the  Miffiffippi  gefts. 

204  New  Englifli  Canaan, 

meanes  they  have  to  efcape  the  wolfes  is  by  fwim- 

*  7J    ming  to    Iflands,1  or  necks    of  land,  whereby  *    they 

efcape  :  for  the  wolfe  will  not  prefume  to  follow  them 

untill  they  fee  them  over  a  river ;  then,  being  landed,  (they 

wayting  on  the  more,)  undertake  the  water,  and  fo  follow 

with  frefh  fuite. 

Beaver.  The  next  in  mine  opinion  fit   to  be  fpoaken  of,  is  the 

Beaver;2  which  is  a  Beaft  ordained  for  land  and  water  both, 

and  hath  fore  feete  like  a  cunny,  her  hinder  feete  like   a 

goefe,  mouthed  like  a  cunny,  but  fhort  eared  like  a  Serat. 

[He  feeds  on]  fifhe  in  fummer,  and  wood  in  winter ;  which 

hee  conveyes  to  his  howfe  built  on  the  water,  wherein  hee 

fitts  with  his  tayle  hanging  in  the  water,  which  elfe  would 

over  heate  and  rot  off. 

The  Beavers        Hee  cuts  the  bodies  of  trees  downe  with  his  fore-teeth, 

trees^with  his  which  are  fo  long  as  a  boares  tufkes,  and  with  the  help  of  other 

*"  beavers,  (which  hold  by  each  others  tayles  like  a  teeme  of 


1  "They  defire  to  be  neare  the  Sea,  fo  than  the  preceding  ftatement  about  the 
that  they  may  fwimme  to  the  Iflands  precaution  the  animal  takes  in  winter  to 
when  they  are  chafed  by  the  Woolves."     preferve  his  tail ! 

{New  England's  Profpetl,  p.  18.)  Deer  Cunny,  mentioned  in   the  firft  para- 

Ifland  is  confequently  a  very  common  graph,   is  doubtlefs   a  feventeenth-cen- 

name  along  the  New  England  coaft ;  and  tury  barbarifm  for  cony,  a  name  at  this 

of  the  ifland  bearing  that  name  in  Bof-  time  commonly  applied   to  the  rabbit, 

ton   harbor,    now  the   fite   of    the    city  The  context,  both  here  and  in  the  ac- 

reformatory   inflitutions,    Wood    fays:  count  of  the  mufkewajhe,  feems  to  im- 

"  This  Hand  is  fo  called,  becaufe  of  the  ply  this,  although  the  word  is  correctly 

Deare  which  often  fwimme  thither  from  written  cony  in  the  paragraph  relating  to 

the  Maine,  when  they  are  chafed  by  the  Hares.     In  fome  of  the  early  accounts 

woolves:  fome  have  killed  fixteene  Deere  of  Virginia,  publifhed  in  the  firft  half  of 

in  a  day  upon   this    Hand."      Young's  the  feventeenth  century,  hares  and  cun- 

Chron.   of  Mafs.,  p.   405.      See,    alfo,  nies  are  enumerated  in  the  lifts  of  ani- 

ShuxtXeffs  Defer ifition  of  Bojlon,  p.  464.  mals,  where  the  latter  name  evidently 

2  The  Beaver  (Cajtorfber).  The  ac-  means  cony  or  rabbit.  Serat,  in  the  fame 
count  of  the  way  "  they  draw  the  logg  paragraph,  is  a  term  of  much  greater 
to  the  habitation  appoynted  "  is  a  fanci-  obfeurity  of  application. 

ful  exaggeration,  hardly  lefs  ridiculous 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  205 

horfes,  the  hindmoft  with  the  logg  on  his  fhoulder  flayed  by 
one  of  his  fore  feete  againft  his  head,)  they  draw  the  logg  to 
the  habitation  appoynted,  placing  the  loggs  in  a  fquare  ;  and 
fo,  by  pyling  one  uppon  another,  they  build  up  a  howfe, 
which  with  boghes  is  covered  very  ftrongly,  and  placed  in 
fome  pond,  to  which  they  make  a  damme  of  brum  wood, 
like  a  hedge,  fo  flronge  that  I  have  gone  on  the  top  of  it 
croffe  the  current  of  that  pond.  The  flefh  of  this  beaft  is 
excellent  foode.  The  fleece  is  a  very  choife  furre,  which, 
(before  the  Salvages  had  commerce  with  Chriftians,)  they 
burned  of  the  tayle :  this  beaft  is  of  a  mafculine  vertue  for 
the  advancement  of  Priapus,1  and  is  preferved  for  a  difh  for 
the  Sachems,  or  Sagamores ;  who  are  the  princes  of  the 
people,  but  not  Kings,  (as  is  fondly  fuppofed.) 

*  The  fkinnes  are  the  beft  marchantable  commodity    *  78 
that  can  be  found,  to  caufe  ready  money  to  be  brought 

into  the  land,  now  that  they  are  railed  to    10.  (hillings  a  Bower  at 


—  ,  —      — j    —     ___  —   __      _.  0 

,  o  \O.JJlll. 

pound.  a  pound. 

1  "  The  tail,  as  I  have  faid  in  another  "  Sables,  from  8^.  the  payre,  to  20s. 
Treatife,  is  very  fat  and  of  a  mafculine  a  payre. 

vertue,  as  good  as  EringcPs  or  Satyrion-  "  Otter  fkins,  from  3J.  to  $s.  a  piece. 

Roots."  (Joffelyn's  Two  Voyages,  p.  93.)  "  Luzernes,  from  is.  to  10.  a  piece. 

2  Bradford,  writing  of  the  year  1636,  "  Martins  the  beft,  4.J.  a  piece, 
gives  the  following  prices  :  "  The  coat  "  Fox  fkins,  6d.  a  piece, 
beaver  ufualy  at  20s.  per   pound,  and  "  Mufke  Rats  fkins,  2s.  a  dozen, 
fome  at  24^.  ;  the  fkin  at  15  and  fome-  "Bever  fkins  that  are  full  growne,  in 
times  16.    I  doe  not  remember  any  under  feafon,  are  worth  ys.  a  piece. 

14.     It  may  be  the  laft  year  might  be  "  Bever  fkins,  not  in  feafon,  to  allow 

fomething  lower  "  (p.  346).    In  1671  Jof-  two  fkins  for  one,  and  of  the  leffer,  three 

felyn  fays  :  "  A  black  Bears  Skin  here-  for  one. 

tofore   was   worth   forty  fhillings,  now  "Old  Bever  fkins  in  mantles,  gloves 

you  may  have  one  for  ten."  {Rarities,  or  caps,  the  more  worne  the  better,  fo 

p.    14.)      The    following    prices   were  they  be  full  of  fur,  the  pound  weight  is 

named   as  ruling   in  Virginia  in  1650;  6s."     See  infra,  207,  note  4,  and  alfo 

(ill.  Force's  Trails,  No.  n,  p.  52.)  *8o. 


New  Englifli  Canaan. 

In  5  yeares 
one  man  gott 
t,  igether 
iooo  p.  in 

The  Otter  in 
winter  hath 
a  furre  as 
black  as  Iett. 

The  Luferan 

as  bigg  as  a 

The  Martin 
is  about  the 
bignejfe  of  a 

A  fervant  of  mine  in  5.  yeares  was  thought  to  have  a  1000. 
p.  in  ready  gold  gotten  by  beaver  when  hee  dyed ; 1  whatfo- 
ever  became  of  it.  And  this  beait  may  challenge  prehemi- 
nence  in  the  Catalogue. 

The  Otter2  of  thofe  parts,  in  winter  feafon,  hath  a  furre  fo 
black  as  jett ;  and  is  a  furre  of  very  highe  price :  a  good 
black  fkinne  is  worth  3.  or  4.  Angels  of  gold.  The  Flefh 
is  eaten  by  the  Salvages :  but  how  good  it  is  I  cannot  fhew, 
becaufe  it  is  not  eaten  by  our  Nation.  Yet  is  this  a  beaft 
that  ought  to  be  placed  in  the  number  amongft  the  Com- 
modities of  the  Country. 

The  Luferan,  or  Luferet,3  is  a  beaft  like  a  Catt,  but  fo  bigg 
as  a  great  hound:  with  a  tayle  fhorter  then  a  Catt.  His 
clawes  are  like  a  Catts.  Hee  will  make  a  pray  of  the  Deare. 
His  Flefh  is  dainty  meat,  like  a  lambe:  his  hide  is  a  choife 
furre,  and  accompted  a  good  commodity. 

The  Martin4  is  a  beaft  about  the  bignes  of  a  Foxe.     His 


1  The  fervant  here  referred  to  was 
probably  Walter  Bagnall,  of  Richmond 
Ifland,  who  was  killed  by  Indians,  061. 
3,  1 63 1.     See  infra,  218,  note  1. 

2  The  common  Otter  (Luira  Canaden- 
fis),  now  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  more 
fettled  parts  of  fouthern  New  England. 

3  The  Luferan,  or  Luferet,  is  the  Bay 
Lynx,  or  Wild-cat  (Lynx  rufus). 

"  The  Ounce  or  the  wild  Cat,  is  as  big 
as  a  mungrell  dogge  ;  this  creature  is  by 
nature  feirce,  and  more  dangerous  to  bee 
met  withall  than  any  other  creature,  not 
feering  either  dogge  or  man  ;  he  ufeth 
to  kill  Deere  which  he  thus  effecteth  : 
Knowing  the  Deeres  tracts,  lie  will  lie 
lurking  in  longweedes,  the  Deere  paffing 
by  he  fuddenly  leapes  upon  his  backe, 
from    thence   gets    to    his    necke,    and 

fcratcheth  out  his  throate  :  he  hath  like- 
wife  a  devife  to  get  Geefe,  for  being 
much  of  the  colour  of  a  Goofe,  he  will 
place  himfelfe  clofe  by  the  water,  holding 
up  his  bob  taile,  which  is  like  a  Goofe 
necke  ;  the  Geefe  feeing  this  counterfeit- 
ing Goofe,  approch  nigh  to  vifit  him, 
who  with  a  fudden  jerke  apprehends  his 
miftruftleffe  prey."  (New  England's 
Prqfpecl,  pp.  19,  20.)  Joffelyn  fays:  "  I 
once  found  fix  whole  Ducks  in  the  belly 
of  one  I  killed  by  a  Pond  fide."  (Pari- 
ties, p.  16.) 

4  The  Martin.  Under  this  name  are 
doubtlefs  confounded  the  Marten  (Muf- 
tela  Americana)  and  the  Fifher  (M. 
Pennanii).  The  fize,  however,  even  in 
cafe  the  P'ifher  alone  were  referred  to, 
is  greatly  overftated. 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  207 

furre  is  cheftnutt  coloure :  and  of  thofe  there  are  greate  (lore 
in  the  Northerne  parts  of  the  Country,  and  is  a  good  com- 

The  Racowne 1  is  a  beaft  as  bigg,  full  out,  as  a  Foxe,  with  Racowne. 
a  Bufhtayle.     His  Flefh  excellent  foode :  his  oyle  precious 
for  the  Syattica : 2  his  furre  courfe,  but  the  fkinnes  ferve  the 
Salvages  for  coats,  and  is  with  thofe  people  of  more 
efleeme  then  a  coate  of  beaver*  becaufe  of  the  tayles    *  79 
that  (hanging  round  in  their  order)  doe  adorne   the 
srarment,  and  is  therefore  fo  much  efteemed  of  them.     His 
fore  feete  are  like  the  feete  of  an  ape ;   and  by  the  print 
thereof,  in  the  time  of  fnow,  he  is  followed  to  his  hole,  which 
is  commonly  in  a  hollow  tree ;  from  whence  hee  is  flered 
out,  and  fo  taken. 

The  Foxes  are  of  two  coloures  ;  the  one  redd,  the  other  The  Foxes 
gray : 3  thefe  feede  on  fifh,  and  are  good  furre  : 4  they  doe  not 


1  The  Racowne  is  the  common  well-  given  in  Morton's  text.  The  abfence 
known  Raccoon  (Procyon  lotor).  of  ftrong  fcent  referred  to  relates  to  the 

2  Joffelyn  fays  of  the  Raccoon  :  "  their  Gray  Fox,  a  character  mentioned  by 
greafe  is  foveraign  for  wounds  with  Joffelyn  in  his  brief  but  sufficiently  ex- 
bruifes,  aches,  ftreins,  bruifes  ;   and  to  plicit  defcription  of  his  Jaccal. 

anoint  after  broken  bones  and  difloca-        4  "The  Indians  fay  they  have  black 

tions."     {Two  Voyages,  p.  85.)     A  little  foxes,  which  they  have  often  feen,  but 

further  on  (p.  92)  he  notes  :   "One  Mr.  never  could  take  any  of  them.     They 

Ptirchafe  cured  himfelf  of  the  Sciatica  fay  they  are  Manittooes,  that  is  Gods, 

with  Bears-greek,  keeping  fome   of   it  fpirits,  or  divine  powers,  as  they  fay  of 

continually  in  his  groine."  every  thing  which  they  cannot  compre- 

8  The  Redd  Fox  is  our  common  Red  hend."    (Williams's  Key,  ch.  xvii.)    The 

Fox  {Vulpes  vulgaris,  var.  Pennfylva-  black  fox-fkin,    Joffelyn  fays  {Rarities, 

nicus).     The  Gray  Fox  is  doubtlefs  the  p.  21),  "heretofore  was  wont  to  be  val- 

Virginian  or  Gray  Fox  {Urocyon  cincreo-  ued  at  fifty  and  fixty  pound,  but  now 

argentatus)  of  the  South  and  Weft,  an  you  may  have  them  for  twenty  (hillings; 

animal  formerly  occurring  in  New  Eng-  indeed  there   is  not   any  in  ATew  Eng- 

land  but  long  fince   nearly  extirpated.  land  that  are  perfectly  black,  but  filver 

This  is  inferred  from  Joffelyn's  account  hair'd,  that  is  fprinkled  with  gray  hairs." 

of  the  Jaccal  {New  England's  Rari-  The  black  wolf's  fkin,  he  fays  {ib.  p.  16), 

ties,  p.  22),  rather  than  from  any  clew  "  is  worth  a  Beaver  Skin  among  the  In- 

2o8  New  Englijli  Canaan. 

The  Wolfes 
of  diverfe 

ftinke,  as  the  Foxes  of  England,  but  their  condition  for  their 
pray  is  as  the  Foxes  of  England. 

The  Wolfes  are  of  divers  coloures  ; 1  fome  fandy  coloured, 
fome  grifelled,  and  fome  black :  their  foode  is  fifh,  which 
they  catch  when  they  paffe  up  the  rivers  into  the  ponds  to 
fpawne,  at  the  fpring  time.  The  Deare  are  alfo  their  pray, 
and  at  fummer,  when  they  have  whelpes,  the  bitch  will  fetch 
a  puppy  dogg  from  our  dores  to  feede  their  whelpes  with. 
They  are  fearefull  Curres,  and  will  runne  away  from  a  man, 
(that  meeteth  them  by  chaunce  at  a  banke  end,)  as  faft  as 
any  fearefull  dogge.2   Thefe  pray  upon  the  Deare  very  much. 


dians,  being  highly  efteemed  for  helping 
old  Aches  in  old  people,  worn  as  a  Coat." 
Of  the  foxes  Wood  remarks  :  "  Some  of 
thefe  be  blacke  ;  their  furre  is  of  much 
efteeme."  {Profpe cl,  p.  19.)  Elfewhere 
he  fays  that  the  fur  of  a  black  wolf  was 
"worth  five  or  fixe  pounds  Sterling." 
{lb.  20.) 
See,  alfo,  fupra,  205,  note  2. 

1  The  Wolf  is  the  large  Gray  Wolf  {Ca- 
ms lupus),  formerly  abundant  through- 
out New  England,  and  well  known  to 
vary  in  color  as  mentioned  by  Morton. 

2  "Tlieybe  made  much  like  a  Mungrell, 
being  big  boned,  lanke  paunched,  deepe 
breafted,  having  a  thicke  necke  and 
head,  pricke  eares,  and  long  fnoute,  with 
dangerous  teeth,  long  flaring  haire,  and 
a  great  bufli  taile.  .  .  .  It  is  obferved 
that  they  have  no  joynts  from  their  head 
to  the  taile,  which  prevents  them  from 
leaping  or  hidden  turning."  {New  Eng- 
land s  Profpecl,  p.  20.)  See  Joffelyn's 
Parities,  p.  14,  and  Two  Voyages,  p.  83. 
He  fays  :  "  They  commonly  go  in  routs, 
a  rout  of  Wolves  is  12  or  more,  fome- 
times  by  couples."  Of  the  Virginia  fpe- 
cies,  Clayton  fays  :  "  Wolves  there  are 
great  ftore  ;  you  may  hear  a  Company 
Hunting  in  an  Evening,  and  yelping  like 

a  pack  of  Beagles  ;  but  they  are  very 
cowardly,  and  dare  fcarce  venture  on 
anything  that  faces  them ;  yet  if  hun- 
gry will  pull  down  a  good  large  Sheep 
that  flies  from  them.  I  never  heard 
that  any  of  them  adventured  to  fet  on 
Man  or  Child."  (111.  Force's  Trails,  No. 
12,  p.  37.)  According  to  Strachey,  thefe 
Virginia  wolves  were  "  not  much  bigger 
then  Englifh  foxes."  {Hiftorie,\>.  125.) 
Wood,  however,  fays  that  the  Maffachu- 
fetts  wolves  cared  "  no  more  for  an  ordi- 
nary Maftiffe,  than  an  ordinary  Maftiffe 
cares  for  a  Curre ;  many  good  dogges 
have  been  fpoyled  by  them."  Shortly 
after  the  landing  from  the  Mayflower  at 
Plymouth,  John  Goodman,  one  evening 
in  January,  "went  abroad  to  ufe  his 
lame  feet,  that  were  pitifully  ill  with  the 
cold  he  had  got,  having  a  little  fpaniel 
with  him.  A  little  way  from  the  planta- 
tion two  great  wolves  ran  after  the  dog  ; 
the  dog  ran  to  him  and  betwixt  his  legs 
for  fuccour.  He  had  nothing  in  his 
hand,  but  took  up  a  flick  and  threw  at 
one  of  them  and  hit  him,  and  they  pref- 
ently  ran  both  away,  but  came  again. 
He  got  a  pale-board  in  his  hand  ;  and 
they  fet  both  on  their  tails  grinning  at 
ind  went  their  way 

him  a  good  while 

New  Engli/Ji  Canaan,  209 

The  fkinnes  are  ufed  by  the  Salvages,  efpecially  the  fkinne 
of  the  black  wolfe,  which  is  efteemed  a  prefent  for  a  prince 


When  there  arifeth  any  difference  betweene  prince  and  Thejkinofa 
prince,  the  prince  that  defires  to  be  reconciled  to  his  neigh-  fpre/ent'for 
bouring  prince  does  endeavour  to   purchafe  it  by  fending  apr% 
him  a  black  wolfes  fkinne  for  a  prefent,  and  the  acceptance 
of  fuch  a  prefent  is  an  affurance  of  reconciliation  be- 
tweene them  ;  and  the  *  Salvages  will  willingly  give    *  80 
40.  beaver  fkinnes  for  the  purchafe  of  one  of  thefe 
black  Wolfes  fkinnes  : 1  and  allthough  the  beaft  himfelfe  be 
a  difcommodity,  which  other  Countries  of  Chriftendome  are 
fubjecl  unto,  yet  is  the  fkinne  of  the  black  wolfe  worthy  the 
title  of  a  commodity,  in  that  refpecl:  that  hath  bin  declared. 

If  I  mould  not  fpeake  fomething  of  the  beare,2  I  might  The  Bear es 
happily  leave  a  fcruple  in  the  mindes  of  fome  effeminate  a£%l  °^a 
perfone  who  conceaved  of  more  dainger  in  them  then  there 
is  caufe.  Therefore,  to  incourage  them  againft  all  Feare 
and  Fortifie  their  mindes  againft  needles  danger,  I  will 
relate  what  experience  hath  taught  mee  concerning  them : 
they  are  beafts  that  doe  no  harme  in  thofe  parts ;  they  feede 
upon  Hurtleburies,  Nuts  and  Fifh,  efpecially  fhell-fifh. 

The  Beare  is  a  tyrant  at  a  Lobfter,  and  at  low  water 
will  downe  to  the  Rocks  and  groape  after  them  with  great 

Hee  will  runne  away  from  a  man  as  faft  as  a  litle  dogge.  The  Salvages 
If  a  couple  of  Salvages  chaunce  to  efpie  him  at  his  banquet, ^ha/Uiima 

U  ',  c  like  a  dogg 
and  kill  him. 
and  left  him."      (Young's    Chron.    of       2  The   common   Black   Bear  (Urfus 
Pilg.,  p.  178.)  Americanus). 

1  Supra,  205,  note  2,  and  207,  note  4. 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 


his  running  away  will  not  ferve  his  turne,  for  they  will  coate 
him,  and  chafe  him  betweene  them  home  to  theire  howfes, 
where  they  kill  him,  to  fave  a  laboure  in  carrying  him  farre. 
His  Flefh  is  efteemed  venifon,  and  of  a  better  tafte  then 

His  hide  is  ufed  by  the  Salvages  for  garments,  and  is 
more  commodious  then  difcommodious ;  and  may  paffe, 
(with  fome  allowance,)  with  the  reft. 

The   Mufkewafhe 2  is  a  beaft  that  frequenteth  the 

*8i     ponds.     What  hee  eats  I  cannot  finde.     Hee  is  *  but 

a  fmall  beaft,  leffe  then  a  Cunny,  and   is   indeede  in 

thofe  parts  no  other  then  a  water  Ratte ;    for  I  have  feene 


1  "  For  Beares  they  be  common,  being 
a  great  black  kind  of  Beare,  which  be 
mod  fierce  in  Strawberry  time,  at  which 
time  they  have  young  ones  ;  at  this  time 
likewife  they  will  goe  upright  like  a  man, 
and  clime  trees,  and  fwim  to  the  Iflands  : 
which  if  the  Indians  fee,  there  will  be 
more  fportful  Beare  bayting  than  Paris 
Garden  can  afford.  For  feeing  the 
Beares  take  water,  an  Indian  will  leape 
after  him,  where  they  goe  to  water  cuffes 
for  bloody  nofes,  and  fcratched  fides  ; 
in  the  end  the  man  gets  the  victory,  rid- 
ing the  Beare  over  the  watery  plaine  till 
he  can  beare  him  no  longer."  (ATew 
England 's  Profpecl,  p.  17.)  "  He  makes 
his  Denn  amongft  thick  Bufhes,  thruft- 
ing  in  here  and  there  ftore  of  mofs, 
which  being  covered  with  fnow  and 
melting  in  the  day  time  with  heat  of  the 
Sun,  in  the  night  is  frozen  into  a  thick 
coat  of  Ice ;  the  mouth  of  his  Den  is 
very  narrow,  here  they  lye  fingle,  never 
two  in  a  Den  all  winter.  The  Indian 
as  foon  as  he  finds  them,  creeps  in  upon 
all  four,  feizes  with  his  left  hand  upon 
the  neck  of  the  fleeping  Bear,  drags  him 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Den,  where  with  a 

club  or  fmall  hatchet  in  his  right  hand 
he  knocks  out  his  brains  before  he  can 
open  his  eyes  to  fee  his  enemy."  {Two 
Voyages,  p.  91.)  Wood  adds  that  bear's 
flefh  was  "  accounted  very  good  meete, 
efteemed  of  all  men  above  Venifon." 
Clayton  fays  that  "their  flefh  is  com- 
mended for  a  very  rich  fort  of  Pork." 
{Virginia,  in.  Force's  Trails  No.  12, 
p.  2>7-)  "  Beares  there  be  manie  towardes 
the  fea-coaft,  which  the  Indians  hunt 
rnoft  greedily  ;  for  indeed  they  love 
them  above  all  other  their  flefh,  and 
therefore  hardly  fell  any  of  them  unto 
us,  unles  upon  large  proffers  of  copper, 
beads  and  hatchetts.  We  have  eaten  of 
them,  and  they  are  very  toothfome  fvveet 
venifon,  as  good  to  be  eaten  as  the  flefh 
of  a  calfe  of  two  yeares  old  ;  howbeit 
they  are  very  little  in  comparifon  of 
thofe  of  Mufcovia  and  Tartaria."  (Stra- 
chey's  Hijlorie,  p.  123.)  See,  alfo,  Jof- 
felyn's  New  England's  Rarities,  pp.  13- 
14,  and  Two  Voyages,  pp.  91-2. 

2  The  well-known  Mufkrat  or  Muf- 
quafh  {Fiber  zibethicus)  of  our  ponds. 
The  "  ftones  "  are  the  oder  glands.  In 
refpeel  to  Cunny,  teefupra  204,  note  2. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  2 1 1 

the  fuckers  of  them  digged  out  of  a  banke,  and  at  that  age 
they  neither  differed  in  fhape,  coloure,  nor  fize,  from  one  of 
our  greate  Ratts.  When  hee  is  ould,  hee  is  of  the  Beavers 
coloure ;  and  hath  paffed  in  waite  with  our  Chapmen  for 

The  Male  of  them  have  ftones,  which  the  Salvages,  in  un- 
cafeing  of  them,  leave  to  the  fkinne,  which  is  a  molt  deli- 
cate perfume,  and  may  compare  with  any  perfume  that  I 
know  for  goodneffe :  Then  may  not  this  be  excluded  the 

This  Country,  in  the  North  parts  thereof,  hath  many  Por-  Porcupines. 
cupines,1  but  I  doe  not  finde  the  beaffc  any  way  ufefull  or 

There  are  in  thofe   Northerne  parts  many  Hedgehoggs,  Hedg/wggs. 
of  the  like  nature  to  our  Englifh  Hedghoggs.2 

Here  are  greate   (tore  of  Conyes3  in  thofe  parts,  of  divers  Conyesoffe- 
coloures;  fome  white,  fome  black,  and  fome  gray.     Thofe  ' 
towards  the  Southerne  parts  are  very  fmall,  but  thofe  to  the 
North  are  as  bigg  as  the  Englifli  Cony :  their  eares  are  very 
fhort.     For  meate  the  fmall  rabbit  is  as  good  as  any  that  I 
have  eaten  of  elfe  where.  ^ 

1  The  Porcupine  is  the  Canadian  Por-  the  Varying  Hare  (Lepus  Americanus), 
cupine  (Erethizon  dorfatus).  or  White   Rabbit,   which  is   brown  in 

2  The  Hedgehogs  is  the  fame  as  the  fummer  and  white  in  winter.  The  ref- 
Porcupine,  the  author  being  in  error  in  erence  to  black  ones  is  an  error,  wild 
regarding  it  as  "of  the  like  nature  to  black  hares  being  unknown  except 
our  Englifh  Hedgehoggs."  The  Englifh  in  cafes  of  Melanifm,  which  are  of  ex- 
Hedgehog  belongs  to  a  very  different  tremely  rare  occurrence.  We  have  no 
order  of  mammals,  and  has  no  reprefen-  /pedes  of  hare  which  is  black.  Rabbit, 
tative  in  America.  it  may  be  added,  is  a  name  not  ftriclly 

8  The   Conyes  are  Hares,  the  fmall  applicable  to  any  indigenous  mammal 

ones  of  the  "Southerne  parts"  being  of    America,    it    being    the    vernacular 

the  little  Gray  Hare  or  Wood  Rabbit  fpecific  defignation  of   an    Old    World 

(Lepus  fylvaticus)    of    fouthern    New  fpecies  of  hare. 
England.     Thofe  of  "  the  North  "  are 


New  Engli/Ii  Caiiaan. 

Squirils  of 
three  forts. 

A  Flying 


There  are  Squirils  of  three  forts,1  very  different  in  fhape 
and  condition ;  one 2  is  gray,  and  hee  is  as  bigg  as  the  leffer 
Cony,  and  keepeth  the  woods,  feeding  upon  nutts. 

Another  is  red,  and  hee  haunts  our  howfes  and  will  rob 
us  of  our  Corne ;  but  the  Catt  many  times  payes  him  the 

price  of  his  prefumption. 
*  82        *  The  third   is  a  little  flying  Squirill,  with  batlike 
winges,  which  hee  fpreads  when  hee  jumpes  from  tree 
to  tree,  and  does  no  harme. 

Now  becaufe  I  am  upon  a  treaty  of  the  beafts,  I  will  place 
this  creature,  the  fnake,  amongft  the  beafts,  having  my  war- 
rant from  the  holy  Bible  ;  who,  (though  his  pofture  in  his 
paffage  be  fo  different  from  all  other,  being  of  a  more  fubtile 
and  aidry  nature,  that  hee  can  make  his  way  without  feete, 
and  lifte  himfelfe  above  the  fuperncies  of  the  earth,  as  hee 
glids  along,)  yet  may  hee  not  bee  ranked  with  any  but  the 
beafts,  notwithstanding  hee  frequents  the  water,  as  well  as 
the  land. 

There  are  of  Snakes  divers  and  of  feverall  kindes,  as  be 
with  us  in  England  ;  but  that  Country  hath  not  fo  many  as 

in  England  have  bin  knowne.3 

1  The  "Squirils  of  three  forts  "  are  (1) 
the  Gray  Squirrel  (Scuirus  Carolinen- 
fs)  ;  (2)  the  Red  Squirrel,  or  Chickaree 
(S.  Hudfonius) ;  (3)  the  Flying  Squir- 
rel {Sciuropterits  volucelltts).  A  fourth 
kind,  the  Striped  Squirrel,  or  Chip- 
munk (Ta.7iiias  flriatus)  is  not  men- 
tioned. The  "  batlike  winges  "  are  of 
courfe  neither  batlike,  nor  even  wings  at 
all,  but  merely  a  narrow  furred  mem- 
brane extending  along  the  fides  of  the 
body,  from  the  fore  to  the  hind  limbs. 


2  [and]  Seefupra,  III,  note  1. 

8  "  1639.  A  fay,  which  fell  out  to  be 
extream  hot  and  foggie,  about  the  mid- 
dle of  May,  I  kill'd  within  a  ftones 
throw  of  our  houfe,  above  four  fcore 
Snakes,  fome  of  them  as  big  as  the 
fmall  of  my  leg,  black  of  colour,  and 
three  yards  long,  with  a  fharp  horn 
on  the  tip  of  their  tail  two  inches  in 
length."  (Joffelyn's  Two  Voyages,  pp. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  213 

The  generall  Salvage  name  of  them  is  Afcowke.1 
There  is  one  creeping  beaft  or  longe  creeple,  (as  the  name  The  rattle 
is  in   Devonfhire,)  that  hath  a  rattle  at  his  tayle  that  does    na  "' 
difcover  his  age ;   for   fo   many  yeares  as   hee  hath    lived, 
fo  many  joynts   are  in   that   rattle,  which  foundeth  (when 
it  is  in   motion,)  like  peafe  in   a  bladder;    and    this  beafl; 
is  called  a  rattle  Snake;    but  the   Salvages  give  him    the 
name  of  Sefick,2  which  fome  take  to   be  the  Adder ;   and 
it  may  well  be  fo,  for  the  Salvages  are  fignificiant  in  their 
denomination   of  any  thing,  and   [it]    is    no    leffe    hurtfull 
than  the  Adder  of  England,  nor  no  more.     I  have  had  my 
dogge  venomed  with  troubling  one  of  thefe,  and  fo  fwelled 
that  I  had  thought  it  would  have  bin  his  death :  but  with 
one  Saucer  of  Salet  oyle  powred  downe  his  throate 
he  *  has  recovered,  and  the  fwelling  affwaged  by  the    *  83 
next  day.     The  like  experiment  hath  bin  made  upon 
a  boy  that  hath  by  chaunce  troad  upon  one  of  thefe,  and  the 
boy  never  the  worfe.     Therefore  it  is  fimplicity  in  any  one 
that  fhall   tell  a  bugbeare   tale  of  horrible,  or  terrible  Ser- 

pents, that  are  in  that  land. 


1  Mr.  J.  H.  Trumbull  writes  :  "  Mor-  the  Rattlefnake  (Crotalus  durijpus) 
ton's  afcowke  is  Eliot's  afkook,  R.  Wil-  were  of  the  moft  exaggerated  kind.  He 
hams's  afkiig,  '  a  make.'  In  Zeifberger's  was  defcribed  as  a  reptile  of  prodigious 
Delaware,  achgookj  whence  (through  fize,  which  could  fly,  and  which  poifoned 
Heckevvelder)  Cooper's  Chingachcook,  by  its  breath.  (New  England's  Prof 
'the  Great^  Serpent,'  in  the  Loft  of  the  fiecl,  p.  39.)  The  firft  mention  of  this 
Mohicans."  fnake  in  Maffachufetts  is  found  in  Hig- 

2  Williams,  in  his  Key,  gives  the  name  ginfon's  New  England's  Plantation 
as  Sefek.  _  See,  alfo,  Mr.  Trumbull's  note  [1630].  It  is  as  follows  :  "  This  coun- 
in  his  edition  of  the  Key  (p.  130).  in  the  try  beina;  very  full  of  woods  and  wilder- 
publications  of  the  Narraganfett  Soci-  neffes,  doth  alfo  much  abound  with 
ety.  Wood  gives  it  as  feaficke.  (Prof-  fnakes  and  ferpents,  of  ftrange  colors 
peel,  p.  86.)  and    huge   greatnefs.      Yea,    there   are 

3  The  ftories  firft  told  in  Europe  of  fome  ferpents,  called  rattlefnakes,  that 



New  Rnglifh  Canaan. 




wates  in  hot 
Clymats,  not 

in  cold. 

Mife  there  are  good  ftore,  and  my  Lady  Woodbees  black 
gray-malkin  may  have  paftime  enough  there:  but  for  Rats, 
the  Country  by  Nature  is  troubled  with  none.1 

Lyons  there  are  none  in  New  England : 2  it  is  contrary  to 


have  rattles  in  their  tails,  that  will  not 
fly  from  a  man  as  others  will,  but  will 
fly  upon  him  and  fting  him  fo  mortally 
that  he  will  die  within  a  quarter  of 
an  hour  after,  except  the  party  ftinged 
have  about  him  fome  of  the  root  of  an 
herb  called  fnake-weed  to  bite  on,  and 
then  he  fhall  receive  no  harm."  (Young's 
Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  255  )  Wood  gives 
an  admirable  defcription  of  the  rattle- 
fnake  (Profpecl,  pp.  38-9),  and  alfo 
fpeaks  of  "the  Antidote  to  expel  the 
poyfon,  which  is  a  root  caled  Snake 
weede,  which  mull  be  champed,  the 
fpittle  fwallowed,  and  the  roote  applied 
to  the  fore.  .  .  .  Five  or  fix  men  have 
been  bitten  by  them,  which  by  ufing  of 
fnakeweede  were  all  cured,  never  any 
yet  lofing  his  life  by  them."  Joffelyn,  in 
his  Rarities  (p.  39),  fays  :  "  The  Indi- 
ans when  weary  with  travelling,  will  take 
them  up  with  their  bare  hands,  laying 
hold  with  one  hand  behind  their  Head, 
with  the  other  taking  hold  of  their  Tail, 
and  with  their  teeth  tear  off  the  Skin  of 
their  backs,  and  feed  upon  them  alive; 
which  they  fay  refrefheth  them."  He 
further  fays  that  the  heart  of  the  rattle- 
fnake  "  fwallowed  frefh  "  {Rarities,  p. 
39),  or  "dried  and  pulverized  and  drunk 
with  wine  or  beer  "  (Voyages,  p.  1 14),  is 
an  antidote  againft  its  poifon.  In  Clay- 
ton's Virginia  (in.  Force's  Trails,  No.  12, 
p.  39),  there  is  a  verv  entertaining  paf- 
fage,  too  long  to  extract,  on  Rattlefnakes, 
and  the  ufe  of  Eaft  India  fnake-ftones 
"  that  were  fent  [to  Virginia]  by  King 
James  the  Second,  the  Queen,  and  fome 
of  the  Nobility,  purpofely  to  try  their 
Virtue  and  Efficacy,"  at  curing  the  bite 
of  vipers,  &c. 

1  The  Mice,  which  our  author  found 
in  "  good  ftore,"  belong  chiefly  to  three 
fpecies,  —  namely,  the  common  fhort- 
tailed  Meadow  Moufe  (Arvicola  ripari- 
us),  the  White-footed  Moufe,  or  Deer 
Moufe  {Hefperomys  leucopus),  and  the 
Long-tailed  Jumping  Moufe,  or  Kanga- 
roo Moufe  (Zapus  Hudfonius).  The 
common  Houfe  Moufe  (Mus  mufculus) 
is  an  exotic  peft,  which  doubtlefs  had 
not  at  that  time  made  its  appearance. 
Morton  is  quite  right  in  ftating  :  "but 
for  Rats,  the  Country  by  Nature  is 
troubled  with  none."  The  Black  Rat 
(Mus  rattus)  was  quite  early  introduced, 
but  the  Gray,  Wharf,  or  Norway  Rat 
(Mus  decumanus)  probably  did  not 
make  its  appearance  till  fully  a  century 
after  Morton  wrote  his  New  EngliJJi 

2  Morton,  as  was  natural  for  a  keen 
fportfman  who  had  himfelf  been  in  the 
tropics,  was  wifer  on  the  fubjecl  of  Lions 
than  other  Engifhmen  in  New  England, 
from  the  firft  landing  at  Plymouth, 
when  John  Goodman  and  Peter  Browne, 
getting  loft  in  the  woods,  heard  "two 
lions  roaring  exceedingly,"  down  to 
1639,  when  Joffelyn  heard  "  of  a  young 
Lyon  (not  long  before)  kill'd  at  Pafcata- 
way  by  an  Indian,"  there  were  vague 
ftories  of  thefe  animals  having  been 
either  feen  or  heard  in  the  New  England 
woods.  Joffelyn  argued  on  the  great 
probability  that  there  were  lions  becaufe 
there  were  jackals  (Rarities,  p.  21)  ; 
and  Wood  faid  that  "the  Virginians  faw 
an  old  Lyon  in  their  Plantation,  who 
having  loft  his  Iackall,  which  was  wont 
to  hunt  his  prey,  was  brought  fo  poore 
that  he  could  goe  no  further."  {Prof- 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  215 

the  Nature  of  the  beaft  to  frequent  places  accuftomed  to 
fnow ;  being  like  the  Catt,  that  will  hazard  the  burning  of 
her  tayle  rather  than  abide  from  the  fire. 

Chap.     VI. 

Of  Stones  mid  Minerals} 

NOw,  (for  as  much  as  I  have  in  a  breife  abftra6i  fhewed 
you  the  Creatures  whofe  fpecificall  Natures  doe  fim- 
pathife  with  the  elements  of  fire  and  aire,)  I  will  come  to 
fpeake  of  the  Creatures  that  participate  of  earth  more  then 
the  other  two,  which  is  ftones. 

And  firft  of  the  Marble  for  building ;    whereof  there   is  Marble. 
much  in  thofe  parts,  in  fo  much  there  is  one  bay  in  the  land 
that  beareth  the  name  of  Marble  harber,  becaufe  of  the 
plenty  of  Marble  there : 2    and  thefe   *  are  ufefull  for    *  84 
building  of  Sumpteous  Pallaces. 

And  becaufe  no  good  building  can  be  made  permanent,  Limejione. 
or   durable,  without    Lime,  I  will   let  you  underfhand  that 


fieft,  p.  17.)    Strachey  fpeaks  of  having  As  in  the  three  preceding  chapters,  cer- 

found  the   fkins   and  claws  of  lions  in  tain  other  notes  of  my  own  have  been 

the  hands  of  the  Indians.    (Hiftorie,  p.  added,  which  are  of  a  wholly  different 

124.)  The  animal  referred  to  in  all  thefe  character,   and  will   readily   be    diftin- 

cafes  was  doubtlefs  the  Panther  or  Cat-  guifhed  from  ProfefTor  Shaler's. 
amount  {Felts  concolor).     On  this  fub-         2  The  marble  of  Marble  Harbor,  or 

jec~t  fee  alfo  Young's  Ckron.    of  Pilg-,  Marblehead,  is  not,  in  the  prefent  fenfe 

p.  176,  note ;   Tuckerman's  New  Eng-  of  the  word,  a  marble  at  all,  but  is,  in 

land's  Rarities,   p.    57,    note ;  and   the  fact,  a  porphyry.     In  the  old  fenfe  of 

Mem.  Hijlory  of  Bojlon,  vol.  i.  p.  9.  the  word  it  designated  any  fmooth-ftriped 

1  For  the  fcientific  and  technical  notes  or   fpotted    ftones,  fuch    as   are   found 

to  this  chapter  I  am  indebted  to  Profef-  there, 
for  N.  S.  Shaler  of  Harvard  Univerfity. 


New  Englifli  Canaan. 

there  is  good  Limeftone  neere  to  the  river  of  Monatoquinte,1 
at  Uttaquatock,2  to  my  knowledge  ;  and  we  hope  other  places 
too,  (that  I  have  not  taken  fo  much  notice  of,)  may  have 
the  like,  or  better :  and  thofe  Hones  are  very  convenient 
for  building. 

chalk.  Chalke  ftones  there  are  neere  Squantos  Chappell,3  fhewed 

me  by  a  Salvage. 

siate.  There  is  abundance  of  excellent  Slate i  in  divers  places  of 

the  Country ;  and  the  befl  that  ever  I  beheld  for  covering 
of  howfes :  and  the  inhabitants  have  made  good  ufe  of  thefe 
materials  for  building. 

whetjiones.  There  is  a  very  ufefull  Stone  in  the  Land,  and  as  yet 
there  is  found  out  but  one  place  where  they  may  be  had,  in 
the  whole  Country :  Ould  Woodman,  (that  was  choaked  at 
Plimmouth  after  hee  had  played  the  unhappy  Markes  man 
when  hee  was  purfued  by  a  careleffe  fellow  that  was  new 
come  into  the  Land,)  they  fay  laboured  to  get  a  patent  of 
it  to  himfelfe.  Hee  was  beloved  of  many,  and  had  many 
fonnes  that  had  a  minde  to  engroffe  that  commodity.      And 


1  No  limeftone,  good  or  bad,  is  known 
to  exift  on  the  Monatoquit  now;  the 
neareft  limeftone  is  at  Bear  (or  Bare) 
Hill,  in  Stoneham. 

2  There  is  a  locality  in  Eaft  Braintree, 
included  in  the  Wainwright  eftate,  at 
the  foot  of  Wyman's  Hill  and  facing  the 
Weymouth  Fore-river,  into  which  the 
Monatoquit  flows,  where  is  a  quarry 
from  which  ftone  bearing  fome  exter- 
nal refemblance  to  limeftone  was  for- 
merly taken  for  ballaft.  This  place 
has  always  been  locally  called  the 
Quaw,  though  the  origin  and  meaning 
of  the  name  have  never  been  known. 
It  would  feem  that  this  mull  be  the  place 

referred  to  in  the  text,  and  that  Quaw, 
or  Quor,  is  a  corruption  of  the  Indian 

3  There  are  no  "  chalke  ftones  "  at 
Squanto's  Chapelle,  i.  e.,  Squantum,  or 
anywhere  elfe  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
Morton  may  poffibly  have  miftaken  peb- 
bles of  decayed  felfpar  for  chalk. 

4  There  is  fome  date  in  Quincy  and 
Weymouth  that  might  be  ufed  for  roof- 
ing, and  a  quarry  of  it  was  long  worked 
for  material  for  graveftones,  &c,  on 
Squantum  Bay,  a  mile  or  fo  from  Mount 
Wollafton ;  but  it  is  date  of  a  very 
poor  fort.  The  neareft  workable  date 
is  in  Vermont  and  Maine. 

New  Englifli  Canaan. 


I  cannot   fpie   any  mention   made   of   it   in   the  woodden 

Therefore  I  begin  to  fufpecl  his  aime,  that  it  was  for 
himfelfe ;  and  therefore  will  I  not  difcover  it :  it  is  the 
Stone  fo  much  commended  by  Ovid,  becaufe  love  delighteth 
to  make  his  habitation  in  a  building  of  thofe  materials, 
where  hee  advifes  thofe  that  feeke  for  love  to  doe  it,  Duris 
in  Cotibus  ilium? 

This   ftone    the   Salvages  doe  call  Cos;3   *  and  of    *  85 
thefe,   (on   the    North  end  of  Richmond    Hand,)  are 
ftore,  and  thofe  are  very  excellent  good  for  edg'd  tooles.4     I 


1  This  paffage  is  more  than  ufually 
confufed,  even  for  Morton.  It  is  difficult 
to  fay  whether  he  is  perpetrating  a  clumfy 
joke,  or  indulging  in  a  malicious  infinu- 
ation.  John  Billington  was  hanged  at 
Plymouth  in  September,  1630,  being  ap- 
parently the  fecond  perfon  fo  executed  in 
what  is  now  Maffachufetts,  the  firft  hav- 
ing been  executed  at  Weymouth  during 
the  winter  of  1622-3.  {Infra,  *  108-10.) 
The  man  fhot  by  Billington,  and  for 
whofe  murder  he  was  hung,  was  John 
New-comin  (Bradford,  p.  277),  whence 
Morton's  play  upon  the  name.  Billing- 
ton had  two  fons,  but  he  was  by  no 
means  "  beloved."  As  Bradford,  writing 
about  him  as  early  as  1625,  faid,  "  he  is  a 
knave,"  adding  prophetically  "and  fo 
will  live  and  die."  (Savage's  Winthrop, 
vol.  i.  p.  *36).  Why  Morton  fhould  have 
called  him  "  Ould  Woodman "  is  not 
clear.  From  his  immediately  going  on 
to  talk  of  the  "  woodden  profpecl:,"  and 
the  wifh  of  its  author  to  fecure  for  him- 
felf  a  monopoly  of  the  Richmond  Ifland 
whetftones,  which  "  Ould  Woodman  la- 
bored to  get  a  patent  of,"  it  would  feem 
as  if  he  had  intended  to  convey  the  idea 
that  William  Wood,  the  author  of  the 

New  England^s  Profpecl,  was  one  of 
the  "  many  fonnes  "  of"  Old  Woodman," 
who  had  been  hanged  at  Plymouth. 
That  fuch  was  Morton's  intention, 
however,  is  not  clear.  The  paffage  is 
muddled,  but  not  neceffarily  malicious. 

2  The  words  quoted  are  not  Ovid's, 
but  Virgil's.     Eclogues,  viii.  43. 

3  Supra,  1 24. 

4  Joffelyn,  in  his  Two  Voyages  (p.  202), 
fpeaks  of  the  "excellent  whetftones" 
then  (1670)  found  at  Richmond  Ifland. 

"  There  is  a  fpecies  of  flate  quite 
abundant  on  Richmond's  Ifland,  and 
fome  other  Iflands  in  Cafco  Bay,  which 
has  been  ufed  for  oil-ftones.  Joffelyn, 
in  his  Voyages,  fays  that  'tables  of  flate 
could  he  got  out  long  enough  for  a 
dozen  men  to  fit  at.'  "  See  a  communi- 
cation on  this  paffage  of  the  New  Ca- 
naan, figned  J.  P.  B.,  in  the  Portland 
Prefs  of  January  2,  1883.  Profeffor 
Shaler  adds :  "  It  is  interefting  to  note 
the  fact  that  Morton  faw  that  whet- 
ftones could  be  made  the  bafis  for  trade. 
Stones  fuitable  for  this  purpofe  are  rare 
in  Europe,  and  to-day  a  New  Hampshire 
company  fhips  large  quantities  to  Eu- 
rope and  even  to  Auftralia." 

2i8  New  Englifh  Canaan, 

envy  not  his  happineffe.  I  have  bin  there  : 1  viewed  the 
place  :  liked  the  commodity  :  but  will  not  plant  fo  Northerly 
for  that,  nor  any  other  commodity  that  is  there  to  be  had. 


1  Richmond  Ifland  lies  directly  fouth- 
eaft  of  Cape  Elizabeth  and  clofe  to 
it.  From  what  Morton  fays  in  the  next 
chapter  and  elfewhere  {infra,  *I49),  it 
would  feem  that  before  his  arreft  by 
Standifh  in  June,  1628,  —  that  is,  in  the 
fummer  of  1627, —  he  had  a  fur  ftation  on 
the  coaft  of  Maine.  (Supra,  23.)  Win- 
throp,  writing  under  date  of  October  22, 
1 63 1,  mentions  the  murder  of  "  Walter 
Bagnall,  called   Great    Watt,   and  one 

John  P who  kept  with  him,"  by  the 

Indians  at  Richmond  Ifland.  He  adds  : 
"  This  Bagnall  was  fometimes  fervant 
to  one  in  the  bay,  and  thefe  three  years 
had  dwelt  alone  in  the  faid  ifle,  and  had 
gotten  about  ^400  moft  in  goods.  He 
was  a  wicked  fellow,  and  had  much 
wronged  the  Indians."  (Winthrop,  vol, 
i.  p.  *63).  Bagnall  would,  from  this,  ap- 
pear to  have  been  one  of  Morton's  fer- 
vants  at  Mount  Wollafton,  as  he  alone 
in  "  the  bay,"  at  that  time,  had  any 
number  of  fervants,  or  was  engaged  in 
trade  on  the  Maine  coaft.  As  Bagnall 
was  killed  in  1631,  and  had  then  lived 
alone  at  Richmond  Ifland  three  years, 
he  feems  to  have  taken  up  his  abode 
there  in  1628,  the  time  of  the  breaking 
up  of  the  company  at  Mount  Wollafton 
by  Standifh  and  Endicott,  and  the  fettle- 
ment  at  Richmond  Ifland  was  thus  the 
Maine  offfhoot  of  that  at  Merry-mount. 
Bagnall  was  probably  that  one  of  Mor- 
ton's fervants  who,  he  fays,  was  reputed, 
when  he  died,  to  have  made  a  thoufand 
pounds  in  the  fur  trade  in  five  years, 
"  whatfoever  became  of  it."  (Supra,  *78). 
Morton's  expreffion  here  of  "  five  years  " 
agrees  with  Winthrop's  "three  years," 
and  confirms  this  furmife.  Bagnall  had 
died  in  1631.     Morton  had  gotten  con- 

trol at  Mount  Wollafton  in  1626.  (Supra, 
15.)  Bagnall  had  remained  there  as  his 
fervant  two  years,  until  1628  ;  then  had 
been  frightened  away  and  gone  to  Rich- 
mond I  (land,  where  he  had  lived  three 
years  more,  as  Winthrop  fays,  —  mak- 
ing in  all  Morton's  five  years.  In  his 
phrafe  "  whatfoever  became  of  it"  Mor- 
ton characteriftically  throws  out  an  in- 
finuation  in  regard  to  Bagnall's  poffef- 
fions.  He  probably  meant  to  imply 
fome  underhand  proceeding  to  get  hold 
of  them  on  the  part  of  the  Maffachufetts 
Bay  people.  Recently  a  theory  has 
been  advanced  in  the  Maine  prefs,  that 
Bagnall  was  an  Epifcopalian,  and  com- 
petitor in  trade  of  the  Maffachufetts 
Company,  and  that  Winthrop  and  his 
affociates,  not  being  able  otherwife  to 
get  rid  of  him,  compaffed  his  death  by 
indirect  means.  (See  a  letter  of  S.  P. 
Mayberry  in  Portland  Prefs  of  Jan.  9, 
1883.)  Winthrop  fays  that  moft  of  the 
poffeffions  in  queftion  were  in  goods. 
A  portion  would  naturally  be  in  the  form 
of  money,  and  it  was  left  for  the  prefent 
generation  to  form  a  moft  plaufible  fur- 
mife as  to  "  whatfoever  became "  of 
fome  of  this  money.  On  May  11,  1855, 
an  old  ftone  pot  was  turned  up  by  the 
ploughfhare,  on  Richmond  Ifland,  con- 
taining fifty-two  coins  ;  and  Mr.  Willis, 
the  hiftorian  of  Portland,  then  took 
occafion,  in  a  letter  to  the  Maffachufetts 
Hiftorical  Society  (Proceedings,  May 
1857,  pp.  183-8),  to  "exprefs  the  belief 
that  the  money  [was]  connected  with  the 
fate  of  Walter  Bagnall,  who  was  killed 
by  Sagamore  Squidraket  and  his  party, 
Oct.  3,  1631."  There  was  nothing  to 
(how  that  any  of  the  coins  were  of  a 
later    date   than    1631.      A   patent   for 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 


There  are  Loadeftones 1  alfo  in  the  Northerne  parts  of  the  Loadjiones. 
land  :  and  thofe  which  were  found  are  very  good,  and  are  a 
commodity  worth  the  noteing. 

Iron  ftones 2  there  are  abundance  :   and  feverall  forts  of  ironjiones. 
them  knowne. 

Lead  ore3  is  there  likewife,  and  hath  bin  found  by  the  Lead. 
breaking  of  the  earth,  which  the  Froft  hath  made  mellow. 

Black  Leade4  I  have  likewife  found  very  good,  which  the  Biackiead. 
Salvages  ufe  to  paint  their  faces  with. 

Red  Leade5  is  there  likewife  in  great  abundance.  Read  lead. 

There  is  very  excellent  Boll  Armoniack.6  Boil. 

There  is  moft  excellent  Vermilion.7     All  thefe  things  the  Vermilion. 
Salvages  make  fome  litle  ufe  of,  and  doe  finde  them  on  the 
circumference  of  the  Earth. 

Richmond  Ifland,  together  with  fifteen 
hundred  acres  on  the  main  land,  was 
iffued  to  Bagnall  by  the  Council  for 
New  England,  Dec.  2,  163 1,  juft  three 
months  after  his  death.  (Records  of 
the  Council,  pp.  51-2.)  Morton  was 
then  in  England,  and  unqueftionably  in 
communication  with   Gorges.    (Supra, 


1  Doubtlefs  the  magnetic  iron  oxides. 

None  of  thefe  are  known  to  me  nearer 
than  in  the  mountains  forming  the  weft- 
erly  part  of  the  Berkfhire  Hills,  from 
New  York  City  to  the  Adirondacks,  ex- 
cept in  Cumberland,  R.  I.,  where  there 
is  fome  iron  of  this  nature. 

'2  No  ironftones  are  known  around 
Maffachufetts  bay;  the  neareft  depofits 
are  in  Rhode  Ifland. 

3  Small  quantities  of  galena  ore  have 
been  found  in  Woburn  and  that  vicinity. 
There  are  fome  localities  near  New- 
buryport  where  the  favages  may  have 
found  fmall  quantities  of  galena. 


4  Black  leade  is  doubtlefs  plumbago, 
or  graphite  ;  it  is  found  in  Wrentham 
and  in  Worcefter,  Mafs.,  as  well  as  at 
various  points  in  Rhode  Ifland. 

5  Red  leade  is  doubtlefs  an  ochre,  fuch 
as  may  have  been  found  near  Cranfton, 
R.  I. 

6  Boll  armoniack  is  the  Bolus  armen- 
iaca  of  the  old  apothecaries.  Bolus  is  the 
prefix  to  feveral  old  pharmacopial  names, 
having  loft  its  original  fpecial  fignifi- 
cation  and  come  to  be  a  given  term  for 
all  lumpy  fubftances.  Here  it  means  a 
fort  of  reddilh  clay,  fuch  as  may  be  ufed 
for  marking,  —  a  clayey  ochre  fuch  as 
may  have  come  from  about  Providence, 
R.  I. 

7  Vermilion  oxide  of  mercury  is  not 
known  to  occur  this  fide  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  It  is  likely  that  he  miftook 
fome  brilliant  ochre  for  true  vermilion. 
It  may  be,  however,  that  the  aborigi- 
nes traded  for  it  with  weflern  tribes. 
Their  copper  implements  probably  came 


22o  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 




Brimftone 1  mines  there  are  likewife. 

Mines  of  Tinne 2  are  likewife  knowne  to  be  in  thofe  parts : 
which  will  in  fhort  time  be  made  ufe  of :  and  this  cannot  be 
accompted  a  meane  commodity. 

Copper  mines 3  are  there  found  likewife,  that  will  enrich 
the  Inhabitants.  But  untill  theire  younge  Cattell  be  growne 
hardy  labourers  in  the  yoake,  that  the  Plough  and  the 
Wheate  may  be  feene  more  plentifully,  it  is  a  worke  mult  be 

*  86        *  They  fay  there  is  a  Silver,  and  a  gold  mine 4  found 
by  Captaine  Littleworth  : 5  if  hee  get  a  patent  of  it  to 
himfelfe  hee  will  furely  change  his  name. 

Chapter    VII. 

from  Lake  Superior.  Many  evidences 
of  almoft  as  wide  a  commerce  could  be 

1  Brimftone,  or  fulphur,  does  not  exift 
in  its  metallic  ftate  this  fide  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras. He  may  have  feen  fome  pyrite- 
bearing  fchifts,  fuch  as  occur  in  Maine, 
which  in  dumping  give  a  fulphuric  fmell. 

2  Tin  does  not  occur  in  this  region. 
Some  localities  are  known  in  Maine  and 
elfewhere  in  New  England,  but  they 
could  hardly  have  been  found  by  the 
Savages,  or  known  to  Morton. 

8  Copper  in  its  metallic  ftate,  the  only 
form  in  which  he  would  have  recog- 
nized it,  does  not  occur  about  Maffa- 
chufetts  Bay.  A  very  little  of  it  has 
been  found  in  Cumberland,  R.  I.,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Blackftone  River. 

4  No  filver,  except  when  combined 
with  lead  and  zinc  ore,  has  ever  been 
found  in  this  diftricrt.  Some  occurs  in 
the  diftricf  from  Woburn  to  Newbury- 
port.  Metallic  filver  could  not  have 
been  known  to  the  natives.  The  near- 
eft  localities  for  metallic  gold  are  the 

ftreams  of  Vermont,  New  Hampfhire, 
and  weftern  Maine,  in  which  diftricl 
placer  gold  occurs  in  confiderable  quan- 
tities, and  fome  auriferous  quartz  veins 
are  known. 

Profeffor  Shaler  adds  to  his  foregoing 
notes :  "  The  general  impreffion  which 
I  get  from  the  writer  is  that  he  was  a 
bad  obferver,  but  not  more  untruthful 
than  molt  of  the  feventeenth  century 
travellers.  He  does  not  fay  that  gold 
or  filver  had  been  feen  by  him,  and 
limits  his  hearfay  evidence  to  a  tingle 
mine.  Except  for  the  extraordinary 
fluff  about  the  whetftones,  —  wherein 
we  may  perhaps  fee  fomething  of  the 
Maypole  humor,  — it  is,  for  its  time,  a 
rather  fober  and  reafonable  ftory." 

5  This  is  the  name  by  which  Morton 
invariably  defignates  John  Endicott.  For 
reafons  which  have  been  explained  in 
the  preliminary  matter  to  this  edition  of 
the  New  Canaan  (fupra,  pp.  38-42),  its 
author  felt  —  and,  as  will  be  feen,  never 
miffed  an  opportunity  to  exprefs  —  a 
peculiar  bitternefs  towards  Endicott. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  221 

Chap.     VII. 

Of  the  Fifties,  and  what  commodity  they  proove} 

AMong  Fifhes,  firft  I  will  begin  with  the  Codd,  becaufe 
it  is  the  mofl  commodious  of  all  fifli,  as  may  appeare 
by  the  ufe  which  is  made  of  them  in  forraigne  parts. 

The  Codd  fifhing  is  much  ufed  in  America,  (whereof  New  codd. 
England  is  a  part,)  in  fo   much   as  300.  Sayle   of    fhipps, 
from  divers  parts,  have  ufed  to  be  imployed  yearely  in  that 

I  have  feene  in  one  Harboure,2  next  Richmond  Hand,  15.  \$-shiPPsat 
Sayle  of  fhipps  at  one  time,  that  have  taken  in  them  driyed  codd. 
Codds  for  Spaine  and  the  Straights,  and  it  has  bin  found 
that   the  Saylers  have  made  15.   18.  20.  22.  p.  fhare  for  a 
common  man. 

The  Coaft  aboundeth  with  fuch  multitudes  of  Codd 3  that 
the  inhabitants  of  New  England  doe  dunge  their  grounds 


1  For  the  notes  to  this  chapter  I   am  taking  them.     In  editing  the  Rarities, 

indebted  to    Theodore   Lyman,  of   the  Mr.  Tuckerman  remarked  that  he  had 

MaiTachufetts   Fifli  Commiffion.      Hig-  "  little  to  offer  in  elucidation  of  the  lift 

ginfon,  in  his  New  England's  Planta-  [of  fifhes],  which,  indeed,  in  good  part, 

tion,   has    a  paffage   on  Fifh  (Young's  appears  fufficiently  intelligible," — a  re- 

Chron.  of  Afafs.,  pp.  248-51),  and  Wil-  mark  equally  applicable  to  the  prefent 

liams,  in  his  Key,  devotes  a  chapter  (xix.)  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan. 

to  the  fame  fubject.    Wood  again,  in  his  2  Portland  Harbor.     See  fupra,  218, 

Profpecl  (pp.  27-31),  deals  with  it  in  his  note  1. 

peculiar  manner,  and  Joffelyn,  both  in  8  This  proves  that  the  local  Cod,  i.  e., 
his  Voyages  (pp.  104-15)  and  in  his  thofe  that  breed  clofe  to  the  fhore,  have 
Rarities  (pp.  22-37),  devotes  a  good  much  decreafed;  and  this  partly  by  over- 
deal  of  fpace  to  the  enumeration  of  the  fifhing,  and  partly  by  the  falling-off  of 
different  kinds  of  New  England  fifhes,  their  food  in  the  form  of  young  fiflies 
their  peculiarities,  and  the  methods  of  coming  to  the  fea  from  rivers  and  brooks. 

222  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

with  Codd  ;  and  it  is  a  commodity  better  than  the  golden 
mines  of  the  Spanifh   Indies  ;  for  without  dried  Codd  the 
Spaniard,  Portingal  and  Italian  would  not  be  able  to  vittel 
of  a  fhipp  for  the  Sea ;  and  I  am  fure  at  the  Canaries  it  is 
the  principall   commodity :   which    place  lyeth   neere 
*  8y    New  England,  very  convenient  for  the  vending  of 
this  commodity,  one    hundred  of  thefe  being  at  the 
price  of   300.  of  New  found  land  Codds :    greate  ftore  of 
Oyiemaydof  traine  oyle1  is  mayd  of  the  livers  of  the  Codd,  and  is  a  com- 
the  Cod/.        modity  that  without  queftion  will  enrich   the  inhabitants  of 
New  England  quicly;    and    is    therefore  a  principall  com- 
a  100  Bajfe         The  Baffe 2  is  an  excellent  Fifh,  both  frefh  and  Salte;  one 
hundred  whereof  falted,   (at   a  market,)  have  yeilded  5.  p. 
They  are  fo  large,  the  head  of  one  will  give  a  good  eater  a 
dinner;    and  for  daintineffe   of  diet  they  excell  the   Mary- 
bones  of  Beefe.     There   are  fuch    multitudes,  that  I  have 
feene  flopped  into  the   river  clofe  adjoyning  to  my  howfe, 
with  a  fand  at  one  tide,  fo  many  as  will  loade  a  fhip  of  a 
100.  Tonnes. 

Other  places  have  greater  quantities,  in  fo  much  as  wagers 
have  bin  layed  that  one  fhould  not  throw  a  ftone  in  the 
water  but  that  hee  fhould  hit  a  fifh. 

I  my  felfe,  at  the  turning  of  the  tyde,  have  feene  fuch 
multitudes  paffe  out  of  a  pound,  that  it  feemed  to  mee  that 
one  might  goe  over  their  backs  drifhod.  ^,    ~ 

1  This  is  perhaps  the  firft  mention  in  Bafs  mentioned  four  paragraphs  below, 
America  of  cod-liver  oil,  now  fo  much  as  chafing  mackerel  "into  the  (hallow 
ufed  in  medicine.  waters,"  may  perhaps   be  the    Bluefifh 

2  The  Striped   Bafs  (Labrax).     The  (Temnodon). 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  223 

Thefe  follow  the  bayte  up  the  rivers,  and  fometimes  are 
followed  for  bayte  and  chafed  into  the  bayes,  and  (hallow 
waters,  by  the  grand  pife  i1  and  thefe  may  have  alfo  a  prime 
place  in  the  Catalogue  of  Commodities. 

The    Mackarels  are    the   baite  for  the  Baffe,   and    thefe  Mackareii 
have  bin  chafed  into   the   fhallow  waters  where  fo   many  2^" 
thoufands  have  fhott  themfelves  a  fliore  with  the  furfe  of  the 
Sea,  that  whole  hogges-heads  have  bin  taken  up  on 
the  Sands ;  and  for  length,  they  excell  *  any  of  other    *  88 
parts:    they  have  bin  meafured  18.  and  19.  inches  in 
length  and  feaven  in  breadth :  and  are  taken  with  a  drayle,2 
(as  boats  ufe  to  paffe  to  and  froe  at  Sea  on  bufineffe,)  in  very 
greate  quantities  all  alonge  the  Coafte. 

The  Fifh  is  good,  falted,  for  ftore  againft  the  winter,  as 
well  as  frefh;  and  to  be  accounted  a  good  Commodity. 

This  Sturgeon  in  England  is  regalis pifcis  ;3  every  man  in  sturgeon. 
New  England  may  catch  what  hee  will :  there  are  multitudes 
of   them,  and   they   are    much   fatter   then    thofe  that  are 
brought  into  England  from  other  parts,  in  fo  much  as  by 
reafon  of  their  fatneffe  they  doe  not  looke  white,  but  yellow, 


1  This  is  either  an  expreffion  which  2  "  Thefe    Macrills    are    taken   with 

has  wholly  paffed  out  of  ufe,  or  elfe  a  drailes,  which  is  a  long  fmall  line,  with 

mifprint.     Probably  the  latter.     It  may,  a  lead  and  a  hooke  at  the  end  of  it, 

however,  alfo  be  furmifed  that  Morton  being    baited   with   a  peece   of   a   red 

characleriftically  coined   a   word   from  cloath."     {New  England's  Pro/pett,  p. 

the   Latin,  and  here  meant  to  refer  to  30.)    This  inftrument  ftill  bears  the  fame 

the  various  large  fifh  in  New  England  name  and  is  ufed  in  the  fame  way. 

waters,    fuch    as   the   Horfe    Mackerel  3  When  caught  in  the  Thames,  within 

(Thynnus  fecunda  dorfalis),  the  Mac-  the  jurifdiftionof  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Lon- 

kerel    Shark    {Lamna  punctata),    and  don,  the  Sturgeon  (Acipenfer)  is  a  royal 

the  common  Dogfifh  (Acanthias  Amer-  fifh  referved  for  the  fovereign.     "The 

icanus),  all  of  which  follow  fchools  of  Sturgeon  is  a  Regal  fifh  too,  I  have  feen 

mackerel,  bafs,  &c,    into  fhoal  waters  of  them  that  have  been  fixteen  foot  in 

and  prey  upon  them.  lenghth."    (Joffel.,  Two  Voyages,  p.  105.) 

224  New  Englifli  Canaan. 



Great  plenty 
of  Eeles. 

which  made  a  Cooke  prefume  they  were  not  fo  good  as 
them  of  Roufhea:  filly  fellow  that  could  not  underftand 
that  it  is  the  nature  of  flfh  falted,  or  pickelled,  the  fatter  the 
yellower  being  beft  to  preferve. 1 

For  the  tafte,  I  have  warrant  of  Ladies  of  worth,  with 
choife  pallats  for  the  commendations,  who  liked  the  tafte  fo 
well  that  they  efteemed  it  beyond  the  Sturgeon  of  other 
parts,  and  fayd  they  were  deceaved  in  the  lookes :  therefore 
let  the  Sturgeon  paffe  for  a  Commodity. 

Of  Salmons  there  is  greate  abundance :  and  thefe  may  be 
allowed  for  a  Commodity,  and  placed  in  the  Catallogue. 

Of  Herrings  there  is  greate  ftore,  fat  and  faire :  and, 
(to  my  minde,)  as  good  as  any  I  have  feene;  and  thefe 
may  be    preferved,   and  made   a   good   commodity  at  the 

*  89  *  Of  Eeles  there  is  abundance,  both  in  the  Salt- 
waters  and  in  the  frefh  :  and  the  frefh  water  Eele 
there,  (if  I  may  take  the  judgement  of  a  London  Fifhmonger,) 
is  the  beft  that  hee  hath  found  in  his  life  time.  I  have 
with  2.2  eele  potts  found  my  howfehold,  (being  nine  perfons, 
befides  doggs,)  with  them,  taking  them  every  tide,  (for  4. 
moneths  fpace,)  and  preferving  of  them  for  winter  ftore:3 
and  thefe  may  proove  a  good  commodity.  qc 

1  But  little  attention  has  been  paid 
as  yet  in  the  United  States  to  the  Stur- 
geon fiflieries,  in  fpite  of  their  great 

2  [jieele.]     Seefufira,  in,  note  I. 

8  "There  be  a  greate  ftore  of  Salt 
water  Eeles,  efpecially  in  fuch  places 
where  graffe  growes:  for  to  take  thefe 
there  be  certaine  Eele  pots  made  of 
Ofyers,  which  muft  be  baited  with  a 
peece  of  Lobfter,  into  which  the  Eeles 

entering  cannot  returne  backe  againe; 
fome  take  a  bufhell  in  a  night  in  this 
maner,  eating  as  many  as  they  have 
neede  of  for  the  prefent,  and  fait  up  the 
reft  againft  Winter.  Thefe  Eeles  be  not 
of  fo  lufcious  a  taft  as  they  be  in  Eng- 
land, neither  are  they  fo  aguifh,  but  are 
both  wholfom  for  the  body,  and  delight- 
ful] for  the  tafte."  {New  England's 
Prof  peel,  p.  30.) 

New  Englifli  Canaan,  225 

Of  Smelts  there  is  fuch  abundance  that  the  Salvages  doe  smelts. 
take  them  up  in  the  rivers  with  bafkets,  like  fives. 

There  is  a  Fifh,  (by  fome  called  fhadds,  by  fome  allizes,)1  shaddsor 
that  at  the  fpring  of  the  yeare  paffe  up  the  rivers  to  fpaune  i0  dlZJ  m 
in  the  ponds ;  and  are  taken  in  fuch  multitudes  in  every  &round- 
river,  that  hath   a  pond  at  the  end,  that  the   Inhabitants 
doung  their  ground  with  them.     You  may  fee  in  one  towne- 
fhip  a  hundred  acres  together  fet  with  thefe  Fifh,  every  acre 
taking  iooo.  of  them:   and  an  acre   thus  dreffed  will  pro- 
duce and  yeald  fo  much  corne  as  3.  acres  without  fifh  :  and, 
leafl   any  Virginea    man  would   inferre  hereupon   that  the 
ground  of  New  England  is  barren,  becaufe  they  ufe  no  fifh 
in  fetting  their  corne,  I  defire  them  to  be  remembred  the 
caufe   is  plaine,  in  Virginea  they  have  it  not  to  fett.     But 
this  practife  is  onely  for  the  Indian  Maize,  (which  muft  be 
fet  by  hands,)  not  for  Englifli  graine :    and  this  is  there- 
fore a  commodity  there. 

There  is  a  large  fized  fifh  called  Hallibut,  or  Turbut:2  Turimtor 
fome  are  taken  fo  bigg  that  two  men  have  much  a 
doe  to  hale  them  into  the  boate ;  but  there  is  *  fuch    *  90 
plenty,  that  the  fifher  men  onely  eate  the  heads  and 
finnes,   and  throw  away  the   bodies  :    fuch   in   Paris  would 
yeeld    5.  or   6.  crownes    a  peece :    and  this   is  no  difcom- 
modity.  There 

1  Morton  confounds  the  Shad  (Alofa  fhore  or  in  fhoal  water.  It  is  taken  by 
pr&Jtabilis),  or  Allize  (corruption  of  the  the  Gloucefter  fifhermen  along  the  outer 
French  Alofe),  with  the  fmaller  Ale  wife,  banks,  in  depths  of  a  hundred  to  two 
This,  with  the  Smelt  and  the  Eel,  are  hundred  fathoms.  The  New  England 
among  the  few  fhore  fifties  that  are  ftill  Turbot  (Lophopfetta)  of  our  coafts  is  a 
found  in  comparative  plenty.  The  Men-  different  fifh,  and  rarely  ventures  to  the 
haden  is  ufed  in  our  time  to  fet  corn.  north  of   Cape    Cod.      The    fifhermen 

2  At  the  prefent  time  the  Halibut  frequently  fell  our  turbot  as  chicken- 
(Hippoglojfus)  is  feldom  caught  near  the  halibut. 

226  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Plaice.  There  are  excellent    Plaice,1    and    eafily   taken.      They, 

(at  flowing  water,)  do  almoft  come  afhore,  fo  that  one  may 
ftepp  but  halfe  a  foote  deepe  and  prick  them  up  on  the 
fands  and  this  may  paffe  with  fome  allowance. 

Hake.  Hake 2  is  a  dainty  white  fifh,  and  excellent  vittell  frefh ; 

and  may  paffe  with  other  commodities,  becaufe  there  are 

puckers.  There  are  greate  ftore  of  Pilchers : 3    at    Michelmas,  in 

many  places,  I  have  feene  the  Cormorants4  in  length  3.  miles 
feedinge  upon  the  Sent. 

Lobjiers.  Lobfters  are  there  infinite  in  ftore  in  all  the  parts  of  the 

land,  and  very  excellent.  The  moft  ufe  that  I  made  of 
them,  in  5.  yeares  after  I  came  there,  was  but  to  baite  my 
Hooke  for  to  catch  Baffe ;  I  had  bin  fo  cloyed  with  them 
the  firft  day   I  went  a  fhore. 

This  being  knowne,  they  fhall  paffe  for  a  commodity  to 
the  inhabitants;  for  the  Salvages  will  meete  500,  or  1000. 
at  a  place  where  Lobfters  come  in  with  the  tyde,  to  eate, 
and  fave  dried  for  ftore ;  abiding  in  that  place,  feafting  and 
fporting,  a  moneth  or  6.  weekes  together.5  There 

1  The  Flounder  {Pfendopleuronecles),  about  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and 
whereof  there  are  feveral  fpecies.  northward,  vifiting  New  England  waters 

2  Hake  (Phycis)  are  ftill  fomewhat  during  the  autumn  and  winter.  While 
common.  with  us  they  are   exclufively  maritime, 

3  Morton  probably  means  the  Men-  frequenting  by  choice  the  vicinity  of 
haden  (Brevoortia).  The  European  Pilch-  outlying  ledges  and  fmall,  rocky  iflands. 
ard,  the  adult  of  the  Sardine,  is  not  When  paffing  from  place  to  place,  they 
found  on  our  coaft.  often  fly  in  large  flocks,  which  are  ufu- 

4  Probably  the  Double-crefted  Cor-  ally  arranged  in  long  lines  or  Angle 
morant  (Phalacrocorax  dilophus).  The  files.  They  live  on  fifh,  which  they 
Common    Cormorant    (P.   carbo)    alfo  capture  by  diving. 

occurs  in  New  England,  but  it  is  rare  5  This  paragraph,  and  the  one  on 
to  the  fouthward  of  Maine.  Both  fpe-  clams  immediately  following  it,  throw 
cies  breed  abundantly  on  rocky  fhores     confiderable  light  on  the  formation  of 


New  Engli/Ii  Canaan,  227 

There  are  greate  ftore  of  Oyfters  in  the  entrance  of  all  Oyjiers. 
Rivers :   they  are  not  round  as  thofe  of  England,  but  excel- 
lent fat,  and  all  good.     I  have  feene  an  Oyfter  banke  a  mile 
•at  length. 

Muftles  there  are  infinite  ftore  ;  I  have  often  gon  Mujiks. 

*  to  Waffagufcus,  where  were  excellent  Muftles,  to  eate   *  91 
for  variety,  the  fifh  is  fo  fat  and  large.1 

Games  is  a  fhellfifh,  which  I  have  feene  fold  in  Weftmin-  ciames. 
fter  for  12.  pe.  the  fkore.  Thefe  our  fwine  feede  upon,  and 
of  them  there  is  no  want ;  every  more  is  full ;  it  makes  the 
fwine  proove  exceedingly,  they  will  not  faile  at  low  water  to 
be  with  them.  The  Salvages  are  much  taken  with  the 
delight  of  this  fiflie,  and  are  not  cloyed,  notwithstanding  the 
plenty :  for  our  fwine  we  finde  it  a  good  commodity. 

Rafer  fillies  there  are.  Raferfifk. 

Freeles   there   are,  Cockles  and   Scallopes;2    and  divers  Freeie. 
other  forts  of  Shellfifhe,  very  good  foode. 

Now  that  I  have  fhewed  you  what  commodities  are  there 
to  be  had  in  the  Sea,  for  a  Market ;  I  will  fhew  what  is  in 
the  Land,  alfo,  for  the  comfort  of  the  inhabitants,  wherein  it 
doth  abound.  And  becaufe  my  tafke  is  an  abftracl:,  I  will 
difcover  to  them  the  commodity  thereof. 

There  are  in  the  rivers,  and  ponds,  very  excellent  Trouts,  Frejiifijii, 
Carpes,  Breames,  Pikes,  Roches,  Perches,  Tenches,  Eeles,  carpes, 

1   Breames, 
and  pj&es,  Roches, 
the  fhell-heaps,   a   queftion  which    has     proceedings  of  that  meeting  in  the  Col-  Tenches, 
been  recently  much  difcuffed.     See  the     lections  of  the  Society.  and  Eeles. 

paper  of  Profeffor  F.  W.  Putnam,  read  at         *  We,  in   this  country,  have  not  re- 
the  meeting  of  the  Maine  Hiftorical  So-     tained  the  European  tafte  for  muffels 
ciety  in  Portland,  in  December,   1882,     and  for  razor-fhells  (Solen). 
which  will  appear  in  the  report  of  the         2  The  eating  of  fcallops  {Pecleti)  has 

been  revived  within  a  few  years. 

228  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

and  other  fifhes  fuch  as  England  doth  afford,  and  as  good 
for  variety ;  yea,  many  of  them  much  better ;  and  the  Na- 
tives of  the  inland  parts  doe  buy  hookes  of  us,  to  catch 
them  with  :  and  I  have  knowne  the  time  that  a  Trouts 
hooke  hath  yeelded  a  beaver  fkinne,  which  hath  bin  a  good 
commodity  to  thofe  that  have  bartered  them  away. 

Thefe  things  I  offer  to  your  confideration,  (curteous 
Reader,)  and  require  you  to  fliew  mee  the  like  in  any  part  of 
the  knowne  world,  if  you  can. 



*Chap.    VIII 

Foode  and 

Noe  Boggs. 

aire  with 
fweet  herbes. 

Of  the  goodnes  of  the  Country  and  the  Waters. 

NOw  fince  it  is  a  Country  fo  infinitely  bleffc  with  foode, 
and  fire,  to  roaft  or  boyle  our  Flefh  and  Fifh,  why 
fhould  any  man  feare  for  cold  there,  in  a  Country  warmer 
in  the  winter  than  fome  parts  of  France,  and  neerer  the 
Sunne  :  unles  hee  be  one  of  thofe  that  Salomon  bids  goe  to 
the  Ant  and  the  Bee. 

There  is  no  boggy  ground  knowne  in  all  the  Country, 
from  whence  the  Sunne  may  exhale  unwholfom  vapors: 
But  there  are  divers  arematicall  herbes  and  plants,  as  Saffa- 
fras,  Mufke  Rofes,  Violets,  Balme,  Lawrell,  Hunnifuckles, 
and  the  like,  that  with  their  vapors  perfume  the  aire ;  and  it 
has  bin  a  thing  much  obferved  that  fhipps  have  come  from 
Vireinea  where  there  have  bin  fcarce  five  men  able  to  hale  a 
rope,  untill  they  have  come  within  40.  Degrees  of  latitude 


New  Kngli/Ii  Canaan.  229 

and  fmell  the  fweet  aire  of  the  fhore,  where  they  have  fud- 
dainly  recovered.1 

And  for  the  water,  therein  it  excelleth  Canaan  by  much ;  of  Waters. 
for  the  Land  is  fo  apt  for  Fountaines,  a  man  cannot  digg 
amiffe :   therefore  if  the  Abrahams  and  Lots  of  our  times 
come  thether,  there  needs  be  no  contention  for  wells. 

Befides  there  are  waters  of  molt  excellent  vertues,  worthy 

*  At  Ma-re-Mount  there  was  a  water,2  (by  mee  dif-    *  93  The  cure  of 
covered,)  that  is  moft  excellent  for  the  cure  of  Mel-  Maremmnt. 

ancolly  probatum. 

At  Weenafemute  is  a  water,  the  vertue  whereof  is  to  The  cure  of 

13(1  KfC7l  1T€  116* 

cure  barrenneffe.  The  place  taketh  his  name  of  that  Foun- 
taine  which  fignifieth  quick  fpring,  or  quickning  fpring 

Neere  Squantos  Chappell,4  (a  place  fo  by  us  called,)  is  a  water  pro- 
Fountaine  that  caufeth  a  dead  fleepe  for  48.  howres  to  thofe  deaJ'feepe. 
that  drinke  24.  ounces  at  a  draught,  and  fo  proportionably. 


1  A  ftrong  fpirit  of  emulation  exifted  8  Winnifimmet,  the  Indian  name  of 
in  the  early  years  of  the  feventeenth  Chelfea.  Upon  the  fignificance  of  the 
century,  between  the  advocates  of  New  name  Mr.  Trumbull  writes  :  "  I  have 
England  and  thofe  of  Virginia,  as  fites  my  doubts  about  Morton's  Weenafem- 
for  colonization.  Morton  was  always  a  ute,  but  am  inclined  to  believe  that  his 
ftanch  New  Englander,  and  in  this  interpretation  is  founded  on  fact.  Af- 
chapter,  as  well  as  in  thofe  which  imme-  him  (=  aflm,  in  local  dialecl)  is  once 
diately  precede  and  follow  it,  he  lofes  ufedby  Eliot  (Cant.  iv.  12)  for  'fountain.' 
no  opportunity  to  affert  the  fuperiority  of  It  denotes  a  place  from  which  water  (for 
the  Maffachufetts  climate  and  produces  drinking)  is  taken.  WinrfafJiim,  or 
over  thofe  of  the  country  further  fouth.  Winrfafim,  means  'the  good  fountain,' 
It  is  needlefs  to  point  out  that  his  ad-  or  fpring;  and  Winrtafim-nt  (or  et)  is 
vocacy  led  him  into  ludicroufly  wild  'at  the  good  fpring.'  The  efficacy  of 
flatements.  the  water  '  to  cure  barrennefs  '  may  have 

2  There  is  no  natural  fpring  of  any  been  Morton's  embellifhment,  but  not 
kind  at  Mount  Wollafton,  though  water  improbably  was  an  Indian  belief." 

is  eafily  obtained  by  digging.  4  Squantum,  in  Quincy. 

230  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

New  Engl, 
excels  Ca- 
naan infoun- 


Mi  Ike  and 
Ifony  Jup- 

A  plain  pa- 
ralell  to  Ca- 

The  Salvages,  that  are  Powahs,  at  fet  times  ufe  it,  and  re- 
veale  ftrang  things  to  the  vulgar  people  by  meanes  of  it.  So 
that  in  the  delicacy  of  waters,  and  the  conveniency  of  them, 
Canaan  came  not  neere  this  Country. 

As  for  the  Milke  and  Hony,  which  that  Canaan  flowed 
with,  it  is  fupplyed  by  the  plenty  of  birds,  beafts  and  Fifli ; 
whereof  Canaan  could  not  boaft  her  felfe. 

Yet  never  the  leffe,  (fince  the  Milke  came  by  the  induftry 
of  the  firft  Inhabitants,)  let  the  cattell  be  cherefhed  that  are 
at  this  time  in  New  England,  and  forborne  but  a  litle,  I  will 
afke  no  long  time,  no  more  but  untill  the  Brethren  have  con- 
verted one  Salvage  and  made  him  a  good  Chriflian,  and  I 
may  be  bold  to  fay  Butter  and  cheefe  will  be  cheaper  there 
then  ever  it  was  in  Canaan.  It  is  cheaper  there  then  in  old 
England  at  this  prefent ;  for  there  are  flore  of  Cowes, 
confidering  the  people,  which,  (as  my  intelligence  gives,)  is 
1 2000.1  perfons :  and  in  gods  name  let  the  people  have 
their  defire,  who  write  to  their  freinds  to  come  out  of 
Sodome  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  a  land  that  flowes  with 
Milke  and  Hony.  And 

1  This  is  a  grofs  exaggeration.  Thom- 
as Wiggin,  in  November,  1622,  wrote: 
"  For  the  plantation  in  Mattachufetts, 
the  Englifh  there  being  about  2000  peo- 
ple, yonge  and  old."  (111.  Majs.  Hijl. 
Coll.,  vol.  viii.  p.  322.)  Writing  on  May 
22,  1634,  about  the  time  Morton  referred 
to  {Supra,  78),  Governor  Winthrop 
fays  :  "  For  the  number  of  our  people, 
we  never  took  any  furveigh  of  them, 
nor  doe  we  intend  it,  except  inforced 
throughe  urgent  occafion  (David's  ex- 
ample ftickes  fomewhat  with  us)  but  I 
efleeme  them  to  be  in  all  about  4000  : 

foules  and  upwarde."  {Proc.  Mafs. 
Hijl.  Soc,  Dec.  14,  1882.)  So  in  the 
New  England's  Projpccl  (p.  42),  Wood 
fpeaks  of  the  population  of  Maflachu- 
fetts  as  "foure  thoufand  foules."  In 
the  fpring  of  1634  there  may  have  been 
five  hundred  perfons  in  the  Plymouth 
colony,  and  as  many  more  in  New  Hamp- 
fhire  and  Maine,  making  a  total  New 
England  population  of  five  thoufand  at 
the  time  Morton  was  writing.  When 
the  New  Canaan  was  published,  how- 
ever, in  1637,  the  population  undoubt- 
edly was  as  large  as  12,000. 

New  Englijli  Canaan.  231 

*  And  I  appeale  to  any  man  of  judgement,  whether    *  94  The  Requcji 
it  be  not   a  Land  that  for  her  excellent  indowments  of  minaLn  of 

Nature  may  paffe  for  a  plaine  paralell  to  Canaan  of  Ifraell,  ^a„fa 
being  in  a  more  temporat  Climat,  this  being  in  40.  Degrees 
and  that  in  30. 

Chap.     IX. 

A  Perfpeclwe  to  view  the  Country  by. 

AS  for  the  Soyle,  I  may  be  bould  to  commend  the  fertil-  TheSoyie. 
ity  thereof,  and  preferre  it  before  the  Soyle  of  Eng- 
land, (our   Native   Country) ;  and   I  neede   not  to  produce 
more  then  one  argument  for  proffe  thereof,  becaufe  it  is  fo 

Hempe  is  a  thing  by  Hufband  men  in  generall  ageed  The  grouth 
upon  to  profper  beft  in  the  mod  fertile  Soyle  :  and  experi-  °~ 
ence  hath  taught  this  rule,  that  Hempe  feede  profpers  fo 
well  in  New  England  that  it  fhewteth  up  to  be  tenne  foote 
high  and  tenne  foote  and  a  halfe,  which  is  twice  fo  high  as 
the  ground  in  old  England  produceth  it ;  which  argues  New 
England  the  more  fertile  of  the  two.1 

As  for  the  aire,  I  will  produce  but  one  proffe  for  the  main-  The  aire. 
tenance  of  the  excellency  thereof ;  which  is  fo  generall,  as  I 
affure  myfelfe  it  will  fuffice. 

No  man  living  there  was  ever  knowne  to  be  troubled  with  ato  cold 

111  1  '  r     ^     cough  or 

a  cold,  a  cough,  or  a  murre ;  but  many  men,  comming  lick  murre. 


1  Supra,  187,  note  4. 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

The  plenty 
of  the  Land. 


out  of  Virginea  to  New  Canaan  have  inftantly  recov- 

*  95    ered  with  the  helpe  of  the  purity  *of  that  aire;1  no 

man  ever  furfeited  himfelfe  either  by  eating  or  drinking. 

As  for  the  plenty  of  that  Land,  it  is  well  knowne  that  no 
part  of  Afia,  Affrica  or  Europe  affordeth  deare  that  doe 
bring  forth  any  more  then  one  fingle  faune ;  and  in  New 
Canaan  the  Deare  are  accuftomed  to  bring  forth  2.  and  3. 
faunes  at  a  time.2 

Befides,  there  are  fuch  infinite  flocks  of  Fowle  and  Multi- 
tudes of  fifh,  both  in  the  frefh  waters  and  alfo  on  the  Coaft, 
that  the  like  hath  not  elfe  where  bin  difcovered  by  any 

The  windes  there  are  not  fo  violent  as  in  England ;  which 
is  prooved  by  the  trees  that  grow  in  the  face  of  the  winde  by 
the  Sea  Coaft ;  for  there  they  doe  not  leane  from  the  winde 
as  they  doe  in  England :  as  we  have  heard  before.3        T, 

1  This  aftounding  proposition  was  in 
the  early  days  of  the  fettlement  not  pe- 
culiar to  Morton.  Higginfon,  in  his 
New  Englands  Plantation,  fpeaks  of 
the  "  extraordinary  clear  and  dry  air, 
that  is  of  a  moft  healing  nature  to  all 
fuch  as  are  of  a  cold,  melancholy,  phleg- 
matic, rheumatic  temper  of  body,"  and 
concludes  what  he  has  to  fay  on  the 
fubjefl  with  his  often-quoted  fentiment 
that  "a  fup  of  New-England's  air  is 
better  than  a  whole  draught  of  Old 
England's  ale."  (Young's  Chron.  of 
Afafs.,  pp.  251-2.)  Williams,  too,  fays 
in  his  Key  (ch.  xiii.)  :  "The  Nor- 
Wefl  wind  (which  occafioneth  New- 
England  cold)  comes  over  the  cold 
frozen  Land,  and  over  many  millions 
of  Loads  of  Snow :  and  yet  the  pure 
wholefomneffe  of  the  Aire  is  wonder- 
full,  and  the  warmth  of  the  Sunne,  fuch 
in  the  (harped  weather,  that  I  have 
often  feen  the  Natives  Children  runne 

about  ftarke  naked  in  the  coldeft 
dayes."  Again,  in  the  pamphlet  en- 
titled New  England'' 's  Firfl  Fruits, 
printed  in  London  in  1643,  it  was  ftated, 
in  reply  to  the  objection  of  extreme  win- 
ter cold,  that  "the  cold  there  is  no  im- 
pediment to  health,  but  very  wholfome 
for  our  bodies,  infomuch  that  all  forts 
generally,  weake  and  ftrong,  had  fcarce 
ever  fuch  meafure  of  health  in  all  their 
lives  as  there.  .  .  .  Men  are  feldome 
troubled  in  winter  with  coughes  and 
Rheumes."  (1.  Afafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  i. 
p.  249.)  Joffelyn,  however,  writing 
nearly  thirty  years  later,  remarks  : 
"  Some  of  our  New-England  writers 
affirm  that  the  EnglifJi  are  never,  or 
very  rarely,  heard  to  fneeze  or  cough, 
as  ordinarily  they  do  in  England,  which 
is  not  true."     {Two  Voyages,  p.  184.) 

2  Supra,  201,  note  2. 

8  Supra,  *iy. 

New  EnglifJi  Canaan.  233 

The   Raine  is  there   more   moderate   then   in   England ;  name. 
which  thing  I  have  noted  in  all  the  time  of  my  refidence  to 
be  fo. 

The  Coafl  is  low  Land,  and  not  high  Land :  and  hee  is  of  The  Coaji. 
a  weake  capacity  that  conceaveth  otherwife  of  it,  becaufe  it 
cannot  be  denied  but  that  boats  may  come  a  ground  in  all 
places  along  the  Coaft,  and  efpecially  within  the  Compas  of 
the  Maffachufets  patent,  where  the  profpe6t  is  fixed.1 

The    Harboures   are    not   to    be  bettered  for  fafety  and  Harboures. 
goodneffe  of  ground,  for  ancorage,  and,  (which  is  worthy 
obfervation,)  fhipping  will  not  there  be  furred  ;  neither  are 
they  fubjecl;  to  wormes,  as  in  Virginea  and  other  places. 

*  Let  the  Scituation  alfo  of  the  Country  be  confid-    *  96  situation. 
ered,  (together  with  the  reft  which  is  difcovered  in  the 
front  of  this  abftra6t,)  and  then  I  hope  no  man  will  hold  this 
land  unworthy  to  be  intituled  by  the  name  of  the  fecond 

And,  fince  the  Seperatifts  are  defirous  to  have  the  de-  The  Nomi- 
nomination  thereof,  I  am  become  an  humble  Suter  on  their 
behalfe  for  your  confents,  (courteous  Readers,)  to  it,  before  I 
doe  fliew  you  what  Revels  they  have  kept  in  New  Canaan.2 

Chapter     X. 

1  Wood  in  his  Profpett  (p.  2),  refer-  taking  place.  (Supra,  78.)  Wood's 
ring  to  the  approach  to  Bofton  Bay  from  Profpeft  was  publifhed  in  1634,  and  the 
Cape  Anne,  had  faid  :  "The  furrounding  conftant  references  to  it  in  the  firft  two 
fhore  being  high,  and  mowing  many  books  of  the  New  Canaan  fhow  that 
white  Cliffes,  in  a  moft  pleafant  prof-  they  were  both  written  fubfequent  to  its 
pe<5t."  publication,  probably  during  that  year. 

2  The  Second  Book  of  the  New  Ca-  In  the  Third  Book  there  are  no  allu- 
naan,  it  would  feem,  originally  ended  fions  to  the  Pro/peel,  and  the  reference 
with  this  chapter.  The  next  chapter  to  the  Third  Book  in  the  Second 
was  an  afterthought  of  the  author,  writ-  (Supra,  *5i),  to  which  attention  has 
ten  before  December,  1635,  as  is  evident  already  been  called,  fhow  that  it  mult 
from  the  allufions  in  it  to  events  then  have  been  written  before   the   others, 


34  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Chap.     X . 

Of  the  Great  Lake  of  Erocoife  in  New  England,  and 
the  commodities  thereof. 

WEfhwards  from  the  Maffachufetts  bay,  (which  lyeth  in 
42.  Degrees  and  30.  Minutes  of  Northerne  latitude,) 
is  fcituated  a  very  fpacious  Lake,  (called  of  the  Natives  the 
Lake  of  Erocoife,1)  which  is  farre  more  excellent  then  the 
Lake  of  Genezereth,  in  the  Country  of  Paleftina,  both  in 
refpecl  of  the  greatnes  and  properties  thereof,  and  likewife 
of  the  manifould  commodities  it  yealdeth  :  the  circumference 
of  which  Lake  is  reputed  to  be  240.  miles  at  the  leaft :  and 
it  is  diftant  from  the  Maffachuffetts  bay  300.  miles,  or  there 
Fmvie  innu-  abouts : 2  wherein  are  very  many  faire  Iflands,  where  innumer- 
able  flocks  of  feverall  forts  of  Fowle  doe  breede,  Swannes, 
Geefe,  Ducks,  Widgines,  Teales,  and  other  water  Fowle. 


and    probably   during    the    year   1633.  p.  316.)     On  fome  of  the  early  maps  it 

It  would  feem  to  have  been  completed  is  put  down   'Lake  Champlain  or  Iro- 

in  May,  1634.     There  is,  however,  alfo  coife.'      It   is   fo   called    in    Purchas's 

a   reference  to   be  found  in  the  Third  Pilgrims  (vol.  iv.  p.  1643).     The  region 

Book  to  the  Second  {Infra,  *i 20),  but  about   the   lake   was   fometimes    called 

it  was  probably  interpolated  during  a  Irocofia.      The   Iroquois   lived  on   the 

revifal  of  the  manufcript.  fouth  of  the  lake,  and,  as  their  enemies 

1  Now    Lake   Champlain.      "  By  the  on  the  north  approached  them  through 

Indians  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  this  lake,  they  naturally  called   it  the 

the  Lakes,  it  was  called  the  Lake  of  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois."     {MS.  letter  of 

Iroquois,  as  likewife  the   River  Riche-  Rev.  E.  F.  Staffer.) 
lieu,   connecting   it   and   the  River  St.        2  The  meafurement  and  diftance  here 

Lawrence,  they  called  the  River  of  the  given  are  very   nearly  correct.      Lake 

Iroquois.      Champlain    difcovered    the  Champlain  is  126  miles  long  by  about 

lake  in  1609,  and  gave  it  his  own  name.  14  in  width  at  its  broadeft  part.     Bur- 

( Voyages,  Prince  Soc.   ed.,   vol.  ii.  pp.  lington  is  not  far  from  240  miles  from 

210-20;  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France,  Bofton. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  235 

*  There  are  alfo  more  abundance  of  Beavers,  Deare    *  97 
and  Turkies  breed  about  the  parts  of  that  lake  then  in 
any  place  in  all  the  Country  of  New  England  ;  and  alfo  fuch  Multitudes  of 
multitudes  of  fifli,  (which  is  a  great  part  of  the  foode  that  the  FiJlu 
Beavers  live  upon,)  that  it  is  a  thing  to  be  admired  at :    So 
that  about  this  Lake  is  the  principalis  place  for  a  plantation  The  prime 
in  all  New  Canaan,  both  for  pleafure  and  proffit.  cSam. 

Here  may  very  many  brave  Townes  and  Citties  be  erected, 
which  may  have  intercourfe  one  with  another  by  water,  very 
commodioufly :  and  it  is  of  many  men  of  good  judgement 
accounted  the  prime  feate  for  the  Metropolis  of  New  Ca- 
naan.1    From  this  Lake,  Northwards,  is  derived  the  famous 
River  of  Canada,  (fo  named  of  Monfier  de  Cane,2  a  French  Canada,  fo 
Lord  that  firft  planted   a  Colony  of  French   in  America,  "/Z%rde 
there  called  Nova  Francia,)  from  whence  Captaine  Kerke 3  Ca 
of  late,  by  taking  that  plantation,  brought   home    in  one 


1  In  regard  to  the  imaginary  attrac-  of  "the  River  Canada,  (fo  called  from 
tions  and  advantages  of  Laconia  and     Monfieur  Cane)?'1 

its  great  lake,  fee  Belknap's  American  8  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  be- 

Biography,  vol.  i.  p.  377.  tween    England   and    France    in   1627, 

2  The  two  brothers,  William  and  under  the  influence  of  Buckingham, 
Emery  de  Caen,  became  prominent  in  Sir  William  Alexander  had  been  inftru- 
the  hiftory  of  Canadian  fettlement  in  mental  in  organizing  an  expedition  to 
162 1,  and  remained  fo  for  a  number  of  feize  the  French  poffeffions  in  America, 
years.  They  did  not,  however,  plant  At  its  head  were  three  Huguenots  of 
a  colony  of  French  in  America,  nor  was  Dieppe,  —  David,  Louis  and  Thomas 
the  name  of  Canada,  or  of  its  famous  Kirk,  brothers.  The  expedition  was 
river,  derived  from  their  name.  On  fuccefsful,  and  on  the  20th  of  July,  1629, 
this  point  fee  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  Champlain  furrendered  Quebec  to  Louis 
France,  pp.  184,  note,  and  391-5.  Mor-  Kirk.  Daniel  Kirk,  the  admiral  of 
ton's  derivation  of  the  name  Canada  is  the  expedition,  returned  to  England  in 
entitled  to  much  the  fame  weight  as  his  November  of  the  fame  year  ;  but  his 
derivation  of  the  names  Pantucket  and  brother  Thomas  remained  in  Canada 
Mattapan.  {Supra,  124.)  It  was  not,  and  held  Quebec  as  an  Englifh  conqueft 
however,  peculiar  to  him  as,  forty  years  until  July,  1632,  when,  in  accordance 
later,  Joffelyn  alfo  fpeaks  {Rarities,  p.  5)  with  the  conditions  of  the  peace  of  April 


236  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 


Great  heards 
of  Beajts  as 
bigg  as  Cowes. 

fhipp,  (as  a  Seaman  of  his  Company  reported  in  my  hearing,) 
25000.  Beaver  fkinnes.1 

And  from  this  Lake,  Southwards,  trends  that  goodly 
River,  called  of  the  Natives  Patomack,  which  difchardseth 
herfelfe  in  the  parts  of  Virginea ;  from  whence  it  is  naviga- 
ble by  fhipping  of  great  Burthen  up  to  the  Falls,  (which 
lieth  in  41.  Degrees  and  a  halfe  of  North  latitude,)  and 
from  the  Lake  downe  to  the  Falls  by  a  faire  current.  This 
River  is  navigable  for  veffels  of  good  Burthen ;  and  thus 
much  hath  often  bin  related  by  the  Natives,  and  is  of  late 

found  to  be  certaine.2 
*  98  :  They  have  alfo  made  defcription  of  great  heards 

of  well  growne  beafts,  that  live  about  the  parts  of  this 


14,  1629,  it  was  reftored  to  France. 
See  Kirke's  Firjl  EngliJJi  Conqneft  of 
Canada,  pp.  63-93  ;  Parkman's  Pioneers 
of  France,  pp.  401 -11  ;  alfo  Mr.  Dearie's 
note  in  Proc.  Mafs.  Hifl,  Soc.  for  1875 
-6,  pp.  376-7. 

1  The  number  of  beaver-fkins  really 
carried  to  England  by  Kirk  was  feven 
thoufand.  (Kirke's  Firfl  Englifh  Con- 
qncft  of  Canada,  p.  85.) 

2  It  is  unneceffary  to  fay  that  Morton 
was  here  writing  at  random.  He  con- 
founds the  Potomac  with  the  Hudfon, 
though,  a  few  paragraphs  further  on 
{Infra,  *99),  he  ftates  the  facts  in  regard 
to  the  latter  river  correctly;  and  the 
latitude  he  gives  has  no  fignificance,  be- 
ing that  of  Poughkeepfie,  on  the  Hudfon, 
and  Cleveland,  on  Lake  Erie.  The  Poto- 
mac nowhere  flows  fo  far  north  as  400. 
The  falls  referred  to  are  probably 
thofe  of  Niagara.  They  had  not  then 
been  difcovered  (Parkman's  Jefuits 
in  North  America,  p.  142),  though 
vague  reports  concerning  them  had 
reached  the  French  through  the  Indians, 

and  they  are  plainly  indicated  on  Cham- 
plain's  map  of  1629.     (Voyages,  Prince 
Soc.    ed.,  vol.  i.  p.  271,  note.)      Some 
loofe  ftories  in  regard  to  the  rivers,  falls, 
lakes   and    iflands  of  the    interior  had 
been  picked  up  by  Morton,  probably  in 
his  talks  with  feamen  and  others  who 
had    taken    part   in    Kirk's    expedition. 
He  certainly  fell  in  with  thefe  in  Lon- 
don, and   it   is   more   than   likely   that 
at  the  houfe  of  Gorges  he  faw  Cham- 
plain's  map  of  1629;  though  upon  that 
the  falls  are  placed  at  43^  degrees  of 
latitude,  inftead  of  at  41^.    In  1634  there 
was  no  other  map.     On  the  ftrength  of 
the  information  thus  gathered,  he  made 
the  ftatements  contained  in  this  chap- 
ter.     The    little    he    knew   had    been 
obtained  in  England,  after  his  return 
there  in  1631  ;   for  the  Maffachufetts  In- 
dians can  hardly  have  known  much  of 
the  remote  interior,  and  in   1630  no  at- 
tempts even  at  exploration  away  from 
the  feafhore  had  been  made  by  the  fhrag- 
gling  occupants  of  the   New   England 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan,  237 

Lake,  fuch  as  the  Chriftian  world,  (untill  this  difcovery,) 
hath  not  bin  made  acquainted  with.  Thefe  beafts  are  of  the 
bigneffe  of  a  Cowe  ;  their  Flefh  being  very  good  foode,  their 
hides  good  lether,  their  fleeces  very  ufefull,  being  a  kinde 
of  wolle  as  fine  almoft  as  the  wolle  of  the  Beaver ;  and  the 
Salvages  doe  make  garments  thereof. 

It  is  tenne  yeares  fince  firft  the  relation  of  thefe  things 
came  to  the  eares  of  the  Englifh :  at  which  time  wee  were 
but  (lender  proficients  in  the  language  of  the  Natives,  and 
they,  (which  now  have  attained  to  more  perfection  of  Eng- 
lifh,) could  not  then  make  us  rightly  apprehend  their 

Wee  fuppofed,  when  they  fpake  of  Beafts  thereabouts  as 
high  as  men,  they  have  made  report  of  men  all  over  hairy 
like  Beavers,  in  fo  much  as  we  queftioned  them  whether 
they  eate  of  the  Beavers,  to  which  they  replyed  Matta,2  (noe) 
faying  they  were  almoft  Beavers  Brothers.  This  relation  at 
that  time  wee  concluded  to  be  fruitles,  which,  fince,  time 
hath  made  more  apparent. 

About  the  parts  of  this  Lake  may  be  made  a  very  greate 
Commodity  by  the  trade  of  furres,  to  inrich  thofe  that  fhall 
plant  there  ;  a  more  compleat  difcovery  of  thofe  parts  is,  (to 
my  knowleadge,)  undertaken  by  Henry   Iofeline,3  Efquier, 


1  The  ftories  here  referred  to  prob-  ly  fignifies  no-thing  {Key,  182).  Matta, 
ably  came  from  the  Indians  of  Connec-  as  Morton  gives  it,  is  the  fimple  negative, 
ticut  and  Maine,  and  referred  to  the  3  Henry  Joffelyn  was  a  brother  of 
rivers  and  lakes  of  New  England,  but  John  Joffelyn,  author  of  ATew  Englands 
were  afterwards  fuppofed  to  have  had  a  Rarities  and  the  Two  Voyages  to  New 
wider  fignificance.  England,  frequently  quoted  in  the  notes 

2  Williams  {Key,  64)  gives  Machdug  to  this  edition  of  the  New  Canaan.  He 
as  the  Indian  word  for  ATo,  but  it  real-  came  out  from  England  in  the  intereft 


238  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

forme  of  Sir  Thomas  Iofeline  of  Kent,  Knight,  by  the  appro- 
bation  and  appointement  of  that   Heroick  and  very  good 
Henry  iofe-  Common  wealths  man,  Captaine  Iohn  Mafon,1  Efquier, 

for  di}twery.    *  99    a  *  true  fofter  Father  and  lover  of  vertue,  (who  at  his 

owne  chardge,)  hath  fitted  Matter  Iofeline  and  im- 
ployed  him  to  that  purpofe;  who  no  doubt  will  performe  as 
much  as  is  expected,  if  the  Dutch,  (by  gettinge  into  thofe 
parts  before  him,)  doe  not  fruftrate  his  fo  hopefull  and 
laudable  defignes. 

It  is  well  knovvne  they  aime  at  that  place,  and  have  a  pof- 
fibility  to  attaine  unto  the  end  of  their  defires  therein,  by 
meanes  of  the  River  of  Mohegan,  which  of  the  Englifh  is 
named  Hudfons  River,  where  the  Dutch  have  fetled  two 
well  fortified  plantations  already.  If  that  River  be  derived 
from  the  Lake,  as  our  Country  man  in  his  profpecl; 2  affirmes 


of  Mafon,  as  ftated  in  the  text,  in  1634,  preparing  a  life  of  Mafon,  which  would 

and  paffed  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  unqueftionably   have    been    a   valuable 

Maine,  living  at  Black  Point  in  the  town  addition  to  the  hiftory  of  the  fettlement 

of  Scarborough.    He  died  in  1683.    He  of  New  England.     The  material  he  had 

was  deputy-governor   of   the  province,  collected  is  now  in  the  poffeffion  of  his 

and  one  of  the  moft  active  and  influen-  family.    In  regard  to  the  Laconia  Com- 

tial    men    in    it,    holding,    through    all  pany    and    its    projects,    fee   Belknap's 

changes  of  proprietorfhip  and  govern-  American  Biography,  under   the    title 

ment,  the  moft  important  offices.     See  Gorges,  and  Mr.   Deane's  note   in  the 

Mr.   Tuckerman's    Introduction   to   the  Proc.    Mafs.    Hifl.    Soc,    1875-6,    pp. 

New  Englands  Rarities ;  HiJl.oJ  Cum-  376-80. 

berland  County,  Maine,  p.  362.  2  Wood's  ftatement  here  referred  to 

1  Of   Captain   John    Mafon   of   New  is  found  on  the  firft  page  of  the  Prof- 

Hampfhire  and  the  Laconia  enterprife,  peel,  and   is   as  follows  :    "  The    Place 

it  is  not  neceflary  to  fpeak  at  length  in  whereon  the  Englifh  have   built  their 

this  connection.     Mafon  was  the  moft  Colonies,  is  judged  by  thofe  who  have 

prominent  character  in  the  early  hiftory  belt  (kill  in  difcovery,  either  to  bee  an 

of  New  Hampfhire,  and  the  lofs  which  Ifland,   furrounded  on    the   North    fide 

his  death,  in   December  1635,  entailed  with   the  fpacious  River  Cannada,  and 

on  the  projects  of  Gorges  and  Morton  on  the  South  with   Hudfons  River,  or 

has  already  been  referred  to  (Supra,  76).  elfe  a  Peninfula,  thefe  two  Rivers  over- 

The  late  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  of  Bofton  lapping  one  another,  having  their  rife 

was  at  the  time  of  his  death  engaged  in  from  the  great  Lakes  which  are  not  farre 


New  Engli/Ji  Canaan.  239 

it  to  be,  and  if  they  get  and  fortifie  this  place  alfo,  they  will 
gleane  away  the  belt  of  the  Beaver  both  from  the  French 
and  the  Englifh,  who  have  hitherto  lived  wholely  by  it ;  and 
very  many  old  planters  have  gained  good  eftates  out  of  fmall 
beginnings  by  meanes  thereof. 

And  it  is  well  knowne  to  fome  of  our  Nation  that  have  The  Dutch 
lived  in  the  Dutch  plantation  that  the  Dutch  have  gained  trade^/Bel- 
by  Beaver  20000.  pound  a  yeare.1  >l/^£f 

The  Salvages  make  report  of  3.  great  Rivers  that  iffue 
out  of  this  Lake,  2.  of  which  are  to  us  knowne,  the  one  to 
be  Patomack,  the  other  Canada :  and  why  may  not  the 
third  be  found  there  likewife,  which  they  defcribe  to  trend 
weftward,  which  is  conceaved  to  difcharge  herfelfe  into  the 
South  Sea  ?  The  Salvages  affirme  that  they  have  feene 
fhipps  in  this  Lake  with  4.  Mafts,  which  have  taken  from 
thence  for  their  ladinge  earth,  that  is  conjectured  to  be 
fome  minerall  ftuffe. 

*  There  is  probability  enough  for  this;  and  it  may    *  100 
well  be  thought  that  fo  great  a  confluxe  of  waters  as  are 
there  gathered  together,  muft  be  vented  by  fome  great  Riv- 
ers ;  and  that  if  the  third  River,  (which  they  have  made  men- 
tion of,)  proove  to  be  true,  as  the  other  two  have  done,  there  Thepaffage 
is  no  doubt  but  that  the  paffage  to  the  Eaft  India  may  be  /Jjf£s£ay' 
obtained  without  any  fuch  daingerous  and  fruitleffe  inquefl 
by  the  Norweft,  as   hetherto  hath   bin  endeavoured  :    And 
there  is    no   Traveller  of  any   refonable  capacity  but    will 


off  one  another,  as  the  Indians  doe  cer-  ported  from     the     New    Netherlands, 

tainly  informe  us."  valued  at    about    £1 2,000.      (O'Calla- 

1  In  1631  no  lefs  than   15,174  fkins,  ghan's  New  Nethcrland,  \>.  139.) 
the   greater   portion   beaver,   were    ex- 

Delta  in  JE- 


240  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

graunt  that  about  this  Lake  mull  be  innumerable  fpringes, 
and  by  that  meanes  many  fruitfull  and  pleafant  paftures  all 
about  it.  It  hath  bin  obferved  that  the  inland  part,  (witnes 
Neepnet,1)  are  more  pleafant  and  fertile  then  the  borders  of 
The  country  the  Sea  coafte.  And  the  Country  about  Erocoife  is,  (not 
/eftl/7as  as  without  good  caufe,)  compared  to  Delta,  the  moft  fertile 
parte  in  all  /Egypt,  that  aboundeth  with  Rivers  and  Rivalets 
derived  from  Nilus  fruitfull  channell,  like  vaines  from  the 
liver ;  fo  in  each  refpect  is  this  famous  Lake  of  Erocoife. 

And,  therefore,  it  would  be  adjudged  an  irreparable  over- 
fight  to  protract  time,  and  fuffer  the  Dutch,  (who  are  but 
intruders  upon  his  Majefties  moft  hopefull  Country  of  New 
England,)  to  poffeffe  themfelves  of  that  fo  plefant  and 
commodious  Country  of  Erocoife  before  us :  being,  (as  ap- 
peareth,)  the  principall  part  of  all  New  Canaan  for  planta- 
tion, and  not  elfewhere  to  be  paralelld  in  all  the  knowne 



1  The  Nipmucks,  or  Nipnets,  inhab-     {Hiji.  of  Worcejler  County,  vol.  i.  p. 
ited  the   prefent  county  of  Worcefter.     8.) 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  241 

*  101 



Hou  that  art  by  Fates  degree, 
Or  Providence,  ordain  d  to  fee 
Natures  wonder,  her  richjlore 
Ne-r  difcovered  before, 
TJi  admired  Lake  of  Erocoife 
And  fertile  Borders,  now  rejoyce. 
See  what  multitudes  of  fifli 
Shee  prefents  to  fitt  thy  difli. 
If  rich  furres  thou  dofl  adore, 
And  of  Beaver  Fleeces  flore, 
See  the  Lake  where  they  abound, 
And  what  pleafures  els  are  found. 
There  chajl  Leda,  free  from  fire, 
Does  enjoy  her  hearts  defire ; 
Mongjl  theflowry  bancks  at  eafe 
Live  the  fporting  Najades, 
Bigg  limd  Druides,  whofe  browes 
Bewtified  with  greenebowes. 
See  the  Nimphes,  how  they  doe  make 
Fine  Meanders  from  the  Lake, 
Twining  in  and  out,  as  they 
Through  the  p  leaf  ant  groves  make  way, 


242  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

Weaving  by  thejliady  trees 
Curious  Aua/lomafesy 
*  102  *  Where  the  harmeles  Turtles  breede, 

And  fuck  ufefull  Bcajis  doe  feede 
As  no  Traveller  can  tell 
Els  where  how  to  paralell. 
Colcos  golden  Fleece  rejecl ; 
This  defervcth  bejl  refpecl. 
In  fweete  Peans  let  thy  voyce, 
Sing  the  praife  of  Erocoife, 
Peans  to  advaunce  her  name, 
New  Canaans  everlajling  fame. 




OR     NEW     CANAAN. 

The   Third  Booke. 

Containing  a  defcription  of  the  People  that  are 
planted  there,  what  remarkable  Accidents  have 
happened  there  fince  they  were  fetled,  what 
Tenents  they  hould,  together  with  the  practife 
of  their  Church. 

Chap.    I  . 

Of  a  great  League  made  with  the  Plimmouth  Planters  after 
their  arrivall,  by  the  Sachem  of  thofe  Territories} 

He  Sachem  of  the  Territories  where  the 

Planters  of  New  England  are  fetled,  that  are 
the  firft  of  the  now  Inhabitants  of  New  Canaan, 
not  knowing  what  they  were,  or  whether 
they  would  be  freindes  or  foes,  and  *  being 




1  This    is  a   confufed,   rambling   ac-     which  took  place  during  the  firft  year 
count  of  the  familiar  Indian  incidents     after  the  landing  at  Plymouth.     There 


244  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

A  Salvage 
fent  an  Am- 
bajfador  to 
the  EtigliJJi 
at  their  firjl- 

defirous  to  purchafe  their  freindfhip  that  hee  might 
have  the  better  Affurance  of  quiet  tradinge  with  them, 
(which  hee  conceived  would  be  very  advantagious  to  him,) 
was  defirous  to  prepare  an  ambaffador,  with  commiffion  to 
treat  on  his  behalfe,  to  that  purpofe ;  and  having  one  that 
had  beene  in  England  (taken  by  a  worthleffe  man *  out  of 
other  partes,  and  after  left  there  by  accident,)  this  Salvage 2 
hee  inftrucled  how  to  behave  himfelfe  in  the  treaty  of 
peace ;  and  the  more  to  give  him  incouragement  to  adven- 
ture his  perfon  amongft  thefe  new  come  inhabitants,  which 
was  a  thinge  hee  durfh  not  himfelfe  attempt  without  fecurity 
or  hoftage,  promifed  that  Salvage  freedome,  who  had  beene 
detained  there  as  theire  Captive :  which  offer  hee  accepted, 
and  accordingly  came  to  the  Planters,  falutinge  them  with 
wellcome  in  the  Englifli  phrafe,  which  was  of  them  admired 
to  heare  a  Salvage  there  fpeake  in  their  owne  language,  and 
ufed  him  great  courtefie :  to  whome  hee  declared  the  caufe 
of  his  comminge,  and  contrived  the  bufineffe  fo  that  hee 
brought  the  Sachem  and  the  Englifli  together,  betweene 
whome  was  a  firme  league  concluded,  which  yet  continueth. 


is  nothing  of  hiftorical  value  in  it,  and 
nothing  which  has  not  been  more  ac- 
curately and  better  told  by  Bradford, 
Winflow,  Mourt  and  Smith. 

1  Captain  Thomas  Hunt,  who  com- 
manded one  of  the  veffels  of  Smith's 
fquadron,  in  his  voyage  of  1614.  (Brad- 
ford, p.  95.) 

2  Morton,  in  this  chapter,  confounds 
Samofet  with  Squanto.  It  was  Squanto 
who  was  kidnapped  by  Hunt  and  had 
been  in  England,  but  it  was  Samofet  who 
walked  into  the  Plymouth  fettlement, 
on   the    26th    of  March  [n.  s.],    1621, 

and  faluted  the  planters  with  "well- 
come  in  the  Englifli  phrafe."  Squanto 
was  a  native  of  Plymouth,  but  Samo- 
fet belonged  at  Pemaquid,  in  Maine. 
(Mourt,  Dexter's  ed.,  note  295,  p.  83.) 
Hence  Morton  fpeaks  of  his  having 
been  detained  by  Maffafoit  as  a  captive. 
He  apparently  came  to  Maffachufetts  the 
year  before  on  Captain  Dermer's  veffel, 
in  company  with  Squanto.  Dr.  Dexter 
.is  ferioufly  in  error  in  his  account  of 
Squanto  in  note  315  of  his  edition  of 
Mourt.  Squanto  could  not  have  been 
one  of  the  Weymouth  captives  of  1605. 

New  Rnglifli  Canaan,  245 

After  which  league  the  Sachem,  being  in  company  with  the 

other  whome  hee   had  freed  and  fuffered  to  live  with  the 

Englifh,  efpijnge  a  place  where  a  hole  had  been  made  in 

the  grounde,  where  was  their  ftore  of  powder  layed  to  be 

preferved  from  danger  of  fire,  (under  ground,)  demaunded  of 

the  Salvage  what  the  Englifh  had  hid  there  under  ground ; 

who  anfwered  the  plague;1    at  which  hee  ftarteled,  TheSackem 

becaufe  of  the  great  mortality  lately  *  happened  by    *  105  pYJgut!* 

meanes  of  the  plague,2  (as  it  is  conceaved,)  and  the 

Salvage,  the  more  to  encreafe  his  feare,  told  the    Sachem 

if  he  fhould  give  offence  to  the  Englifh  party  they  would 

let  out  the  plague  to  defhroy  them  all,  which  kept  him  in 

great  awe.     Not  longe  after,  being  at  varience  with  another 

Sachem  borderinge  upon  his   Territories,  he  came  in  fol- 

emne  manner  and  intreated  the  governour  that  he  would 

let  out  the  plague  to  deftroy  the  Sachem  and  his  men  who 

were  his  enemies,  promifing  that   he  himfelfe  and  all    his 

pofterity  would    be  their  everlalting   freindes,  fo   great   an 

opinion  he  had  of  the  Englifh. 

C  HAP.      I  I  . 

Of  the  entertainement  of  Mr.  Weftons  people  fent  to  fettle  a 

plantation  there. 


After    Thomas   Wefton,3  a  Merchant  of  London  that 
had  been  at  fome  coft  to  further  the  Brethren  of  new 


1    This  is    the    familiar    anecdote  of        2  Seefupra,  133,  note. 
Squanto.      (Bradford,  p.  113 ;  Young's        8  The    molt    conneaed    account    of 
Chron.  0/ Pilg.,  p.  292.)  Thomas  Wefton  and  his  abortive  plan- 


246  New  Englifk  Canaan. 

Plimmouth  in  their  defignes  for  thefe  partes,  fhipped  a  com- 
pany of  Servants,  fitted  with  provition  of  all  forts,  for  the 
undertaking  of  a  Plantation  to  be  fetled  there  ;  with  an 
intent  to  follow  after  them  in  perfon.  Thefe  fervants  at  firfl 
court  holy  arived  at  new  Plimmouth,  where  they  were  entertained  with 
piimmoutk.  court  holy  bread  by  the  Brethren :  they  were  made  very 
wellcome,  in  fhew  at  leaft :  there  thefe  fervants  goodes  were 
landed,  with  promifes  to  be  affifted  in  the  choife  of  a  con- 
venient place ;  and  flill  the  good  cheare  went  forward,  and 
the  ftrong  liquors  walked.  In  the  meane  time  the  Brethren 
were  in  confultation  what  was  belt  for  their  advantage,  ring- 
ing the  fonge,  Frujira  fapit,  qui  Jibi  non  fapit. 
*  106  *  This  plantation  would  hinder  the  prefent  practice 
and  future  profit ;  and  Mafter  Wefton,  an  able  man, 
would  want  for  no  fupplies  upon  the  returne  of  Beaver,  and 
fo  might  be  a  plantation  that  might  keepe  them  under,  who 
had  a  Hope  to  be  the  greateft :  befides  his  people  were  no 
chofen  Seperatifls,  but  men  made  choice  of  at  all  adven- 
tures, fit  to  have  ferved  for  the  furtherance  of  Mafter  Wef- 
tons  undertakinges :  and  that  was  as  much  as  hee  neede  to 
care  for :  ayminge  at  Beaver  principally  for  the  better  effect- 
ing of  his  purpofe.  Now  when  the  Plimmouth  men  began 
to  finde  that  Mafter  Weftons  mens  ftore  of  provition  grew 
fhort  with  feafting,  then  they  hafted  them  to  a  place  called 
Weffagufcus,  in  a  weake  cafe,  and  there  left  them  failing. 

Chapter     III. 

tation   at  Weffaguffet,  already  referred  22.    Winflow in  Young's  Chron.of  Pilgp 

to  (Supra,  2),  is  that  contained  in  Ad-  Bradford,  and  Phinehas  Pratt  (IV.  Mafs. 

ams's  Addrefs  on  the  250//*  Anniverfary  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.)  are  the  original  au- 

of  the  Settlement  of  Weymouth,  pp.  5-  thorities. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  247 

Chap.    III. 

Of  a  Battle  fought  at  the  Maffachuffets,  betweene  the  EngliJJi 

and  the  French} 

THe  Planters  of   Plimmouth,  at  their  laft  being  in  thofe 
parts,  having  defaced  the  monument  of  the  ded  at  Pa- 
fonageflit,  (by  taking  away  the  herfe  Cloath,  which  was  two 
greate    Beares   fkinnes   fowed    together  at  full   length,  and 
propped  up  over  the  grave  of  Chuatawbacks  mother,2)  the 
Sachem    of   thofe   territories,  being   inraged   at   the   fame, 
ftirred  up  his  men  in  his  bee  halfe  to  take  revenge :    and, 
having  gathered  his  men  together,  hee  begins  to  make  an  The  Sachems 
oration  in  this  manner.     When  laft  the  glorious  light 
of  all  the  *  fkey  was  underneath  this  globe,  and  Birds    *  107 
grew  filent,  I  began  to  fettle,  (as  my  cuftome  is,)  to 
take  repofe  ;  before  mine  eies  were  faft  clofed,  mee  thought  Afpirit 

t   morning  the 
•*•   Sachem  to 

1  This  is  a  wholly  confufed  and  mif-  vifit  to  thofe  parts,  prior  to  the  "  battle 
leading  account  of  the  fkirmifh  which  fpoken  of  in  this  chapter,  was  in  No- 
took  place  between  the  Plymouth  party,  vember,  1622  (Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg. 
under  command  of  Miles  Standifh,  and  p.  302),  when  they  got  little  in  the  way 
the  MafTachufetts  Indians  living  near  of  fupplies,  and  heard  nothing  but  com- 
Weffaguflet,  immediately  after  the  kill-  plaints  from  the  Indians  of  Wefton's  peo- 
ing  of  Peckfuot  and  Wituwamat,  in  pie,  who  had  then  been  feveral  months 
March,  1623.  The  correct  account  of  at  Weffaguffet.  It  is  far  more  proba- 
the  affair  is  in  Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  ble  that  thefe  latter  ftripped  the  grave 
p.  341.  Why  Morton  fpeaks  of  it  as  at  Paffonagefht.  In  any  event  there  can 
a  battle  between  the  Englifh  and  the  be  little  doubt  that  Morton  himfelf  had 
French  is  inexplicable.  vifited  the  fpot  while  taking  his  "  furvey 

2  Seefufira,  pp.  11.  162,  170.  The  of  the  country"  during  the  previous 
Plymouth  people  may  have  defpoiled  fummer  (Supra,  6),  and  it  is  quite  clear 
the  grave  of  Chickatawbut's  mother  of  that  the  defpoiling-  the  grave  had  no  con- 
its  bear-fkins  during  fome  one  of  their  ne<5lion  with  the  fubfequent  "  battle,"  in 
earlier  vifits  to  Bofton  Bay.     Their  laft  which  Chickatawbut  took  no  part. 


New  Englijli  Canaan. 

The  grand 

makes  a 

The  maine 

I  faw  a  vifion,  (at  which  my  fpirit  was  much  troubled,)  and, 
trembling  at  that  dolefull  fight,  a  fpirit  cried  aloude  behold, 
my  fonne,  whom  I  have  cherifht,  fee  the  papps  that  gave 
thee  fuck,  the  hands  that  lappd  thee  warme  and  fed  thee 
oft,  canft  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of  thofe  uild  people 
that  hath  my  monument  defaced  in  defpitefull  manner,  dif- 
daining  our  ancient  antiquities  and  honourable  Cuftomes  ? 
See  now  the  Sachems  grave  lies  like  unto  the  common  peo- 
ple of  ignoble  race,  defaced ;  thy  mother  doth  complaine, 
implores  thy  aide  againft  this  theevifh  people  new  come 
hether;  if  this  be  fuffered  I  fhall  not  reft  in  quiet  within 
my  everlafting  habitation.  This  faid,  the  fpirit  vanifhed ; 
and  I,  all  in  a  fweat,  not  able  fcarce  to  fpeake,  began  to 
gett  fome  ftrength,  and  recollect  my  fpirits  that  were  fled : 
all  which  I  thought  to  let  you  underftand,  to  have  your 
Councell,  and  your  aide  likewife ;  this  being  fpoken,  ftraight 
way  arofe  the  grand  Captaine  and  cried  aloud,  come,  let  us 
to  Armes,  it  doth  concerne  us  all,  let  us  bid  them  Battaile ; 
fo  to  Armes  they  went,  and  laid  weight  for  the  Plimmouth 
boate  ;  and,  forceinge  them  to  forfake  their  landinge  place, 
they  feeke  another  befl  for  their  convenience  ;  thither  the 
Salvages  repaire,  in  hope  to  have  the  like  fucceffe ;  but  all 
in  vaine,  for  the  Englifh  Captaine  warily  forefaw,  and,  per- 
ceavinge  their  plot,  knew  the  better  how  to  order  his  men 

fit  for  Battaile  in  that  place  ;  hee,  bouldly  leading  his 
*  108    men    on,  rainged   about    the  feild  to  and  fro*  and, 

taking  his  beft  advantage,  lets  fly,  and  makes  the 
Salvages  give  ground :  the  Englifh  followed  them  fiercely 
on,  and  made  them  take  trees  for  their  flielter,  (as  their 
cuflome  is,)  from  whence  their  Captaine  let  flie  a  maine ;  yet 


New  Englifli  Canaan,  249 

no  man  was  hurt ;  at  laft,  lifting  up  his  right  arm  to  draw 

a  fatall   fhaft,  (as  hee  then  thought  to  end  this  difference), 

received    a   fhott   upon  his  elbow,1  and  ftraight  way  fled; 

by  whofe    example   all    the   army  followed   the   fame  way, 

and  yealded  up  the  honor  of  the  day  to  the  Englifli  party;  TkefeUd 

who  were  fuch  a  terror  to  them  after  that  the  Salvages  durft  wEZgu$.  * 

never  make  to  a  head  againft  them  any  more. 

Chap.     IV. 

Of  a  Parliament  held  at  WeJJagufcus,  and  the  Acles. 

M  After  Weftons  Plantation  beinge  fetled  at  Weffagufcus, 
his  Servants,  many  of  them  lazy  perfons  that  would  Some  lazy 
ufe  no  endeavour  to  take  the  benefit  of  the  Country,  fome 
of  them  fell  ficke  and  died. 

One  amongft  the  reft,  an  able  bodied  man  that  ranged  a  tujiy 
the  woodes  to  fee  what  it  would  afford,  lighted  by  accident -^  ow' 
on  an  Indian  barne,  and  from  thence  did  take  a  capp  full  of 
corne ;  the  Salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by  the  foote  fome 
Englifli  had  bin  there,  came  to  the  Plantation,  and  made 
complaint  after  this   manner. 

*  The  cheife  Commander  of  the  Company  one  this    *  109  Apoorecom- 
occation  called   a   Parliament  of  all  his   people,  but  Edward 

thofe  that  were  ficke  and  ill  at  eafe.     And  wifely  now  they  5«^/*^. 

muff.  Ma*de  a 

hainous  fa<fl. 

1  "  Infomuch  as  our  men  could  have  who,    together  with   another  both  dif- 

but  one  certain  mark,  and  then  but  the  charged  at  once  at  him,  and  brake  his 

arm  and  half  face  of  a  notable  villain,  as  arm."  (Young's  Chron.  ofPilg.,  p.  341-) 
he  drew  [his  bow]  at  Captain  Standifh  ; 

250  New  Englifh  Canaan, 

muft  confult  upon  this  huge  complaint,  that  a  privy  knife  or 
ftringe  of  beades  would  well  enough  have  qualified ;  and 
Edward  Iohnson  was  a  fpetiall  judge  of  this  bufinefle;  the 
facl  was  there  in  repetition  ;  conftruclion  made  that  it  was 
fellony,  and  by  the  Lawes  of  England  punifhed  with  death  ; 
and  this  in  execution  muft  be  put  for  an  example,  and  like- 
wife  to  appeafe  the  Salvage  :  when  ftraight  wayes  one  arofe, 
mooved  as  it  were  with  fome  companion,  and  faid  hee  could 
not  well  gaine  fay  the  former  fentence,  yet  hee  had  con- 
ceaved  within  the  compaffe  of  his  braine  an  Embrion  that 
was  of  fpetiall  confequence  to  be  delivered  and  cherifhed  ; 
hee  faid  that  it  would  moft  aptly  ferve  to  pacifie  the  Salv- 
ages complaint,  and  fave  the  life  of  one  that  might,  (if  neede 
mould  be,)  (land  them  in  fome  good  fteede,  being  younge 
and  ftronge,  fit  for  refinance  againft  an  enemy,  which  might 
come  unexfpecled  for  any  thinge  they  knew.  The  Oration 
made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  hee  intreated  to  proceede 
to  (hew  the  meanes  how  this  may  be  performed :  fayes  hee, 
a  fine  device,  you  all  agree  that  one  muft  die,  and  one  mall  die;  this 
younge  mans  cloathes  we  will  take  of,  and  put  upon  one 
that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  fickly  perfon  that  cannot  efcape 
death,  fuch  is  the  difeafe  one  him  confirmed  that  die  hee 
muft;  put  the  younge  mans  cloathes  on  this  man,  and  let 
the  fick  perfon  be  hanged  in  the  others  fteede  :  Amen  fayes 

one ;  and  fo  fayes  many  more. 
*no        *  And  this    had   like  to  have   prooved  their  finall 

fentence,  and,  being  there  confirmed  by  Acl  of  Par- 
liament, to  after  ages  for  a  Prefident :  But  that  one  with  a 
ravenus  voyce  begunne  to  croake  and  bellow  for  revenge ; 
and  put  by  that  conclufive  motion,  alledging  fuch  deceipts 


A  wife  Sen 

To  hange  a 
fick  man  in 
the  others 

New  Englifh  Canaan. 


might  be  a  meanes  hereafter  to  exafperate  the  mindes  of 
the  complaininge  Salvages,  and  that  by  his  death  the  Salv- 
ages mould  fee  their   zeale  to  Iuftice ;   and    therefore  hee  very  fit 
mould  die  :  this  was  concluded  ;   yet  nevertheleffe  a  fcruple  IuJltce' 
was    made ;    now  to  countermaund  this   act,  did   reprefent 
itfelfe  unto  their  mindes,  which  was,  how  they  mould  doe  to 
get  the  mans  good  wil  ?    this  was  indeede  a  fpetiall  obftacle : 
for  without  that,  they  all  agreed  it  would  be  dangerous  for  a  dangerous 
any  man  to  attempt  the  execution  of  it,  left  mifcheife  mould    am**m 
befall  them  every  man ;  hee  was  a  perfon  that  in  his  wrath 
did  feeme  to  be  a  fecond  Sampfon,  able  to  beate  out  their 
branes  with  the  jawbone  of  an  Affe  :    therefore  they  called  le/Hng 
the  man,  and  by  perfwation  got  him  faft  bound  in  jeft ;  and  SS/* 
then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  good  earneft,1  who  with  a 


1  This  is  the  famous  Weffaguffet 
hanging  which  Butler  introduced  into 
his  poem  of  Hudibras  (Canto  II.  lines 
409-36),  in  the  paffage  already  referred 
to  {Supra,  96).    It  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  Our  Brethren  of  New-England  ufe 
Choice  malefactors  to  excufe, 
And  hang  the  Guiltlefs  in  their  flead, 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  lefs  need  ; 
As  lately  't  happen'd  :     In  a  town 
There  liv'd  a  Cobler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  Doclrine  could  cut  Ufe, 
And  mend  men's  lives  as  well  as  fhoes. 
This  precious  Brother  having  (lain, 
In  times  of  peace  an  Indian, 
(Not  out  of  malice,  but  mere  zeal, 
Becaufe  he  was  an  Infidel), 
The  mighty  Tottipottymoy 
Sent  to  our  Elders  an  envoy, 
Complaining  ibrely  of  the  breach 
Of  league  held  forth  by  Brother  Patch, 
Againit  the  articles  in  force 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours, 

For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang  th'  offender; 
But  they  maturely  having  weigh'd 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  th'  trade, 
(A  man  that  ferved  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  teach  and  cobble), 
Refolv'd  to  fpare  him ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hoghan  Moghan  too 
Impartial  juflice,  in  his  ftead  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  bed  rid." 

That  a  man  was  hung  at  WefTaguffet, 
in  March  1623,  for  ftealing  corn  from 
the  Indians,  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
There  is  equally  little  doubt  that  it  was 
the  real  thief  who  was  hung.  (Pratt's 
Relation,  iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  iv. 
p.  491  ;  Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  332 ; 
Bradford,  p.  130.)  I  have  already  {Su- 
pra, 96)  given  my  own  theory  as  to  how 
the  incident  came  to  take  the  fhape  it 
did  in  Butler's  poem.  He  wrote,  I 
think,  from  a  vague  recollection  of  an 


252  New  Englifli  Canaan, 

weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  thofe  wife  judges 

of  this  Parliament  to  a  pittifull  non  plus,  (as  it  hath  beene 

credibly  reported,)  and   made  the  cheife 

Iudge  of  them  all  buckell  to 




*Chap.     V. 

Of  a  Maffacre  made  upon  the  Salvages  at  Weffagufcus. 



Fter  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  fome  of  the  plantation 
there,  about  three  perfons,1  went  to  live  with  Checa- 
Good quarters  tawback  and  his  company ;  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for  all 

with  the  Sal-  .  -, 


ever,  to  have  myfelf  ever  met  this  partic- 
ular charge  among  the  many  and  lingular 
charges,  much  more  abfurd,  which  Eng- 
lifli writers  have  from  time  to  time  grave- 
ly advanced  againft  America.  In  Uring's 
Voyages  (p.  116-8)  there  is  a  lingular 
account  of  a  fimilar  vicarious  execution, 
which  never  could  have  met  the  eye  of 
the  author  of  Hudibras,  inafmuch  as  it 
was  not  publifhed  until  1726;  but  it 
fhows  that  either  fome  fuch  event  did 
take  place,  or  that  its  having  taken 
place  was  at  one  period  a  ftock  travel- 

1  Three  of  Wefton's  company  were 
among  the  Maffachufetts  Indians  at  the 
time  of  the  Weffaguffet  killing  ;  one  of 
the  three  had  before  domefticated  him- 
felf  with  them  ;  the  other  two,  difre- 
garding  Standifh's  orders,  had  ftraggled 
off,  the  day  before  the  maffacre,  to  a 
neighboring  Indian  village.  After  the 
maffacre  the  favages  put  all  three  to 
death  by  torture.  (Pratt's  Narrative, 
iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  p.  486  ; 
Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  344.) 

amufing  traveller's-ftory,  which  he  had 
heard  told  fomewhere  years  before. 
There  is  no  reafon  to  fuppofe  that  he 
had  ever  feen  the  New  Canaan. 

It  has  always  been  affumed  that  But- 
ler's verfion  of  the  affair,  —  the  vicari- 
ous execution  verfion,  —  coming  out  as 
it  did  in  1664,  at  a  period  of  violent 
reaction  againft  Puritanifm,  and  when 
the  New  England  colonies  were  in  ex- 
treme popular  disfavor,  —  obtained  a 
foothold  in  Englifh  popular  tradition ; 
much  fuch  a  foothold,  in  fact,  as  the 
Connecticut  Blue  Laws.  It  was  an  in- 
tangible fomething,  always  at  hand  to 
be  caft  as  a  mocking  reproach  in  the 
face  of  a  fanftimonious  community.  As 
fuch  it  was  fure  to  be  refented  and  dif- 
proved  ;  but  never  by  any  difproof  could 
it  be  exorcifed  from  the  popular  mind, 
or  finally  fet  at  reft.  This  may  have 
been  the  cafe,  and  the  references  to  the 
matter  in  Hutchinfon  (vol.  i.  p.  6,  note), 
in  Hubbard  (p.  77),  and  in  Grahame 
(Ed.  1845,  vol.  i.  p.  202,  note),  certainly 
look  that  way.    I  do  not  remember,  how- 

New  Englijli  Canaan.  253 

the  former  quarrell  with  the  Plimmouth  planters :  they  are 
not  like  Will  Sommers,1  to  take  one  for  another.     There 
they  purpofed  to  flay  untill  Mafler  Weftons  arrivall :  but  the 
Plimmouth  men,  intendinge  no  good  to  him,  (as  appered  by 
the  confequence,)  came  in  the  meane  time  to  Weffagufcus,  a  piottfrom 
and  there  pretended  to  feaft  the  Salvages  of  thofe  partes,  Plimnmuh- 
bringing  with    them    Porke   and   thinges   for  the  purpofe, 
which  they  fett  before  the  Salvages.      They  eate  thereof 
without  fufpition  of  any  mifcheife,  who  were  taken  upon  a 
watchword   given,  and   with    their   owne    knives,  (hanging  salvages 
about  their  neckes,)  were  by  the  Plimmouth  planters  ftabd  fSZT 
and  flaine :   one  of  which  were  hanged  up  there,  after  the  weaPons- 

In  the  meane  time  the  Sachem  had  knowledge  of  this  acci-  News  car- 
dent,  by  one  that  ranne  to  his  Countrymen,  at  the  Maffachuf- 
fets,  and  gave  them  intelligence  of  the  newes ;  after  which 
time  the  Salvages  there,  confultinge  of  the  matter,  in  the 


1  Will  Sommers  was  the  famous  jeft-  probably  the  one  Morton  had  in  mind, 

er  and  court  fool  of  Henry  VIII.     His  Oates  is  reprefented  as  giving  an  earl, 

witticifms  are  frequently  met  with  in  the  the  gueft  of    his  patron,    Sir   William 

plays  and  annals  of  the  period  ;  and  the  Hollis,  "  a  found  box  on  the  ear,"  for 

portrait,  faid  to  be  by  Holbein  and  of  faluting  Lady  Hollis,  and  then  excufed 

him,  looking  through  a  window  and  tap-  himfelf  on  the  ground  of  "  knowing  not 

ping  on  the  glafs,  was  formerly  a  prom-  your  eare  from  your  hand,  being  fo  like 

inent  feature  in  the  gallery  at  Hampton  one   another."     (Doran's    Court  Fools, 

Court.      It   is  very  queftionable,  how-  p.  182.)    Remembering  this  ftory  in  the 

ever,  whether  the   ftory  alluded   to   in  Nejl  of  Ninnies,  Morton,  with  his  well- 

the    text   belongs    to    Sommers.      He  developed  faculty  for  getting  everything 

had   been   dead  eighty  years   or  more  wrong,  feems  to  have  fathered  it  on  the 

when    Morton   wrote,    and   the   ftories  moft  famous  and  popular  of  the  occu- 

connecled   with    him   had   been  gotten  pants  of  the  Nefl. 

together  by  Armin,  and  printed  in  his         2  For  the  detailed  account  of  the  Wef- 

Nejl  of  Ninnies,  in    1608.     This  book  faguffet  killing,  fee  Winflow's  Relation 

Morton  had  probably  feen.     In  it  there  in  Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  pp.  336-41  ; 

is  a  ftory  of  another  famous  fool,  Jack  Adams's  250M   Anniverfary   of  IVey- 

Oates,   of  an   earlier  period,  which  is  mouth,  pp.  18-22. 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

A  revenge. 

7 Vie  Salvages 
call  the  Eng- 
UJJi  cut- 

night,  (when  the  other  Englifh  feareles  of  danger  were  a 
fleepe,)  knockt  them  all  in  the  head,  in  revenge  of  the 
*ii2  death  of  their  *  Countrymen :  but  if  the  Plimmouth 
Planters  had  really  intended  good  to  Mafter  Wefton, 
or  thofe  men,  why  had  they  not  kept  the  Salvages  alive  in 
Cuftody,  untill  they  had  fecured  the  other  Englifh  ?  Who, 
by  meanes  of  this  evill  mannaginge  of  the  bufmeffe,  loft 
their  lives,  and  the  whole  plantation  was  diffolved  there- 
upon ;  as  was  likely,  for  feare  of  a  revenge  to  follow,  as  a 
relatione  to  this  cruell  antecedent ;  and  when  Mafter  Wefton 
came  over  hee  found  thinges  at  an  evill  exigent,  by  meanes 
thereof :    But  could  not  tell  how  it  was  brought  about. 

The  Salvages  of  the  Maffachuffets,  that  could  not  imagine 
from  whence  thefe  men  fhould  come,  or  to  what  end,  feeing 
them  performe  fuch  unexpected  actions  ;  neither  could  tell 
by  what  name  properly  to  diftinguifh  them  ;  did  from  that 
time  afterwards  call  the  Englifh  Planters  Wotawquenange,1 
which  in  their  language  fignifieth  ftabbers,  or  Cutthroates  : 
and  this  name  was  received  by  thofe  that  came  there  after 
for  good,  being  then  unacquainted  with  the  fignification 
of  it,  for  many  yeares  following ;  untill,  from  a  Southerly 
Indian  that  underftood  Englifh  well,  I  was  by  demonftration 
made  to  conceave  the  interpretation  of  it,  and  rebucked  thefe 
other  that  it  was  not  forborne  :  The  other  callinge  us  by 
the  name  of  Wotoquanfawge,  what  that  doth  fignifie,  hee 


■ a  Mr.  Trumbull,  in  a  note  (125)  to  Wil-  watitacone-ndaog  of  Williams.  This, 
liams's  Key  (p.  59),  explains  a  blunder  Morton  confounded  with  another  name 
here  made  by  Morton.  The  correct  for  Englifhmen,  chauquaqock,  mean- 
word  is  wotawquenauge.  which  means  ing,  "knife-  [i.e.,  fword-]  men,"  which 
"coat-men,"  or  men  wearing  clothes,  the  he  underftood  to  mean  "  cut-throats." 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  255 

faid,  hee  was  not  able  by  any  demonftration    to  expreffe; 

and  my  neighbours  durft  no  more,  in  my  hearinge,  call  us 

by  the  name  formerly  ufed,  for  feare  of  my 


*Chap.     VI.  *  113 

Of  the  furprizinge  of  a  Merchants  Shipp  in  Plimmouth 


THis  Merchant,  a  man  of  worth,  arrivinge  in  the  parts  TheMer- 
of  New  Canaan  and  findinge  that  his  Plantation  was  sjJJgJT' 
diffolved,  fome  of  his  men  flaine,  fome  dead  with  licknes, 
and  the  reft  at  Plimmouth,  hee  was  perplexed  in  his  minde 
about  the  matter ;  comminge  as  hee  did  with  fupply,  and 
meanes  to  have  rafed  their  fortunes  and  his  one  exceedingly : 
and  feeinge  what  had  happened  refolved  to  make  fome  flay 
in  the  Plimmouth  harbour.1  And  this  futed  to  their  pur- 
pofe ;    wherefore  the    Brethren  did  congratulate  with  him 


1  Wefton,  in  1622,  got  into  ferious  a  companion  or  two,  in  an  open  boat, 
trouble  with  the  Englifh  government,  in  for  Maffachufetts  Bay.  He  was  wrecked 
regard  to  fome  ordnance  and  military  near  the  mouth  of  the  Merrimac,  and 
(tores,  which  he  had  obtained  a  licenfe  barely  efcaped  with  his  life.  The  fav- 
to  fend  to  New  England,  and  had  then  ages  there  ftripped  him  to  his  fhirt,  and 
fold  to  the  French,  with  whom  the  Eng-  in  this  plight  he  reached  Thomfon's 
lifli  were  at  war.  (Bradford,  p.  150.)  He  plantation  at  Pifcataqua.  Thence  he 
feems  to  have  been  in  hiding  in  confe-  found  his  way  to  Plymouth,  arriving 
quence  of  this  tranfaftion  ;  and  early  in  there,  not  as  Morton  fays,  "  with  fupply 
1623  went  on  board  of  one  of  the  fifh-  and  means  to  have  raifed  [his  compa- 
ing-veffels  in  the  difguife  of  a  black-  ny's]  fortunes,"  but  in  abfolute  deftitu- 
fmith,  and  came  out  in  her  to  the  fta-  tion.  Bradford's  account  of  his  recep- 
tions on  the  Maine  coaft.  There  he  tion  and  of  what  enfued  (pp.  133-4,  149 
muft  have  learned  of  the  extreme  ftraits,  -53)  is  very  different  from  that  given 
if  not  of  the  abandonment,  of  his  planta-  in  the  text;  and,  it  is  hardly  neceffary 
tion  at  Weffaguffet,  and  he  fet  out,  with  to  add,  reads  much  more  like  the  truth. 


New  Rngli/Ji  Canaan. 

A  glojfe  upon 
the  falfe  text. 

Where  two 
nations  meet 
one  vuijl  rule 
the  other 
mujl  be  ru- 
led or  no 

at  his  fafe  arrivall,  and  their  beft  of  entertainement  for  a 
fwetning  caft,  deploring  the  difafter  of  his  Plantation,  and 
lozing  upon  the  text,  alledging  the  mifcheivous  intent  of 



the  Salvages  there,  which  by  freindly  intelligence  of  their 
neighbours  was  difcovered  before  it  came  to  be  full  fummed : 
fo  that  they  loft  not  all,  allthough  they  faved  not  all :  and 
this  they  pretended  to  proceede  from  the  Fountaine  of  love 
and  zeale  to  him  and  Chriftianity,  and  to  chaftife  the  info- 
lency  of  the  Salvages,  of  which  that  part  had  fome  danger- 
ous perfons.  And  this,  as  an  article  of  the  new  creede 
of  Canaan,  would  they  have  received  of  every  new  com- 
mer  there  to  inhabit,   that    the   Salvages  are   a  dangerous 

people,  fubtill,  fecreat  and  mifcheivous ;  and  that  it 
114    is  dangerous  to  live  feperated,  but  *  rather  together: 

and  fo  be  under  their  Lee,  that  none  might  trade  for 
Beaver,  but  at  their  pleafure,  as  none  doe  or  fhall  doe  there  : 
nay  they  will  not  be  reduced  to  any  other  fong  yet  of  the 
Salvages  to  the  fouthward  of  Plimmouth,  becaufe  they 
would  have  none  come  there,  fayinge  that  hee  that  will  fit 
downe  there  muff,  come  ftronge :  but  I  have  found  the 
Maffachuffets  Indian  more  full  of  humanity  then  the  Chrif- 
tians  ;  and  haue  had  much  better  quarter  with  them  ;  yet  I 
obferved  not  their  humors,  but  they  mine ;  althoug  my 
great  number  that  I  landed  were  diffolved,  and  my  Com- 
pany as  few  as  might  be  : x  for  I  know  that  this  falls  out 
infallibly  where  two  Nations  meete,  one  muft  rule  and  the 
other  be  ruled,  before  a  peace  can  be  hoped  for :  and  for  a 
Chriftian  to  fubmit  to  the  rule  of  a  Salvage,  you  will  fay, 


1  Supra,  14. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  257 

is  both  fhame  and  difhonor :    at  leaft  it  is  my  opinion,  and 

my  practife  was  accordingly,  and  I  have  the  better  quarter 

by  the   meanes    thereof.      The   more    Salvages    the   better 

quarter,  the  more  Chriftians  the  worfer  quarter,  I  found ;  as 

all  the  indifferent  minded  Planters  can  teftifie.    Now,  whiles 

the   Merchant  was  ruminatinge  on  this  mifhapp,  the  Plim- 

mouth  Planters  perceivinge  that  hee  had  furnifhed  himfelfe 

with  excellent  Commodities,  fit  for  the  Merchandife  of  the  a  Mackivdi 

Country,  (and  holding  it  good  to  fifli  in  trobled  waters,  and  pc 

fo  get  a  fnatch  unfeene,)  praclifed  in  fecret  with  fome  other 

in  the  land,  whom  they  thought  apt  to  imbrace  the  benefit  The  Vaiie. 

of  fuch  a  cheat,  and  it  was  concluded  and  refolved  upon  that 

all  this  ihipp   and  goodes  fliould   be  confiscated,  for   bufi- 

neffe  done  by  him,  the  Lord  knowes  when,  or  where : 1 

*a  letter  muft  be  framed  to  them,  and  handes  unto    *  115 

it,  to  be  there  warrant ;    this  fliould  fhadow  them. 


1  The  incident  here  alluded  to  was  veflel  in  the  courfe  of  the  following  fum- 
the  feizure  of  the  Swan,  under  a  war-  mer,  and  recovered  poileffion  of  her. 
rant  ilTued  by  Captain  Robert  Gorges,  He  then  began  to  trade  along  the  coaft. 
acting  as  Lieutenant  of  the  Council  for  Meanwhile,  in  September,  Captain  Rob- 
New  England,  in  November,  1623.  The  ert  Gorges  arrived,  and  immediately  fet 
Swan  was  a  fmall  veffel  of  30  tons  out  to  look  for  Wefton,  in  order  to  call 
meafurement,  which  Wefton  had  fent  him  to  account  for  the  ordnance  tranf- 
out  with  his  expedition,  in  1622.  His  aclions  referred  to  in  the  preceding  note, 
plan  was,  when  the  larger  veffel  —  the  and  alfo  for  the  diforderly  conduct  of  his 
Charity,  in  which  his  company  went  people  at  Weffaguffet  during  the  previ- 
out  —  returned  to  England,  to  have  the  ous  winter.  Starting  for  the  eafhvard, 
Swan  remain  in  New  England,  to  be  he  was  driven  into  Plymouth  Harbor  by 
ufed  for  trading  purpofes.  Accordingly,  heavy  weather,  and  while  he  was  lying 
all  through  the  winter  of  1622-3,  it  had  there  the  Swan  made  its  appearance 
been  at  Weffaguffet,  except  when  em-  with  Wefton  on  board.  Bradford's  ac- 
ployed  by  the  people  there  in  obtaining  count  of  what  enfued.  including  the  feiz- 
iupplies  in  connection  with  the  Ply-  ure  of  the  veffel,  differs  toto  ca>lo  from 
mouth  people.  When,  in  March,  1623,  that  in  the  text.  He  fays  that  Captain 
Weffaguffet  was  abandoned,  the  com-  Robert  Gorges,  acting  as  governor- 
pany  went  in  the  Swan  to  the  Maine  general  under  his  commiffion  from  the 
liihing-ftations.  Here  Wefton  found  the  Council  for  New  England,  at  once  organ- 

258  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

SJiipp  and 
goodes  con- 

That  is  the  firft  praclife ;  they  will  infane  a  man,  and  then 
pretend  that  Iuftice  muft  be  clone.  They  caufe  the  Mer- 
chant (fecure)  to  come  a  fhore,  and  then  take  him  in  hold, 
mewing  they  are  compelled  unto  it  legally,  and  enter  ftrait 
abord,  perufe  the  Cargazowne,  and  then  deliver  up  the 
Charge  of  her  to  their  Confederates :  and  how  much  leffe 
this  is  then  Piraty,  let  any  practife  in  the  Admiralty  be 
judge.  The  Merchant,  his  fhipp  and  goodes  confiscated, 
himfelfe  a  prifoner  and  threatned  fo  to  be  fent  and  conveyed 
to  England,  there  to  receave  the  fomme  of  all  that  did 
belonge  to  him  a  malefactor,  (and  a  great  one  to) ;  this  hee, 
good  man,  indured  with  patience  longe  time,  untill  the  belt. 


ized  a  fort  of  a  court,  —he,  Bradford, 
acting  as  an  affiftant  in  it,  —  and  proceed- 
ed to  arraign  and  try  Wefton.  As  a  refult 
of  the  whole  proceedings  Gorges  threat- 
ened to  fend  Wefton  under  arreft  back 
to  England.  Through  the  interceffion  of 
Bradford,  however,  he  was  mollified, 
and  finally  Wefton  was  releafed  on  his 
own  promife  to  appear  when  called  for. 
Gorges  then  went  to  Weffaguffet,  leav- 
ing Wefton  with  the  Swan  at  Plymouth. 
After  a  time  Gorges  feems  to  have  con- 
cluded that  it  would  be  very  convenient 
for  him  to  have  control  of  the  Swan,  at 
any  rate  for  that  winter.  Accordingly 
he  fent  a  warrant  to  Plymouth  for  its 
feizure  and  the  arreft  of  Wefton.  Brad- 
ford, not  liking  this  proceeding,  took 
fome  exception  to  the  warrant,  and  re- 
fufed  to  allow  it  to  be  ferved.  At  the 
fame  time  it  was  intimated  to  Weflon 
that  he  had  better  take  himfelf  and  his 
veffel  off.  This  lie  would  not  do.  Ap- 
parently his  crew  was  mutinous  and 
unruly,  their  wages  being  long  in  ar- 
rears, and  the  Swan  deftitute  of  fup- 
plies.  He  feems  to  have  looked  upon 
arreft  and  feizure  as  (he  beft  way  out  of 

his  difficulties.  Prefently  a  new  warrant 
came  from  Gorges,  and  both  veffel  and 
prifoner  were  removed  to  Weffaguffet. 
This  was  in  November.  There  they 
paffed  the  winter  of  [623-4.  Towards 
fpring  Gorges  went  in  the  Swan  to  the 
eaftward,  Wefton  accompanying  him, 
apparently  as  a  pilot.  The  tidings  re- 
ceived there  led  the  difappointed  young 
Lieutenant  of  the  Council  to  decide  on 
immediately  returning  to  England.  Ac- 
cordingly he  came  back  to  Weffaguffet, 
and  thence  went  probably  to  the  fifhing- 
ftations,  very  poffibly  in  the  Swan. 
Before  leaving  he  effected  fome  fort  of 
a  fettlement  with  Wefton,  —  Bradford 
intimates  much  to  the  advantage  of  the 
latter,  —  who  was  releafed  from  arreft, 
had  his  veffel  reftored  to  him,  and  was 
compenfated  for  whatever  lofs  he  had 
fuftained.  Wefton  thereupon  reappeared 
at  Plymouth,  and  thence  went  to  Vir- 
ginia. He  feems  to  have  traded  along 
the  coaft  for  fome  years,  but  finally 
drifted  back  to  England,  where  in  1645 
he  died,  at  Briftol,  of  the  plague.  (Brad- 
ford, pp.  140-53.  Young's  Chron.  of 
Pilg.,  pp.  296-8,  302.) 

New  Englijli  Canaan.  259 

of  all  his  goodes  were  quite  difperfed,  and  every  actor  [had]  when  every 
his    proportion ;    the    Merchant    was    [then]    inlarged ;    his  had  hhjLre 
fhipp,   a    burthen  to  the   owner  now,  his  undertakinges  in  #£**?  e' 
thefe  partes  beinge  quite  overthrowne,  was  redelivered,  and  asame- 
bondes   of   him  were    taken    not   to  profecute :    hee,  being  Bonds  taken 
ereived  hereat,  betakes  him  to  drive  a  trade  betweene  that  %te.°      * 
and  Virginea  many  yeares.     The  brethren,  (fharpe  witted,) 
had  it  fpread  by  and  by  amongft  his  freinds  in  England,  that  Report  Mr. 

r-  ill*  r        1  ii*       Wejion  was 

the    man   was  mad.     So   thought  his  wife,  fo  thought    his  mad  in  A^ew 

other  freindes  that  had  it  from  a  Planter  of  the  Towne.     So  1 

was  it  thought  of  thofe,  that  did  not   know  the    Brethren 

could  diffemble  :   why,  thus  they  are  all  of  them  honeft  men  iionejimcn 

in  their  particular,  and  every  man,  beinge  bound  to  feeke  Tar!1' 

anothers    good,    fhall    in   the   generall    doe    the    beft    hee 

can  to  effect  it,  and  fo  they  may  be  excufed  I  thinke. 

*Chap.     VII.  *n6 

Of    Thomas   Mortons   entertainement    at   Plimmouth,   and 
caftinge  away  upon   an   I/land? 

THis  man  arrived  in  thofe  parts,  and,  hearing  newes  of  a 
Towne  that  was  much  praifed,  he  was  delirous  to  goe 

thither,  and  fee  how  thinges  flood  ;  where  his  entertainement  Brave  enter- 
tainement in 

WaS  a  wildernes. 

1  This  chapter  relates  to  incidents  of  of  another.     The  only  time  when  "  35 

no  apparent  confequence,  and  of  which  ftout  knaves  "  were  landed,  at  all  in  the 

there  is  no  other  record.     It  is  not  eafy  way  defcribed,  at  Plymouth,  was  in  July, 

even  to  fix  the  time  at  which  they  oc-  1622,  when  the  Charity  brought  in  there 

curred,  and  it  would  feem  as  if  Morton,  Wefton's  company.    Yet  Morton  fpeaks 

in    his    rambling,  incoherent  way,   had  of  there  then  being   "  three  cows  "   at 

confufed  the  events  of  one  year  with  thofe  Plymouth,    which    would    indicate   that 


260  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

The  m  canes. 

Booke  lear- 
ning defpifed. 

was  their  beft,  I  dare  be  bould  to  fay :  for,  although  they 
had  but  3.  Cowes  in  all,1  yet  had  they  frefh  butter  and  a 
fallet  of  egges  in  dainty  wife,  a  difh  not  common  in  a  wilder- 
nes.  There  hee  beftowed  fome  time  in  the  furvey  of  this 
plantation.  His  new  come  fervants,  in  the  meane  time, 
were  tane  to  tafke,  to  have  their  zeale  appeare,  and  quef- 
tioned  what  preacher  was  among  their  company ;  and  find- 
ing none,  did  feeme  to  condole  their  eftate  as  if  undone, 
becaufe  no  man  among  them  had  the  guift  to  be  in  Ionas 
fteade,  nor  they  the  meanes  to  keepe  them  in  that  path  fo 
hard  to  keepe. 

Our  Mafter,  fay  they,  reacles  the  Bible  and  the  word  of 
God,  and  ufeth  the  booke  of  common  prayer:  but  this  is  not 
the  meanes,  the  anfwere  is  :  the  meanes,  they  crie,  alas, 
poore  Soules  where  is  the  meanes  ?  you  feeme  as  if  betrayed, 
to  be  without  the  meanes  :  how  can  you  be  flayed  from  fall- 
inge  headlonge  to  perdition?  Facilis  defcenfus  avemi : 2  the 
booke  of  common  prayer,  fayd  they,  what  poore  thinge  is 
that,  for  a  man  to  reade  in  a  booke  ?     No,  no,  good   firs,  I 

would  you  were  neere  us,  you  might  receave  comfort 
117    by  m^ftruclion :    give  me  a  man  hath  the  guiftes  of 

the  fpirit,  not  a  booke  in  hand.     I  doe  profeffe  fayes 



Morton's  arrival,  referred  to  in  the  text, 
was  not  in  July  1622,  but  at  fome  time 
fubfequent  to  the  fpring  of  1624,  when 
Winllow  brought  over  "three  heifers 
and  a  bull,  the  firft  beginning  of  any 
cattle  of  that  kind  in  the  land."  (Brad- 
ford, p.  15S.)  Yet  Wefton,  again,  had 
no  "barque"  at  Plymouth  after  1623. 
The  chapter  feems  to  have  been  intro- 
duced limply  for  the  purpofc  of  working 

on  the  church  prejudices  of  Laud  againft 
the  Puritans.  (Seefufira,  93-4.)  There 
is  in  it  a  combination  of  "  the  booke  of 
common  prayer  "  and  "  claret  fparklinge 
neatc,"  which  is  fuggeftive  of  the  Book 
of  Sports  as  well  as  of  "  the  Word  of 

1  Bradford,  p.  158. 

2  Facilis  defcenfus  Averno.     jEncid, 
vi.  127. 

New  Rnglifli  Canaan.  261 

one,  to  live  without  the  meanes  is  dangerous,  the  Lord  doth 

By  thefe  infinuations,  like  the   Serpent,  they  did  creepe 
and  winde  into  the  good  opinion  of  the  illiterate  multitude, 
that  were  defirous  to  be  freed  and  gone  to  them,  no  doubdt, 
(which  fome  of  them  after  confeffed) ;  and  little  good  was  to 
be  done  one  them  after  this  charme  was  ufed  :  now  plotts  and 
factions  how  they  might  get  loofe :   and  here  was  fome  35. 
ftout  knaves ;  and  fome  plotted  how  to  fteale  Mafter  Weftons 
barque,  others,  exafperated  knavifhly  to  worke,  would  prac-  vuianous 
tife  how  to  gett  theire  Mafter  to  an  Ifland,  and  there  leave  knaves. 
him;   which  hee  had  notice  of,  and  fitted  him  to  try  what 
would   be  done ;   and   fteps   aborde    his   fhallop  bound  for 
Cape  Anne,   to    the    Maffachuffets,  with    an    Hogfhead   of 
Wine ;  Sugar  hee  tooke  along,  the  Sailes  hoift  up,  and  one 
of  the  Confpirators  aboard  to  fteere  ;  who  in  the  mid  way  pre- 
tended foule  weather  at  the  harboure  mouth,  and  therefore, 
for  a  time,  hee  would  put  in  to  an  Ifland  neere,  and  make 
fome  flay  where  hee  thought  to  tempt  his  Mafter  to  walke 
the  woods,  and  fo   be  gone:    but  their  Mafter  to    prevent 
them  caufed  the  fales  and  oares  to  be  brought  a  fhore,  to  Prevented 
make  a  tilt  if   neede  fhould  be,  and  kindled  fire,  broched  hy  d'fc' 
that  Hogfhed,  and  caufed  them  fill  the  can  with  lufty  liqour, 
Claret   fparklinge  neate ;   which  was  not  fuffered    to  grow 
pale  and  flatt,  but  tipled  of  with  quick  dexterity :    the  Maf-  And  di/cove- 
ter  makes  a  fliew  of  keepinge  round,  but  with  clofe  redindrinke. 

lipps  did  feeme  *  to  make  longe  draughts,  knowinge    *  118 
the  wine  would  make  them  Proteftants ;  and  fo  the 
plot  was  then  at  large  difclofed  and  difcovered,  and  they  made 
drowfie  ;    and  the  inconftant  windes  fliiftinsre  at  nidit   did 



New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Vikfed!"*    f°rce  tne  kellecke  home,1  and  billedge  the  boat,  that  they 

were  forced  to  leave  her  fo,  and  cut  downe  trees  that  grew 

Two  men  of    j^y  £}ie  fllore    to  make  Caffes  :  two  of  them  went  over  bv 

the  Company         J  J 

cajtaway  helpe  of  a  fore  faile  almoft  a  mile  to  the  maine ;  the  other 
jhoreupon  two  ftayed  five  dayes  after,  till  the  windes  would  ferve  to  fill 
the  failes.  The  firft  two  went  to  cape  Ann  by  land,  and  had 
fowle  enough,  and  fowle  wether  by  the  way  ;  the  Iflanders 
had  fifh  enough,  fhel-fifh  and  fire  to  roaft,  and  they  could  not 
perifh  for  lacke  of  foode,  and  wine  they  had  to  be  fure ;  and 
by  this  you  fee  they  were  not  then  in  any  want :  the  wine 
and  goodes  brought  thence ;  the  boat  left  there  fo  billedgd 
that  it  was  not  worth  the  labor  to  be  mended. 

A  ]\linifler 
required  to 
renounce  his 

Chap.     VIII. 

Of  the  BaniJJiment  of  Mafler  IoJin   Layford,  and  Iohn 

Oldam  from   Plimmoutk? 

M After  Layford  was  at  the  Merchants  chardge  fent  to 
Plimmouth   plantation   to  be  their  Paftor :    But  the 
Brethren,  before   they  would  allow  of  it,  would    have  him 
firft  renounce  his  calling  to  the  office  of  the  Minifiery,  re- 
ceived in  England,  as  hereticall  and  Papifticall,  (fo  hee  con- 
fen1,)  and  then  to  receive  a  new  callinge  from  them, 
119    after  their  fantafticall  invention  : 3  *  which  hee  refufed, 
alledsins:  and  maintaining  that  his  calling  as  it  flood 


1  A  hillock  is  a  fmall  anchor.  The 
phrafe  in  the  text  means  that  the  wind 
caufeel  the  boat  to  drag  her  anchor,  and 
the  went  afliore  and  was  Hove  in. 

2  Theepifode  of  Lyford  and  Oldham, 
in  the  hiftory  of  the  Plymouth  planta- 


tion,  is  told  in  detail  by  Bradford.  The 
account  in  the  text  differs  from  Brad- 
ford's account  only  in  that  it  is  the 
other  fide  of  the  ftory.  (See  Bradford, 
pp.  172-88.) 

3  See  infra,  324,  note.     Though  Ly- 

New  Englifli  Canaait.  263 

was  lawfull,  and  that  hee  would  not  renounce  it ;  and  fo 
Iohn  Oldam,  his  opinion  was  one  the  affirmative ;  and  both 
together  did  maintaine  the  Church  of  England  to  be  a  true 
Church,  although  in  fome  particulars,  (they  faid,)  defective  ; 
concludinge  fo  againft  the  Tenents  there :  and  by  this 
meanes  cancelled  theire  good  opinion  amonft  the  number 
of  the  Seperatifts,  that  ftay  they  muft  not,  left  they  fhould 
be  fpies  :  and  to  fall  fowle  on  this  occation  the  Brethren 
thought  it  would  betray  their  caufe,  and  make  it  fall  under 
cenfure,  therefore  againft  Mafter  Layford  they  had  found 
out  fome  fcandall  to  be  laid  on  his  former  corfe  of  life,  to 
blemifh  that ;  and  fo,  to  conclude,  hee  was  a  fpotted  beaft, 
and  not  to  be  allowed  where  they  ordained  to  have  the  Paff- 
over  kept  fo  zealoufly :  as  for  Iohn  Oldam,  they  could  fee 
hee  would  be  paffionate  and  moody,  and  proove  himfelfe  a 
mad  lack  in  his  mood,  and  as  foone  mooved  to  be  moody, 
and  this  impatience  would  Minifter  advantage  to  them  to  be 
ridd  of  him. 

Hanniball  when  hee  had  to  doe  with  Fabius  was  kept  in 
awe  more  by  the  patience  of  that  one  enemy,  then  by  the  impatience 
refolution  of  the  whole  army :    A  well  tempered  enemy  is  a  c°£p£. 
terrible  enemy  to  incounter.      They  injoyne  him  to  come  to 
their   needeles   watch    howfe    in  perfon,  and   for   refufinge 
give  him  a  cracked  Crovvne  for  preffe  money,  and  make  the  New  pum- 
blood  run  downe  about  his  eares  ;   a  poore  trick,  yet  a  good  ZTiLy!" 
vaile,  though  Lufcus  may  fee  thorough  it ;  and,  for  his  fur- 

ford  frequently  exercifed  in  the  Ply-  fays  he  made  "  a  large  confeffion,"  fay- 
mouth  church,  as  an  elfewhere  ordained  ing,  anions:  other  things,  "that  he  held 
brother,  he  was  never  inftalled  as  its  not  himfelf  a  minifter  till  he  had  a  new 
paftor.     When  admitted  to  it,  Bradford  calling."    (Bradford,  pp.  181,  185,  1S8.) 

264  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

*  120    ther  behaviour  in  the  Cafe,  proceed  to  fentence  *  him 

with  banifhment,  which  was  performed  after  a  folemne 

The Soiem-  invention  in  this  manner:    A  lane  of  Mufketiers  was  made, 

"nijiunent.     and  hee  compelled  in  fcorne  to  paffe  along  betweene,  and  to 

receave  a  bob  upon  the  bumme  be  every  mufketier;    and 

then    a  board    a  fhallop,  and    fo  convayed  to  Weffagufcus 

fhoare,  and  ftaid  at  MalfachufTets :  to  whome  Iohn  Layford 

and  fome  few  more  did  refort ;  where  Mafter  Layford  freely 

executed  his  office  and  preached  every  Lords  day,  and  yet 

maintained  his  wife  and  children  foure  or  five  upon  his  induf- 

try  there,  with  the  bleffing  of  God  and  the  plenty  of  the 

Land,  without  the  helpe  of  his  auditory,  in  an  honeft  and 

laudable  manner ;  till  hee  was  wearied  and  made  to  leave 

the  Country.1 

Chap.     IX. 

Of  a  barren  doe  of  Virginea  growne  fruithfull  in  New 


CHildren,  and  the  fruit  of  the  Wombe,  are  faid  in  holy 
writt  to  be  an  inheritance  that  commeth  of  the  Lord  ; 
then  they  muft  be  coupled   in  Gods  name  firft,  and  not  as 

this,  and  fome  other,  have  done. 


1  Supra,  24.  feveri teenth-century  flavor  of  coarfenefs 

2  This  chapter  and  Chapter  XIII.  -  which  occurred  in  the  fettlement  of 
(pp.  273-6)  relate  to  the  fame  matter.  Bofton  Bay.  Apparently,  judging  by  the 
It  is  impoffible  to  venture  a  furmife  expreffions,  "  this  goodly  creature  of  in- 
even  as  to  their  meaning.  It  would  continency"  {Infra,  *i2o/),  "that  had 
feem  clear  that  thev  have  no  hiftori-  tried  a  camp  royal  in  other  parts  "  (*i2i), 
cal  value,  but  relate  rather  to  fome  fome  Englifh  proftitute  found  her  way 
humorous    incident  —  having   the    full  out   to   Mount  Wollafton,  in  company 


New  Rnglifli  Canaan.  265 

They  are  as  arrowes  in  the  hand  of  a  Gyant;  and  happy,  Agreathap- 
faith  David,  is  the  man  that  hath  his  quiver  full  of  them ;  PbypropZga- 
and  by  that  rule,  happy  is  that  Land,  and  bleffed  to,  that  is  twn' 
apt  and  fit  for  increafe  of  children. 

I  have  mewed  you  before,  in  the  fecond  part  of  the  dif- 
courfe,  how  apt  it  is  for  the  increafe  of  Minerals,  Vegeta- 
bles, and  fenfible  Creatures. 

Now  I  will  mew  you  how  apt  New  Canaan  is  like- 
*  wife  for  the  increafe  of  the   reafonable   Creatures ;    *  1 2 1 
Children,  of  all  riches,  being  the  principall :  and   I 
give  you  this  for  an  inftance. 

This  Country  of  New  Canaan  in  feaven  yeares  time  could 
fhow  more  Children  livinge,  that  have  beene  borne  there, 
then  in  27.  yeares  could  be  fliewen  in  Virginea;1  yet  here 
are  but  a  handful  of  weomen  landed,  to  that  of  Virginea. 

The   Country  doth  afford  fuch   plenty  of  Lobfters   and  More  cm- 

other  delicate  fhellfifh,  and  Venus  is  faid  to  be  borne  of  the  Canaan  h™. 

Sea ;  or  elfe  it  was  fome  fallet  herbe  proper  to  the  Climate,  ^TXr^S 

or  the  fountaine  at  Weenafeemute 2  made  her  become  teem-  *• 27> 

ing  here  that  had  tried  a  campe  royall  in  other  partes  where 

fliee  had  been ;  and  yet  never  the  neere,  till  fhee  came  in 

to  New  Canaan.  01 


with  one  of  the  adventurers  there,  and  1  It  does  not  need  to  be  faid  that  this 

fubfequently  went  on  to  Virginia.     She  is  one  of  Morton's  prepofterous  ftate- 

may  have    come    with    Wollafton,    and  ments.     As  the  fettlement  of  Virginia 

been  left  in  Bofton  Bay  when  her  com-  dated  from  1607,  the  twenty-feven  years 

panion  went  to  Virginia,  and  then  fol-  he  fpeaks  of  was  equivalent  to  faying, 

lowed  him,  giving  birth  to  a  child  on  "up  to  the  time  at  which  he  was  writ- 

the  way.     This  would  explain  the  allu-  ing,"  viz.  1634.     Virginia  was  then  not 

fion  to  Phyllis  and  Dernophoon  fubfe-  only  a  much  older  fettlement,  but  it  had 

quently  made  (p.  *i2(j).     It  is,  however,  a  population  largely  in  excefs  of  that  of 

a  mere  furmife  on  a  fubjecl  not  worth  New  England, 

puzzling  over.  2  Supra,  229,  note  3. 


New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

neare  Bnf- 
fards  bay. 

Dead  and 

Shee  was  delivered,  (in  a  voyage  to  Virginea,)  about  Buf- 
fardes  bay,  to  weft  of  Cape  Cod,  where  fhee  had  a  Sonne 
borne,  but  died  without  baptifme  and  was  buried ;  and 
being  a  thinge  remarkable,  had  this  Epitaph  followinge  made 
of  purpofe  to  memorize  the  worth  of  the  perfons. 


Time,  that  bringes  all  thi7iges  to  lights 
Doth  hide  this  thinge  out  ofjight: 
Yet  fame  hath  left  behinde  aflory, 
A  hopeful  I  race  tofiew  the  glory  : 
For  underneath  this  heape  offlones 
Licth  a  per  cell  of f ma  11  bones  ; 
What  hope  at  lajl  can  fuch  impes  have. 
That  from  the  wombe  goes  to  the  grave. 

one  guift. 

*   122 

*Chap.     X.1 

Of  a  man  indued  with  many  f]?etiall  gttifts  fent  over  to  be 
Mafler  of  the  Ceremonies. 

THis  was  a  man  approoved  of  the  Brethren,  both  for 
his  zeale  and  guiftes,  yet  but  a  Bubble,  and  at  the  pub- 
like Chardge  conveyed  to  New  England,  I  thinke  to  be 
Mafler  of  the  Ceremonies  betweene  the  Natives,  and  the 
Planters :  for  hee  applied  himfelfe  cheifly  to  pen  the  lan- 
guage downe  in  Stenography :  But  there  for  want  of  ufe, 
which  hee   rightly  underftood  not,  all  was   loffe  of  labor; 


1  This  chapter  and  Chapter  XII. 
are,  hiftorically  fpeaking.  as  inexplicable 
as  Chapters  IX.  and  XIII.     There  is 

nothing  in  any  of  the  contemporaneous 
records  to  indicate  who  is  referred  to 
under  the  pfeudonym  of  Bubble. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  267 

fomethinge  it  was  when  next  it  came  to  view,  but  what  hee 
could  not  tell. 

This  man,  Mafter  Bubble,  was  in  the  time  of  Iohn  Old- 
ams  abfence  made  the  howfe  Chaplaine  there,  and   every 
night  hee  made  ufe  of  his  guifts,  whofe  oratory  luld  his  audi-  Oratory  an- 
tory  faft  a  fleepe,  as  Mercuries  pipes  did  Argus  eies :  for,  ° 
when  hee  was  in,  they  fayd  hee  could  not  tell  how  to  get 
out ;  nay,  hee  would  hardly  out  till  hee  were  fired  out,  his 
zeale  was  fuch :  (one  fire  they  fay  drives  out  another) :  hee 
would  become  a  great  Merchant,  and  by  any  thinge  that  a  great  Mer- 
was  to  be  fold  fo  as  hee  might  have  day  and  be  trufled  never  CJ^.  a 
fo  litle  time :    the  price  it  feemed  hee  flood  not  much  upon, 
but  the  day :  for  to  his  freind  hee  fhewed  commodities,  fo 
priced  as  caufed  him  to  blame  the  buyer,  till  the  man  this 
Bubble   did   declare    that   it    was   tane    up  at    day, 
*  and  did  rejoyce  in  the  bargaine,  infiflinge  on  the    *  123 
day  ;    the  day,  yea,  marry,  quoth   his  friend,   if  you 
have  doomefday  for  payment  you   are  then  well  to  paffe. 
But  if  he  had  not,  it  were  as  good  hee  had ;  they  were  payed 
all  alike. 

And  now  this  Bubbles  day  is  become  a  common  proverbe.  His  day 
Hee  obtained  howfe  roome  at  Paffonageffit  and   remooved  ITonpr™" 
thether,  becaufe  it  flood  convenient  for  the   Beaver  trade :  uere' 
and  the  rather  becaufe  the  owner  of  Paffonageffit  had   no 
Corne  left,  and  this  man  feemed  a  bigg  boned  man,  and 
therefore  thought  to  be  a  good  laborer,  and  to  have  flore  of 
corne ;  but,  contrary  wife,  hee  had  none  at  all,  and   hoped 
upon  this  freind   his  hoft :    thithere  were  brought  the  tro-  Trophies  of 
phies  of  this  Mafter  Bubbles  honor,  his  water  tankard  and 
his  Porters  bafket,  but  no  provifion ;  fo  that  one  gunne  did 



268  New  Englifli  Canaan, 

ferve  to  helpe  them  both  to  meat;  and  now  the  time  for 
fowle  was  almoft  paft. 
His  long  This  man  and  his  hoft  at  dinner,  Bubble  begins  to  fay 

%Tm7at  '  grace  ;  yea,  and  a  long  one  to,  till  all  the  meate  was  cold ; 
hee  would  not  give  his  hoft  leave  to  fay  grace :  belike,  hee 
thought  mine  hoft  paft  grace,  and  further  learned  as  many 
other  Sch oilers  are :  but  in  the  ufage  and  cuflome  of  this 
blinde  oratory  his  hoft  tooke  himfelfe  abufed,  and  the  whiles 
fell  to  and  had  halfe  done  before  this  man  Bubble  would 
open  his  eies  to  fee  what  flood  afore  him,  which  made  him 
more  cautius,  and  learned  that  brevis  oratio  penetrat  Cerium. 
Together  Bubbles  and  hee  goes  in  the  Canaw  to  Nut  Ifland1 
for  brants,  and  there  his  hoft  makes  a  fhotte  and 
*  1 24  breakes  the  winges  of  many :  Bubble,*  in  haft  and 
fingle  handed,  paddels  out  like  a  Cow  in  a  cage :  his 
hoft  cals  back  to  rowe  two  handed  like  to  a  pare  of  oares  ; 
and,  before  this  could  be  performed,  the  fowle  had  time  to 
fwimme  to  other  flockes,  and  fo  to  efcape :  the  beft  part  of 
the  pray  being  loft  mayd  his  hoft  to  mutter  at  him,  and  fo  to 
parte  for  that  time  difcontended. 

C  HA  P  .       XI. 

Of  a    Compofition   made  by   the   Sachem  for  a   Theft  com- 
mitted by  fome  of  his  men,fJicwingc  their  honefl  meaninge. 

THe  owner  of  Paffonageffit,  to  have  the  benefit  of  com- 
pany, left  his  habitation  in  the  Winter  and  repofed  at 
Weffagufcus,  (to  his  coft):  meane    time,  in   the   Depth  of 


1  One  of  the  fmalleft  of  the  iflands  in  or  fo  away,  and  between  it  and  Pettuck's 
Bofton  Bay,  ftill  called  by  the  fame  name.  Ifland.  (See  ShurtlefF s  Defcription  of 
It  lies  off  Mount  Wollafton,  and  a  mile    Bojlon,  p.  360.) 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  269 

Winter,  the   neighbour  Salvages,  accuftomed  to  buy  foode,  The  salvages 
came  to  the  howfe,  (for  that  intent  perhaps,)  and  peepinge  ^Je% %ake 
in  all  the  windowes,  (then  unglafed,)  efpied  corne,  but  no  the  Corne- 
body  to  fell  the  fame;  and  having  company  and  helpe  at 
hand  did  make  a  fhift  to  get  into  the  howfe,  and,  take  out 
corne  to  ferve  but  for  the  prefent,  left  enough  behinde :  the 
Sachem  having  knowledge  of  the  facie,  and  being  advertifed 
likewife  of  the  difpleafure  that  had  ben  conceaved  by  the 
Proprietor  thereof  at  this  offence,  prepares  a  Meffenger,  the 
Salvage   that   had  lived    in    England,  and  fends  him  with 
commiffion  for   the   trefpaffe  of   his   men,  who  had 
tenne  fkinnes  perpofed  *  for  it  to  bee  payd  by  a  day    #  125 
certaine :    The  Sachem,  at  the  time  appointed,  bringes 
the  Beaver  to  Weffagufcus  where  the  owner  lived,  but  juft 
then  was  gone  abroade:  meane  time  the  fkinnes  were  by  the 
Weffagufcus  men  gelded,  and  the  better  halfe  by  them  jug- 
gled away  before  the  owner  came  ;  and  hee  by  the  Actors  per-  Adijiioneji 
fwaded  to  bee  contended  with  the  reft    who  not  fo  pleafed 
did  draw  the  Sachem  then  to  make  a  new  agreement,  and  fo 
to  pay  his  remnant  left  in  hand,  and  tenne  fkinnes  more  by 
a  new  day  afigned,  and  then  to  bringe  them  to  Paffonageffit ; 
but  the  Weffagufcus  men  went  the  day  before  to  the  Salv- 
ages with  this  fayinge,  that  they  were  fent  to  call  upon  him 
there  for  payement ;  and  received  tenne  fkinnes,  and  tooke 
a  Salvage  there    to  juftifie  that  at  their  howfe   the    owner 
ftayed  the  while  ;  hee  verified  this,  becaufe  hee  faw  the  man 
before  at  Weffagufcus :    the  Sachem    did   beleive    the  tale, 
and  at  that  time  delivered  up  tenne  fkinnes  on  that  behalfe, 
in  full  difchardge  of  all  demandes  againft  the  trefpaffe  and 
the  trefpaffers,  to  them  ;  who  confented  to  him,  and  them,  to 


270      .       New  Englifh  Canaan. 

a  con/eta-  the  owner,  and   kept  nine1    to  themfelves,  and   made    the 

The  Heathen  Salvage  take  the  tenth,  and  give  the  owner  all  that  yet  was 

'th'n Jtke'  to  bee  had,  themfelves  confeffinge  their  demaunds  for  him, 

chrijiians.  ancj  ^j.  triere  was  but  0nely  one  as  yet  prepared  :  fo  that 

by  this  you  may  eafily  perceive  the  uncivilized  peo- 
ple are  more  juft  than  the  civili- 

*i26  *Chap.    XII. 

Of  a  voyadge  made  by  the  M after  of  the  Ceremonies  of  Nezu 
Canaan  to  Neepenett,  frojn  whence  hee  came  away  ;  and  of 
the  manifold  dangers  hee  efcaped. 


lHis  woorthy  member  Matter  Bubble,  a  new  Matter  of 

the  Ceremonies,  having  a  conceipt  in  his   head  that 

hee  had  hatched  a  new  device  for  the  purchafe  of  Beaver, 

beyond  Imagination,  packes  up  a  facke  full  of  odde  imple- 

Two  Sal-        ments,  and  without  any  company  but  a  couple  of  Indians  for 

SS lohn,  guides,  (and  therefore  you  may,  if  you  pleafe,  beeleive  they 

tahn^e.penett     are  f°  dangerous  as  the  Brethren  of  Plimmouth  give  it  out,) 

hee  betakes  him  to  his  progreffe  into  the  Inlande  for  Beaver, 

with  his  carriadge  on  his  fhoulders  like  Milo  :  his  guides  and 

hee  in  proceffe  of  time  come  to  the  place  appointed,  which 

was  about  Neepenett,2  thereabouts  being  more  Beavers  to  be 

had  then  this   Milo  could  carry,  and  both  his  journey  men : 

glad  hee  was  good  man,  and  his  guides  were  willing  to  pleaf- 


1  [view]     Sezfupra,  in,  note  1.  2  Nipnet,  or  Worcefter  County;    fee 

fupra,  240,  note. 

New.  Knglifli  Canaan.  2  7 1 

ure  him  :  there  the  Salvages  ftay :  night  came  on,  but,  before 
they  were  inclined  to  fleepe,  this  good  man  Mafter  Bubble 
had  an  evation  crept  into  his  head,  by  mifapplying  the  Salv- 
ages actions,  that  hee  muft  needs  be  gone  in  all  haft,  yea  and 
without  his  errand :  hee  purpofed  to  doe  it  fo  cun- 
ningely  that  his  flight  fhould  not  *be  fufpecled  :  hee  *  127 
leaves  his  fhooes  in  the  howfe,  with  all  his  other 
implements,  and  flies  :  as  hee  was  on  his  way,  to  increafe 
his  feare,  fuggeftinge  himfelfe  that  hee  was  preffed1  by  a 
company  of  Indians  and  that  there  fhafts  were  let  fly  as  thick 
as  haile  at  him,  hee  puts  of  his  breeches  and  puts  them  one 
his  head,  for  to  fave  him  from  the  fhafts  that  flew  after  him 
fo  thick  that  no  man  could  perceave  them,  and  cryinge  out, 
avoyd  Satan,  what  have  yee  to  doe  with  mee  !  thus  running 
one  his  way  without  his  breeches  hee  was  pittifully  fcratched 
with  the  brufh  of  the  underwoods,  as  hee  wandred  up  and 
downe  in  unknowne  wayes :  The  Salvages  in  the  meane 
time  put  up  all  his  implements  in  the  fack  hee  left  behinde 
and  brought  them  to  Weffagufcus,  where  they  thought  to 
have  found  him  ;  but,  underftanding  hee  was  not  returned, 
were  ferefull  what  to  doe,  and  what  would  be  conceaved  of 
the  Englifh  was  become  of  this  mazed  man,  the  Mafter  of 
the  Ceremonies  ;  and  were  in  confutation  of  the  matter. 
One  of  the  Salvages  was  of  opinion  the  Englifh  would  fup- 
pofe  him  to  be  made  away ;  fearefull  hee  was  to  come  in 
fight.  The  other,  better  acquainted  with  the  Englifh,  (hav- 
ing lived  fome  time  in  England,2)  was  more  confident,  and 


1  [prefent]     Seefufira,  in,  note  i.  there  is  a  quite  detailed  account  to  be 

2  Squanto  is  apparently  referred  to  gathered  from  the  early  Plymouth  rec- 
here.  {Supra,  244,  note  2.)  There  is  ords  —  which  is  fuggeftive  of  the  events 
no  incident  in  Squanto's  life  —  of  which  defcribed  in  the  text. 


New  Rnglifli  Canaan. 

They  take  a 
note  of  what 
was  in  the 

Mr.  Bubble 
vi  lift  be 
found  agaitie 
or  elfe  they 
fliall  be  de- 

ATot  any 
thing  dimin- 

hee  perfwaded  his  fellow  that  the  Englifh  would  be  fatisfied 
with  relation  of  the  truth,  as  having  had  teftimony  of  his 
fidelity.  So  they  boldly  adventured  to  fhew  what  they  had 
brougt  and  how  the  matter  flood.  The  Englifh,  (when  the 
fack  was  opened,)  did  take  a  note  in  writing  of  all  the  partic- 

ulers  that  were  in  the  fack ;  and  heard  what  was  by 
*  128    the  Salvages  related  of  the  accidents:  but,  when  his 

fhoes  were  fhowne,  it  was  thought  hee  would  not  have 
departed  without  his  fhoes  ;  and  therefore  they  did  conceave 
that  Matter  Bubble  was  made  away  by  fome  unifier  praclife 
of  the  Salvages,  who  unadvifedly  had  bin  culpable  of  a  crime 
which  now  they  fought  to  excufe ;  and  ftraightly  chardged 
the  Salvages  to  finde  him  out  againe,  and  bring  him  dead, 
or  alive,  elfe  their  wifes  and  children  mould  be  deftroyed. 
The  poore  Salvages,  being  in  a  pittifull  perplexity,  caufed 
their  Countrymen  to  feeke  out  for  this  maz'd  man ;  who, 
being  in  fhort  time  found,  was  brought  to  Weffagufcus  ; 
where  hee  made  a  difcourfe  of  his  travels,  and  of  the  perril- 
lous  paffages,  which  did  feeme  to  be  no  leffe  dangerous  then 
thefe  of  that  worthy  Knight  Errant,  Don  Quixote,1  and  how 
miraculoufly  hee  had  bin  preferved ;  and,  in  conclufion, 
lamented  the  greate  loffe  of  his  goods,  whereby  hee  thought 
himfelfe  undone. 

The  perticuler  whereof  being  demaunded,  it  appeared  that 
the  Salvages  had  not  diminifhed  any  part  of  them  ;  no,  not 
fo  much  as  one  bit  of  bread  :  the  number  being  knowne, 
and  the  fragments  laid  together,  it  appeared  all  the  bifket 


1  The  firft  pnrt  of  Don  Quixote  was     in    161 5.      It  was   firft  tranflated    into 
publiihed  in  1605,  and  the  fecond  part     Englifh  by  Thomas  Skelton,  in  1612-20. 

New  Rngli/Ii  Canaan.  273 

was  preferved,  and  not  any  diminifhed  at  all :  whereby  the 
Mafter  of  the  Ceremonies  was  overjoyed,  and  the  whole 
Company  made  themfelves  merry  at  his  difcourfe  of  all  his 
perrillous  adventures. 

And  by  this  you  may  obferve  whether  the  Salvage  people 
are  not  full  of  humanity,  or  whether  they  are  a  dangerous 
people,  as  Mafter  Bubble  and  the  reft  of  his  tribe  would  per- 
fwade  you. 

*Chap.     XIII.  *I29 

Of  a  lamentable  fit  of  Mellancolly  that  the  Barren  doe  fell 
into,  (after  the  death  of  her  iiifant,  feeing  herfelfe  defpifed 
of  her  Sweete  hart)  whereof  fJiee  was  cured. 

WHether  this  goodly  creature  of  incontinency  went  to 
worke  upon  even  termes  like  Phillis,  or  noe,  it  does 
not  appeare  by  any  Indenture  of  covenants  then  extant; 
whereby  fhee  might  legally  challenge  the  performance  of 
any  compleate  Marriage  at  his  hands  that  had  bin  trade- 
ing  with  her,  as  Demopheon  here  to  fore  had  bin  with  his 

Nevertheleffe,    (for  his   future   advantage,)   fhee    indeav- 
oured,  (like  Phillis,)  to  gaine   this  Demopheon  all  to  her- 
felfe ; 

1  The  reference  here  is  to  the  ftory  of  the  nuptials  were  celebrated,  he  went  to 

Demophoon  and    Phyllis,  told  by  Ovid  Attica  to  fettle  his  affairs  at  home,  and 

(Heroides,  II.)      Demophoon,    fon   of  as  he  tarried  longer  than   Phyllis  had 

Thefeus  and  Phaedra,  accompanied  the  expected,  fhe  began  to  think  that  fhe 

Greeks   to  Troy;   and    on   his    return,  was  forgotten,  and  put  an  end  to  her 

Phyllis,   the  daughter  of  the  Thracian  life.      She  was   metamorphofed    into  a 

king  Sithon,  fell  in  love  with  him,  and  tree.      (See    Smith's    Dictionary,    title 

he  confented  to  marry  her.     But  before  Demophoon.) 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Shcc  cannot 
one  the  fo- 
daine  refolve 
which  dore 
to  goe  in  att. 

felfe  ;  who,  (as  it  feemes,)  did  meane  nothing  leffe  by  leaving 
her  for  the  next  commer,  that  had  any  minde  to  coole  his 
courage  by  that  meanes ;  the  whipping  poft,  (as  it  feemes,) 
at  that  time  not  being  in  publike  ufe  for  fuch  kinde  of  Cony 
katchers ;  but  feeing  herfelfe  rejected,  fhee  grew  into  fuch  a 
paffion  of  Mellancolly,  on  a  fodaine,  that  it  was  thought  fhee 
would  exhibit  a  petition  for  redreffe  to  grim  Pluto,  who  had 
fet  her  a  worke ;  and  knowing  that  the  howfe  of  fate  has 
many  entrances,  fhee  was  puffeld  to  finde  the  neereft  way. 
Shee  could  not  refolve  on  a  fodaine   which  doore  would 

foonefh  bring  her  to  his  prefence  handfomely. 
*  1 30         *  If  fhee  fhould  make  way  with  a  knife,  fhee  thought 

fhee  might  fpoyle  her  drinking  in  after  ages ;  if  by 
poyfon,  fhee  thought  it  might  prolonge  her  paffage  thether ; 
if  by  drowning,  fhee  thought  Caron  might  come  the  while 
with  his  boate,  and  waft  her  out  of  fight ;  if  fhee  mould  tie 
up  her  complaint  in  a  halter,  fhee  thought  the  Ropmakers 
would  take  exceptions  againft  her  good  fpeede.  And  in  this 
manner  fhee  debated  with  herfelfe,  and  demurred  upon  the 
matter:  So  that  fhee  did  appeare  willing  enough,  but  a 
woman  of  fmall  refolution. 

Which  thing  when  it  was  publikely  knowne,  made  many 
come  to  comfort  her.  One  amongft  the  reft  was  by  hir 
requefted,  on  her  behalfe,  to  write  to  her  late  unkinde  De- 
mopheon.  The  Gentleman,  being  merrily  difpofed,  in  fleed 
of  writing  an  heroicall  Epiftle  compofed  this  Elegi,  for  a 
memoriall  of  fome  mirth  upon  the  Circumftance  of  the  mat- 
ter, to  be  fent  unto  hir,  as  followeth : 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  275 


MElpomene,  (at  whofe  mifcheifous  love 
The  f creech  owles  voyce  is  heard  the  mandraks  grovel) 
Commands  my  pen  in  an  lambick  vaine 
To  tell  a  difmall  tale,  that  may  conjlraine 
The  hart  of  him  to  bleede,  thatfJiall  difcerne 
How  much  this  foule  amiffe  does  him  concer7ie. 
Aleclo,  (grim  Aleclo,)  light  thy  tortch 
To  thy  beloved  Jijler  next  the  porch 

*  That  leads  unto  the  man/ion  howfe  of  fate,  *  131 

Whofe  farewell  makes  herfreind  more  fortunate. 
A  Great  Squa  Sachem  can  fJiee  poynt  to  goe 
Before  grim  Minos ;   and  yet  no  man  know 
That  knives  and  halters,  ponds,  and poyfonous  things 
Are  alwayes  ready,  when  the  Divell  once  brings 
Such  deadly  finners  to  a  deepe  remorfe 
Of  confeience  felfe  accufing,  that  will  force 
Them  to  difpaire,  like  wicked  Kain,  whiles  death 
Stands  ready  with  all  thefe  toflopp  their  breath. 
The  beare  comes  by  that  oft  hath  bay  ted  ben 
By  many  a  Satyres  whelpe ;  unlcjfe  you  can 
Co7nmaund your  eies  to  drop  huge  milflones  forth, 
In  lamentation  of  this  lojje  011  earth 
Of  her,  of  whome  fo  mtich  prayfe  wee  may  finde, 
Goe  whenfliee  will,f1iee  V  leave  none  like  behinde  ; 
Shee  was  too  good  for  earth,  too  bad  for  heaven. 

Why  then  for  hell  the  match  is  fomewhat  even. 


276  New  Rnglifli  Canaan. 

After  this,  the  water  of  the  fountaine  at  Ma-re  Mount  was 
thought  fit  to  be  applyed  unto  her  for  a  remedy,  fhee  wil- 
lingly ufed  according  to  the  quality  thereof. 

And  when  this  Elegy  came  to  be  divulged,  fhee  was  fo 
confcious  of  her  crime  that  fhee  put  up  her  pipes,  and  with 
the  next  fhipp  fhee  packt  away  to  Virginea,  (her  former 
habitation,)  quite  cured  of  her  mellancolly,  with  the  helpe  of 

the  water  of  the  fountaine 
at  Ma-re  Mount. 

*  132  *Chap.    XIV. 

Of  the  Revells  of  New  Canaan} 

THe  Inhabitants  of  Pafonageffit,  (having  tranflated  the 
name  of  their  habitation  from  that  ancient  Salvage 
name  to  Ma-re  Mount,2  and  being  refolved  to  have  the  new 
name  confirmed  for  a  memorial  to  after  ages,)  did  devife 
amongft  themfelves  to  have  it  performed  in  a  folemne  man- 
ner, with  Revels  and  merriment  after  the  old  Englifh  cuflome ; 
a  Maypoie.  [they]  prepared  to  fett  up  a  Maypole  upon  the  feftivall  day 
of  Philip  and  Iacob,  and  therefore  brewed  a  barrell  of  excel- 
lent beare  and  provided  a  cafe  of  bottles,  to  be  fpent,  with 
other  good  cheare,  for  all  commers  of  that  day.  And  becaufe 
they  would  have  it  in  a  compleat  forme,  they  had  prepared  a 
fong  fitting  to  the  time  and  prefent  occafion.  And  upon 
Mayday  they  brought  the  Maypole  to  the  place  appointed, 


1  Supra,  17-19.  2  Supra,  14,  note  4. 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  277 

with  drumes,  gunnes,  piftols  and  other  fitting  inftruments, 
for  that  purpofe  ;  and  there  erected  it  with  the  help  of  Salv- 
ages, that  came  thether  of  purpofe  to  fee  the  manner  of  our 
Revels.  A  goodly  pine  tree  of  80.  foote  longe  was  reared 
up,  with  a  peare  of  buckshorns  nayled  one  fomewhat  neare 
unto  the  top  of  it :  where  it  flood,  as  a  faire  fea  marke  for 
directions  how  to  finde  out  the  way  to  mine  Hofle  of  Ma-re 

And  becaufe  it  fhould  more  fully  appeare  to  what  end  it 
was  placed  there,  they  had  a  poem  in  readines  made,  which 
was  fixed  to  the  Maypole,  to  fhew  the  new  name  confirmed 
upon  that  plantation ;  which,  allthough  it  were  made 
according  to  the  occurrents  *  of  the  time,  it,  being  *  133 
Enigmatically  compofed.puffelled  the  Seperatifts  moft 
pittifully  to  expound  it,  which,  (for  the  better  information 
of  the  reader,)  I  have  here  inferted. 


Rife  Ocdipeus,  and,  if  thou  caii/l,  unfould 
What  meanes  Caribdis  underneath  the  mould, 
When  Scilla  follitary  on  the  ground 
{Sitting  hi  forme  of  Niobe,)  was  found, 
Till  Amphitrites  Darling  did  acquaint 
Grim  Neptune  with  the  Tenor  of  her  plaint, 
And  caufd  him  fend  forth  Triton  with  the  found 
Of  Trumpet  lowd,  at  which  the  Seas  were  found 
So  full  of  Protean  formes  that  the  boldfJwre 
Prefented  Scilla  a  new  parramore 



New  Englifh  Canaan. 

The  man 
who  brought 
her  over  was 
named  Sam- 
Jon  lob. 

Softronge  as  Samp  foil  and fo  patient 

As  fob  himfclfe,  directed  thus,  by  fate, 

To  comfort  Scilla  fo  unfortunate. 

I  doe  profejfc,  by  Cupids  beautious  mother, 

Heres  Scogans  choife 1  for  Scilla,  and  none  other; 

Though  Scilldsfick  with  grcifc,  becaufe  no  fgne 

Can  there  be  found  of  vertue  mafculine. 

Efculapius  come  ;   I  know  right  well 

His  laboure  's  lofl  when  you  may  ring  her  Knell. 

The  fatall fifters  doome  none  can  witlftand, 

Nor  Cithareas  powre,  who  poynts  to  land 

With  proclamation  that  the  firfl  of  May 

At  Ma-re  Mount fiall  be  kept  holly  day. 

*  134        The  fetting  up  of  this  Maypole  was  a  lamentable 

fpeclacle  to  the  precife  feperatifts,  that  lived  at  new 

The  Maypole    Plimmouth.     They  termed  it  an  Idoll ;  yea,  they  called   it 

The'ca^/eof1  the  Calfe  of  Horeb,  and  flood  at  defiance  with  the  place, 

Horeb'  naming  it  Mount   Dagon  ;  threatning  to  make  it  a  woefull 

mount  and  not  a  merry  mount. 

The  Riddle,  for  want  of  Oedipus,  they  could  not  expound  ; 
onely  they  made  fome  explication  of  part  of  it,  and  fayd  it 
was  meant  by  Sampfon  lob,  the  carpenter  of  the  ftiipp  that 


1  John  Scogan  was  the  famous  court  been   a  popular    expreffion,    Ggnifying 

buffoon,  attached  to  the   ho'ufehold  of  that    a    choice   of   fome  fort   is   better 

Edward  IV.,  whofe  head  Juftice  Shal-  than  no  power  to  choofe  at  all.     It  was 

low   makes  the  youthful  Falftaff  break  derived  probably  from  the  ftory  of  Sco- 

at  the  court  gate  {Henry  IV.   Part  II.  gan,  that   he  was   once  ordered  to  be 

act  iii.  sc.  2),  though  Falftaff  is  repre- 
fented  as  having  died  at  leaft  twenty 
years  before  Scogan  could  have  been 
born.  In  regard  to  him,  fee  Doran's 
Court  Fools,  pp.  123-30.  "  Scogan's 
choice,"  in  Morton's  day,  feems  to  have 

hanged,  but  allowed  the  privilege  of 
choofing  the  tree.  He  efcaped  the  pen- 
alty by  being  unable  to  find  a  tree  to 
his  liking.  Morton  ufes  the  expreffion 
again,  fee  infra,  *I37-  But  the  refe- 
rence here  is  as  obfeure  as  "  the  poem." 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  279 

brought  over  a  woman  to  her  huiband,  that  had  bin  there 
lonee  before  and  thrived  fo  well  that  hee  fent  for  her  and  her 
children  to  come  to  him  ;  where  fhortly  after  hee  died :  hav- 
ing no  reafon,  but  becaufe  of  the  found  of  thofe  two  words ; 
when  as,  (the  truth  is,)  the  man  they  applyed  it  to  was  alto- 
gether unknowne  to  the  Author. 

There  was  likewife  a  merry  fong  made,  which,  (to  make 
their  Revells  more  fafhionable,)  was  fung  with  a  Corus,  every 
man  bearing  his  part;  which  they  performed  in  a  daunce, 
hand  in  hand  about  the  Maypole,  whiles  one  of  the  Com- 
pany fung  and  filled  out  the  good  liquor,  like  gammedes 
and  Iupiter. 



DRinke  and  be  merry,  merry,  merry  boycs ; 
Let  all  your  delight  be  in  the  Hymens  ioyes  ; 
Jo  to  Hymen,  now  the  day  is  come, 
About  the  merry  Maypole  take  a  Roome. 

Make  greene  garlons,  bring  bottles  out 

And  fill  fweet  Neclar  freely  about. 
*  Vncover  thy  head  and  feare  no  harme,  *  1 35 

For  hers  good  liquor  to  kccpe  it  warme. 
Then  drinke  and  be  merry,  &c. 
lb  to  Hymen,  &c. 

Neclar  is  a  thing  aJJigiHd 

By  the  Deities  owne  minde 

To  cure  the  hart  opprejl  with  greife, 

And  of  good  liquors  is  the  cheife. 
Then  drinke,  &c. 
lb  to  Hymen,  &c.  Give 

280  New  Engli/Ii  Caitaan. 

Give  to  the  Mellancolly  man 
A  cup  or  two  of  V  now  and  than  ; 
This  phyfick  willfoone  revive  his  bloud, 
And  make  him  be  of  a  merrier  moode. 

Then  drinke,  &c. 

lb  to  Hymen,  &c. 

Give  to  the  Nymphe  t  hats  free  from  fcorne 
No  IrifJi  fluff  nor  Scotch  over  worne. 
Laffes  in  beaver  coats  come  away, 
YcefJiall  be  welcome  to  us  night  and  day. 

To  drinke  and  be  merry  &c. 

Jo  to  Hymen,  &c. 

This  harmeles  mirth  made  by  younge  men,  (that  lived  in 
hope  to  have  wifes  brought  over  to  them,  that  would  fave 
them  a  laboure  to  make  a  voyage  to  fetch  any  over,)  was 
much  diftafted  of  the  precife  Seperatifts,  that  keepe  much 
a  doe  about  the  tyth  of  Muit  and  Cummin,  troubling  their 
braines  more  then  reafon  would  require  about  things  that 
are  indifferent :  and  from  that  time  fought  occafion 
*  136  againft  my*  honeft  Holt  of  Ma-re  Mount,  to  over- 
throw his  ondertakings  and  to  deftroy  his  plantation 
quite  and  cleane.  But  becaufe  they  prefumed  with  their 
imaginary  gifts,  (which  they  have  out  of  Phaos  box,1)  they 
could  expound  hidden  mifteries,  to  convince  them  of  blind- 
nes,  as  well  in  this  as  in  other  matters  of  more  confequence, 
I  will  illuftrate  the  poem,  according  to  the  true  intent  of  the 
authors  of  thefe  Revells,  fo  much  diftafted  by  thofe  Moles. 

Oedipus  is  generally  receaved  for  the  abfolute  reader  of 
riddles,  who  is  invoaked :  Silla  and  Caribdis  are  two  danger- 

1  Infra,  348,  note.  ous 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  281 

ous  places  for  feamen  to  incounter,  neere  unto  Venn  ice ; 
and  have  bin  by  poets  formerly  refembled  to  man  and  wife. 
The  like  licence  the  author  challenged  for  a  paire  of  his 
nomination,  the  one  lamenting  for  the  loffe  of  the  other  as 
Niobe  for  her  children.  Amphitrite  is  an  arme  of  the  Sea, 
by  which  the  newes  was  carried  up  and  downe  of  a  rich 
widow,  now  to  be  tane  up  or  laid  downe.  By  Triton  is  the 
fame  fpread  that  caufed  the  Suters  to  mufter,  (as  it  had  bin 
to  Penellope  of  Greece  ;)  and,  the  Coafl  lying  circuler,  all 
our  paffage  to  and  froe  is  made  more  convenient  by  Sea 
then  Land.  Many  aimed  at  this  marke ;  but  hee  that  played 
Proteus  belt  and  could  comply  with  her  humor  mufl  be  the 
man  that  would  carry  her ;  and  hee  had  need  have  Samp- 
fons  flrenght  to  deale  with  a  Dallila,  and  as  much  patience 
as  lob  that  mould  come  there,  for  a  thing  that  I  did  ob- 
ferve  in  the  life-time  of  the  former. 

But  marriage  and  hanging,  (they  fay,)  comes  by  defteny 
and  Scogans  choife1  tis  better   [than]  none   at  all. 
Hee  that  *  playd  Proteus,  (with  the  helpe  of  Pria-    *  137 
pus,)  put  their  nofes  out  of  joynt,  as  the  Proverbe  is. 

And  this  the  whole  company  of  the  Revellers  at  Ma-re 
Mount  knew  to  be  the  true  fence  and  expofition  of  the 
riddle  that  was  fixed  to  the  Maypole,  which  the  Seperatifts 
were  at  defiance  with.  Some  of  them  affirmed  that  the  firft. 
inftitution  thereof  was  in  memory  of  a  whore  ; 2  not  knowing 
that  it  was  a  Trophe  erected  at  firft  in  honor  of  Maja,  the 
Lady  of    learning   which   they   defpife,   vilifying    the    two 


1  Supra,  278,  note  I.  2  "Ye  Roman  Goddes  Flora."  (Brad- 

ford, p.  237.) 

282  New  Englifh  Canaan, 

univerfities  with  uncivile  termes,  accounting  what  is  there 
obtained  by  ftuddy  is  but  unneceffary  learning ;  not  confid- 
ering  that  learninge  does  inable  mens  mindes  to  converfe 
with  eliments  of  a  higher  nature  then  is  to  be  found  within 
the  habitation  of  the  Mole. 

Chap.    XV. 

Of  a  great  Monfter  fuppofed  to  be  at  Ma-re-Mount ;   and 
the  preparation  made  to  dejlroy  it} 

THe  Seperatifts,  envying  the  profperity  and  hope  of  the 
Plantation  at  Ma-re  Mount,  (which  they  perceaved 
beganne  to  come  forward,  and  to  be  in  a  good  way  for  gaine 
in  the  Beaver  trade,)  confpired  together  againft  mine  Hoft 
elpecially,  (who  was  the  owner  of  that  Plantation,)  and  made 
up  a  party  againft  him;    and   muftred  up   what  aide  they 

could,  accounting  of  him  as  of  a  great  Monfter. 
*  138        *  Many  threatening  fpeeches  were  given  out  both 

againft  his  perfon  and  his  Habitation,  which  they 
divulged  fhould  be  confumed  with  fire  :  And  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  time  when  his  company,  (which  feemed  little  to 
regard  theire  threats,)  were  gone  up  into  the  Inlands  to  trade 
with  the  Salvages  for  Beaver,  they  fet  upon  my  honeft  hoft 
at  a  place  called  Wefiagufcus,  where,  by  accident,  they  found 
him.  The  inhabitants  there  were  in  good  hope  of  the  fub- 
vertion  of  the  plantation  at  Mare  Mount,  (which  they  prin- 
cipally aymed  at ; )   and  the  rather  becaufe  mine  hoft  was  a 


1  In  regard  to  the  arreft  of  Morton  by  Standifh,  in  June,  1628,  teefupra,  27-9. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  283 

man  that  indeavoured  to  advaunce  the  dignity  of  the  Church 
of  England ;  which  they,  (on  the  contrary  part,)  would 
laboure  to  vilifie  with  uncivile  termes :  enveying  againft  the 
facred  booke  of  common  prayer,  and  mine  hoft  that  ufed  it 
in  a  laudable  manner  amongft  his  family,  as  a  praclife  of 

There  hee  would  be  a  meanes  to  bringe  facks  to  their  mill, 
(fuch  is  the  thirft  after  Beaver,)  and  helped  the  confpiratores 
to  furprife  mine  hofl,  (who  was  there  all  alone;)  and  they 
chardged  him,  (becaufe  they  would  feeme  to  have  fome  rea- 
fonable  caufe  againft  him  to  fett  a  gloffe  upon  their  mallice,) 
with  criminall  things  ;  which  indeede  had  beene  done  by  fuch 
a  perfon,  but  was  of  their  confpiracy  ;  mine  hofl  demaunded 
of  the  confpirators  who  it  was  that  was  author  of  that  infor- 
mation, that  feemed  to  be  their  ground  for  what  they  now 
intended.  And  becaufe  they  anfwered  they  would  not  tell 
him,  hee  as  peremptorily  replyed,  that  hee  would  not  fay 
whether  he  had,  or  he  had  not  done  as  they  had  bin 

*  The  anfwere  made  no  matter,  (as  it  feemed,)  *  139 
whether  it  had  bin  negatively  or  affirmatively  made ; 
for  they  had  refolved  what  hee  mould  fuffer,  becaufe,  (as  they 
boafted,)  they  were  now  become  the  greater  number :  they 
had  fhaked  of  their  fhackles  of  fervitude,  and  were  become 
Mailers,  and  mailerles  people. 

It  appeares  they  were  like  beares  whelpes  in  former  time, 
when  mine  hofls  plantation  was  of  as  much  ftrength  as  theirs, 
but  now,  (theirs  being  ftronger,)  they,  (like  overgrowne 
beares,)  feemed  monfterous.  In  breife,  mine  hoft  muft  indure 
to  be  their  prifoner  untill  they  could  contrive  it  fo  that  they 


284  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

might  fend  him  for  England,  (as  they  faid,)  there  to  fuffer 
according  to  the  merrit  of  the  fact  which  they  intended  to 
father  upon  him ;  fuppofing,  (belike,)  it  would  proove  a  hai- 
nous  crime. 

Much  rejoycing  was  made  that  they  had  gotten  their  cap- 
pitall  enemy,  (as  they  concluded  him  ; )  whome  they  purpofed 
to  hamper  in  fuch  fort  that  hee  mould  not  be  able  to  uphold 
his  plantation  at  Ma-re  Mount. 

The  Confpirators  fported  themfelves  at  my  honeft  hoft, 
that  meant  them  no  hurt,  and  were  fo  joccund  that  they  feafted 
their  bodies,  and  fell  to  tippeling  as  if  they  had  obtained  a 
great  prize ;  like  the  Trojans  when  they  had  the  cuftody  of 
Hippeus  pinetree  horfe. 

Mine    hoft    fained  greefe,  and    could    not  be  perfwaded 
either  to  eate  or  drinke  ;  becaufe  hee  knew  emptines  would 
be  a  meanes  to  make  him  as  watchfull  as  the  Geefe  kept  in 
the  Roman  Cappitall :   whereon,  the  contrary  part,  the  con- 
fpirators would  be  fo  drowfy  that  hee  might  have  an 
*  140    opportunity  to  give  them  a  *  flip,  infteade  of  a  teller. 
Six  perfons  of  the  confpiracy  were  fet  to  watch  him 
Mine  Hoji    at  Weffagufcus  :    But  hee  kept  waking ;  and  in  the  dead  of 
gpri/on        night,  (one    lying  on  the    bed   for  further  fuerty,)  up  gets 
mine  Hoft  and  got  to  the  fecond  dore  that  hee  was  to  paffe, 
which,  notwithstanding  the  lock,   hee  got  open,  and  fliut  it 
after  him  with  fuch  violence  that  it  affrighted  fome  of  the 

The  word,  which  was  given  with  an  alarme,  was,  6  he  's 
gon,  he  's  gon,  what  fhall  wee  doe,  he  's  gon  !  The  refl,  (halfe 
a  fleepe,)  ftart  up  in  a  maze,  and,  like  rames,  ran  theire  heads 
one  at  another  full  butt  in  the  darke. 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  285 

Theire  grande  leader,  Captaine  Shrimp,  tooke  on  moft  furi-  The  Captain 
oufly  and  tore  his  clothes  for  anger,  to  fee  the  empty  neft,  clothes. 
and  their  bird  gone. 

The  reft  were  eager  to  have  torne  theire  haire  from  theire 
heads  ;  but  it  was  fo  fhort  that  it  would  give  them  no  hold. 
Now  Captaine  Shrimp  thought  in  the  loffe  of  this  prize, 
(which  hee  accoumpted  his  Mailer  peece,)  all  his  honor 
would  be  loft  for  ever. 

In    the  meane  time  mine  Hofl  was  got  home  to  Ma-re  Mineko/i 
Mount  through  the  woods,  eight  miles  round  about  the  head  Ma-rc'mount. 
of  the   river   Monatoquit  that  parted   the   two   Plantations, 
finding  his  way  by  the  helpe  of  the  lightening,  (for  it  thun- 
dred  as  hee  went  terribly ; )    and  there  hee  prepared  pow- 
ther,  three  pounds  dried,  for  his  prefent  imployement,  and 
foure  good  gunnes  for  him  and  the  two  affirmants  left  at  his  Hee  provides 
howfe,  with  bullets  of  feverall  fizes,  three  hounderd  or  there-  Zs.ume' 
abouts,  to  be  ufed  if  the  confpirators  fhould  purfue 
*  him  thether:  and  thefe  two  perfons  promifed  theire    *  141 
aides  in  the  quarrell,  and  confirmed  that  promife  with 
health  in  good  rofa  folis. 

Now  Captaine  Shrimp,  the  firft  Captaine  in  the  Land,  (as 
hee  fuppofed,)  muffc  doe  fome  new  act  to  repaire  this  loffe, 
and,  to  vindicate  his  reputation,  who  had  fuftained  blemifh 
by  this  overfight,  begins  now  to  ftudy,  how  to  repaire  or  fur- 
vive  his  honor :  in  this  manner,  callinge  of  Councell,  they 

Hee  takes  eight  perfons  more  to  him,  and,  (like  the  nine 
Worthies  of  New  Canaan,)  they  imbarque  with  preparation 
againft  Ma-re-Mount,  where  this  Monfter  of  a  man,  as  theire 
phrafe  was,  had  his  denne ;  the  whole  number,  had  the  reft 


286  New  Englifh  Canaa7t. 

not  bin  from  home,  being  but  feaven,  would  have  given  Cap- 
taine  Shrimpe,  (a  quondam  Drummer,)  fuch  a  wellcome  as 
would  have  made  him  wifh  for  a  Drume  as  bigg  as  Diogenes 
tubb,  that  hee  might  have  crept  into  it  out  of  fight. 

Now  the  nine  Worthies  are  approached,  and  mine  Hoft 
prepared :  having  intelligence  by  a  Salvage,  that  haflened  in 
love  from  Weffagufcus  to  give  him  notice  of  their  intent. 

One  of  mine  Hofts  men  prooved  a  craven  :  the  other  had 
prooved  his  wits  to  purchafe  a  little  valoure,  before  mine 
Hoft  had  obferved  his  pofture. 

*  142     *  The  nine  worthies  comming  before  the  Denne  of 

this  fuppofed  Monfter,  (this  feaven  headed  hydra,  as 

they  termed  him,)  and  began,  like  Don  Quixote  againft  the 

a  Parly.         Windmill,  to  beate  a  parly,  and  to  offer  quarter,  if  mine  Hoft 

would  yeald  ;  for  they  refolved  to   fend   him  for  England  ; 

and  bad  him  lay  by  his  armes. 

But  hee,  (who  was  the  Sonne  of  a  Souldier,)  having  taken 
up  armes  in  his  juft  defence,  replyed  that  hee  would  not  lay 
by  thofe  armes,  becaufe  they  were  fo  needefull  at  Sea,  if  hee 
mould  be  fent  over.  Yet,  to  fave  the  effufion  of  fo  much 
worty  bloud,  as  would  haue  iffued  out  of  the  vaynes  of  thefe 
9.  worthies  of  New  Canaan,  if  mine  Hoft  fhould  have  played 
upon  them  out  at  his  port  holes,  (for  they  came  within  dan- 
ger like  a  flocke  of  wild  geefe,  as  if  they  had  bin  tayled  one 
to  another,  as  coults  to  be  fold  at  a  faier,)  mine  Hoft  was 
content  to  yeelde  upon  quarter ;  and  did  capitulate  with 
them  in  what  manner  it  fhould  be  for  more  certainety, 
Captaine        becaufe  hee  knew  what  Captaine  Shrimpe  was. 

Shrimpe  pro-  L  m  ' 

mifeth  that  Hee  expreffed  that  no  violence  fhould  be  offered  to  his 

no  Violence  .    .  1  r    1    •        t  t  /~  1       i  -i        i 

fliouidbee        pcrfon,  none  to  his  goods,  nor  any  of  his  Howfehold :  but 

offered  to  his  , 

pcrfon.  that 

New  Englifh  Canaan,  287 

that  hee  mould  have  his  armes,  and  what  els  was  requifit 
for  the  voyage  :  which  theire  Herald  retornes,  it  was  agreed 
upon,  and  fhould  be  performed. 

But  mine  Hoft  no  fooner  had  fet  open  the  dore,  and  iffued 
out,  but  inftantly  Captaine  Shrimpe  and  the  reft  of  the  wor- 
ties  ftepped  to  him,  layd  hold  of  his  armes,  and  had 
him  downe :    and    fo  eagerly  was  every  *man    bent    *  143 
againft  him,  (not  regarding  any  agreement  made  with 
fuch  a  carnall  man,)  that  they  fell  upon  him  as  if  they  would 
have  eaten  him  :    fome  of  them  were  fo  violent  that  they 
would  have  a  flice  with  fc.abbert,  and  all  for   hafte ;    untill  The  Worthies 
an  old  Souldier,  (of  the  Queenes,  as  the  Proverbe  is,)  that  ™hdruJwor- 
was   there  by   accident,  clapt  his   gunne  under  the   weap-  thyPraaife'- 
ons,  and  fharply  rebuked  thefe  worthies  for  their  unworthy 
pra6lifes.     So    the   matter  was   taken  into  more  deliberate 

Captaine  Shrimpe,  and  the  reft  of  the  nine  worthies, 
made  themfelves,  (by  this  outragious  riot,)  Matters  of  mine 
Hofte  of  Ma-re  Mount,  and  difpofed  of  what  hee  had  at  his 

This  they  knew,  (in  the  eye  of  the  Salvages,)  would  add 
to  their  glory,  and  diminifh  the  reputation  of  mine  honeft 
Hoft ;  whome  they  practifed  to  be  ridd  of  upon  any  termes, 
as  willingly  as  if  hee  had  bin  the  very  Hidra  of  the  time. 

Chapter    XVI. 

288  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Chap.    XVI. 

How  the  9.  worthies  put  mine  Hoji  of  Ma-re-Mount  into 
the  inchaunted  Caftle  at  Plimniouth,  and  terrified  him 
with  tlie  Monfier  Briareus. 

THe  nine  worthies  of  New  Canaan  having  now  the  Law 
in  their  owne  hands,  (there  being  no  generall 
*  144  *  Governour  in  the  Land ;  nor  none  of  the  Sepera- 
tion  that  regarded  the  duety  they  owe  their  Sover- 
aigne,  whofe  naturall  borne  Subjects  they  were,  though 
tranflated  out  of  Holland,  from  whence  they  had  learned  to 
worke  all  to  their  owne  ends,  and  make  a  great  fhewe  of  Re- 
ligion, but  no  humanity,)  for  they  were  now  to  fit  in  Counfell 
on  the  caufe. 

And  much  it  flood  mine  honeft  Hoft  upon  to  be  very  cir- 
cumfpect,  and  to  take  Eacus1  to  tafke  ;  for  that  his  voyce  was 
more  allowed  of  then  both  the  other :  and  had  not  mine 
Hoft  confounded  all  the  arguments  that  Eacus  could  make 
in  their  defence,  and  confuted  him  that  fwaied  the  reft,  they 
would  have  made  him  unable  to  drinke  in  fuch  manner  of 
merriment  any  more.  So  that  following  this  private  coun- 
fell, given  him  by  one  that  knew  who  ruled  the  roft,  the 
Hiracano  ceafed  that  els  would  fplit  his  pinace. 

A  conclufion  was  made  and  fentence  given  that  mine 
Hoft  fhould  be  fent  to  England  a  prifoner.  But  when  hee 
was  brought  to  the  fhipps  for  that  purpofe,  no  man  durft 


1  See  infra,  291,  note. 

New  Rnglifli  Canaan.  289 

be  fo  foole   hardy  as   to    undertake  carry  him.1     So  thefe 
Worthies  fet  mine    Hoft   upon    an    Ifland,  without   gunne,  Mine  hoji 
powther,  or  fhot  or  dogge  or  fo  much  as  a  knife  to  get  any  iji^nTwHk- 
thinge  to  feede  upon,  or  any  other  cloathes  to  fhelter  him  Tjl'/^/o"^ 
with  at  winter  then  a  thinne  fuite  which  hee  had  one  at  that  htmfelfe- 
time.     Home  hee  could  not  get  to  Ma-re-Mount.     Upon  this 
Ifland  hee  ftayed  a  moneth  at  lead,  and  was  releeved  by 
Salvages  that  tooke  notice  that  mine  Hoft  was  a  Sachem  of 
Paffonageffit,  and  would  bringe  bottles  of  ftrong  liquor 
to  him,  and  unite  themfelves  *  into  a  league  of  brother    *  145 
hood  with  mine  Hoft ;  fo  full  of  humanity  are  thefe 
infidels  before  thofe  Chriftians. 

From  this  place  for  England  failed  mine  Hoft  in  a  Plim- 
mouth  fhipp,  (that  came  into  the  Land  to  fifli  upon  the 
Coaft,)  that  landed  him  fafe  in  England  at  Plimmouth  :  and 
hee  ftayed  in  England  untill  the  ordinary  time  for  fhipping 
to  fet  forth  for  thefe  parts,  and  then  retorned:2  Noe  man 
being  able  to  taxe  him  of  any  thinge. 

But  the  Worthies,  (in  the  meane  time,)  hoped  they  had 
bin  ridd  of  him. 

Chapter    XVII. 

1  Morton  here  confounds  his  experi-  (Bradford,  p.  232.)     Allerton  returned 

ence  in  Bofton,  two  years  later,  with  that  to  London  in  the  courfe  of  the  fucceed- 

at  Plymouth  in  162S.     In  1630  the  maf-  ing   hammer  or   autumn,  but   it  is  not 

ter  of  the  ^///refufed  to  carry  him  back  probable  then  any  veffel  left  Plymouth 

to  England.    {Supra,  44.)    In  the  fpring  in  June,  1628,  bound  for  England.    (Su- 

of  1628,  however,  no  veffel  feems  to  have  pra,  29.) 

arrived  at  Plymouth  from  England,  as         "2  It  was  not  until  towards  the  clofe  of 

Allerton   then   brought  over  an  affort-  the  fummer  of  the  next  year  that  Morton 

ment  of  goods,  and  came  in  a  nfhing-  returned  to  Maffachufetts,  in  company 

veffel   by   way  of  the    Maine   nations,  with  Allerton.     {Supra,  36-7.) 

290  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Chap.    XVII. 

Of  the  Baccanall  Triumphe  of  the  nine  worthies  of  New 

THe  Seperatifts  were  not  fo  contended,  (when  mine 
Hoft  of  Ma-re- Mount  was  gone,)  but  they  were  as  much 
difcontended  when  hee  was  retorned  againe :  and  the  rather 
becaufe  theire  paffages  about  him,  and  the  bufineffe,  were  fo 
much  derided  and  in  fonges  exemplified :  which,  (for  better 
fatisfaclion  of  fuch  as  are  in  that  kinde  affected,)  I  have  fet 
forth,  as  it  was  then  in  ufe  by  the  name  of  the  Baccanall 
Trizimphe,  as  followeth : 

*  146  *THE    POEM.1 

MajierBcn:  T  fing  tit  adventures  of  nine  worthy  wights, 

-■-     And  pit 'ty  V  is  I  cannot  call  them  Knights, 

Since  they  had  brawne  and  braine,  and  were  right  able 

To  be  inflalled  of  Prince  Art/mres  table  ; 

Yet  all  of  them  were  Squires  of  low  degree, 

As  did  appeare  by  rules  of  heraldry. 


1  Morton  implies  above  that  the  Exactly  what  this  fignifies  it  is  impofli- 
"Poem"  which  follows  was  written  ble  now  to  fay.  Some  critics  that  I 
fhortly  after  the  events  to  which  it  re-  have  confulted  are  inclined  to  think 
lates  occurred,  and  before  his  return  to  that  Jonfon,  who  was  then  about  fifty- 
New  England  in  1629.  It  was  then,  it  five  years  old  and  at  the  height  of  his 
feems,  "in  ufe"  in  London.  The  name  fame,  may  have  written  all  the  verfes. 
of  Ben  Jonfon  appears  in  the  margin  of  Others  fugged  that  Morton,  by  putting 
the  original  edition,  as  of  this  reprint,  the  name  in  the  margin,  meant  to  imply 
and  oppofite  the  firft  two  lines,  as  above,  that    Jonfon    wrote  them  all,  and    that 



New  Englifli  Canaan. 


The  Magi  tould  of  a  prodigeous  birth 

That  JJiortly  JJwuld  be  found  upon  the  earth, 

By  Archimedes  art,  which  they  mif confer 

Vnto  their  Land  would proove  a  hiddeous  monfler ; 

Seaven  heades  it  had,  and  twice  fo  many  feete, 

Arguing  the  body  to  be  wondrous greate, 


this  was  another  of  the  unfcrupulous 
tricks  of  the  author  of  the  New  Canaan. 
Neither  explanation  commends  itielf  to 
my  judgment.  The  firft  five  verlified 
lines  are  a  paraphrafe  of  five  lines  at 
the  beginning  of  one  of  Jonfon's  pro- 
ductions, for  a  poem  it  is  not.  In  his 
publiihed  works  (Gifford's  ed.  [1816], 
vol.  viii.  p.  241)  they  appear  as  follows  : — 

"  I  fing  the  brave  adventure  of  two  wights, 
And  pity  'tis,  I  cannot  call  them  knights : 
One  was ;  and  he  for  brawn  and  brain  right 

To  have  been  ftyled  of  king  Arthur's  table. 
The  other  was  a  fquire,  of  fair  degree." 

With  the  laft  of  the  foregoing  lines  the 
paraphrafe  flops,  and  the  reft  of  the 
verfes  in  the  New  Canaan  are,  it  muft 
in  juftice  be  faid,  not  only  more  cleanly, 
but  in  other  refpecbs  fuperior  to  thofe 
to  be  found  in  Jonfon's  works.  Indeed, 
where  the  latter  are  not  unintelligible, 
they  are  almoft  unequalled  for  the  nafti- 
nefs  in  which  the  writer  feems  to  revel. 
Gifford  not  too  ftrongly  remarks  of  them, 
"  I  diflike  the  fubject."  Morton,  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  abandoning,  at  the  fixth 
line,  the  paraphrafe  with  which  he  began, 
went  on  with  a  production  of  his  own,  but 
very  properly  put  Jonfon's  name  oppofite 
the  lines  he  borrowed  from  him.  The 
remainder  is  in  his  own  ftyle,  and  not 
inferior  to  the  mafs  of  the  contempo- 
rary verfe.  He  himfelf  explains  it.  The 
"  nine  worthy  wights  "  are  Standifh  and 
his  party,  who  were  fent  to  arreft  him. 
The  "  prodigeous  birth,''  was  the  eftab- 

lifhment  of  the  Mount  Wollafton  planta- 
tion. The  "  feven  heads "  were  the 
feven  perfons  compofing  the  company  at 
Mount  Wollafton  at  the  time  of  the  ar- 
reft. The  "  forked  tail  "  was  the  May- 
pole, with  its  antlered  top.  The  fear  that 
the  Hydra  of  Ma-re  Mount  would  devour 
"  all  their  beft  flocks  "  refers  to  the  ap- 
prehended competition  in  the  fur  trade. 
The  "Soil  in  Cancer"  indicates  the 
feafon ;  the  "  thundering  Jove "  the 
ftorm,  in  which  Morton  made  his  efcape 
from  his  captors  at  Weffaguftet.  The 
arreft  at  Mount  Wollafton  is  paffed  over 
very  lightly.  Then  follows  the  difcuf- 
fion  among  the  magiftrates  at  Plymouth, 
as  to  the  difpofition  to  be  made  of  the 
prifoner.  Standifh  would  feem  to  be  de- 
signated under  the  name  of  Minos.  He 
recommends  death.  Eacus  is  more  dif- 
ficult to  identify.  In  the  preceding 
chapter  {Supra,  288),  Morton  fpeaks  of 
him  as  being  the  one  whofe  "  voice  was 
more  allowed  of  then  both  the  others." 
My  fuppofition  is  that,  by  Eacus,  Mor- 
ton meant  Dr.  Samuel  Fuller,  who  then 
apparently  (Bradford,  pp.  264,  note,  306, 
note)  flood,  next  to  Standifh,  at  the  head 
of  the  affiftants.  Morton  fays  that  he 
"confounded  all  the  arguments  that 
Eacus  could  make;  "  and  he  afterwards, 
in  the  New  Canaan,  refers  to  Fuller 
with  peculiar  bitternefs.  {Infra,  298.) 
"Sterne  Radamant"  is  clearly  Brad- 
ford, "the  cheif  Elder."  The  remainder 
of  the  poem  calls  for  no  explanation ; 
and  the  whole  of  it  is  much  lefs  unin- 
telligible than  is  ufual  with  Morton. 

292  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Be/ides  a  forked  taile  heavd  up  on  highe 

As  if  it  threaten  d  battett  to  thefkie. 

The  Rtimor  of  this  fearef nil  prodigy 

Did  caufe  tJi  effeminate  multitude  to  cry 

For  want  of  great  Alcides  aide,  and  flood 

Like  People  that  have  feene  M edit  fas  head. 

Great  was  the  greife  of  hart,  great  was  the  mone, 

And  great  the  fear e  conceaved  by  every  one 

Of  Hydras  hiddeous  forme  and  dreadfull powre, 

Doubting  in  time  this  Monfler  would  devoure 

All  their  bcfl  flocks,  whofe  dainty  wo  lie  conforts 

Itfelfe  with  Scarlet  in  all  Princes  Courts. 

Not  Iafon  nor  the  adventerous  youths  of  Greece 

Did  bring  from  Colcos  any  richer  Fleece. 

In  Emulation  of  the  Gretian  force 

Thefe  Worthies  nineprepard  a  woodden  hoife, 

*  147  *  And,  prick 'd  with  pride  of  like  fucceffe,  divife 

How  they  may  purchafe  glory  by  this  prize  ; 

And,  if  they  give  to  Hidreas  head  the  fall, 

It  will  remaine  a  plat  forme  unto  all 

Theire  brave  atchivements,  and  in  time  to  comme, 

Per  fas  aut  nefas,  they  V  erefl  a  throne. 

Cloiibs  are  turnd  trumps  :  fo  now  the  lott  is  cafl: 

With  fire  and  f word  to  Hidras  den  they  Jiafle, 

Mars  in  tli  affendant,  Soil  in  Cancer  now, 

And  Lerna  Lake  to  Pluto s  court  mufl  bow. 

What  though  they  [be~]  rebu/cd  by  thundring  love, 

Tis  neither  Gods  nor  men  that  can  remove 

Their  mindes  from  making  this  a  difmall  day. 

Thefe  nine  will  now  be  aclors  in  this  play, 


New  Englijli  Canaan.  293 

And  Sumon  Hidra  to  appeare  anon 

Before  their  zvitles  Combination  : 

But  his  undaunted  fpir it,  nurfd  with  meate 

Such  as  the  Cecrops  gave  their  babes  to  eate, 

Scorn" d  their  bafe  accons  ;  for  with  Cecrops  charme 

Hee  knew  he  could  defend  himfelfe  from  harme 

Of  Minos,  Eacus,  and  Radamand, 

Princes  of  Limbo  ;  who  mtifl  out  of  hand 

Confult  bout  Hidra,  what  mufl  now  be  done : 

Who,  having  fate  in  Counfcll,  one  by  one 

Retorne  this  anfwere  to  the  Stiggcan  feinds  ; 

And firfl  grim  Minos  f pake :  mofl  loving  freinds, 

Hidra  prognoflicks  mine  to  ourflate 

And  that  our  Kingdome  will  grow  defolate  ; 

But  if  one  head  from  thence  be  lane  away 

The  Body  and  the  members  will  decay. 

*  To  take  in  hand,  quothx  Eacus,  this  tafke,  *  148 

Is  fuck  as  karebraind  Phaeton  did  afke 

Of  Phebus,  to  begird  tke  world  about ; 

Which  graunted put  the  Netherlands  to  rout ; 

Prefumptious  fooles  leame  wit  at  too  much  cojl, 

For  life  and  labotcre  both  at  once  hee  lofl. 

Sterne  Radamantus,  being  lafl  to  fpeake, 

Made  a  great  hum  and  thus  didfilence  breake  : 

What  if,  with  ratli7tg  chaines  or  Iron  bands, 

Hidra  be  bound  either  by  feete  or  hands, 

And  after,  being  laflid  with  fmarting  rodds, 

Hee  be  conveyd  by  Stix  zcnlo  the  godds 


1  [what]     Seefuflra,  in,  note  1. 

294  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

To  be  accufed  on  the  ripper  ground 
Of  Lefcs  Majeftatis,  this  crime  found 
T" will  be  tmpoffible  front  thence,  I  trow e, 
Hidra  fJiall  come  to  trouble  us  below e. 
This  fentence  pleafd  the  friends  exceedingly, 
That  up  they  toft  their  bonnets,  and  did  cry, 
Long  live  our  Court  in  great  profperity. 
The  Seffwns  ended,  fome  did flraight  devife 
Court  Revells,  antiques  arid  a  zuorld  ofj'oyes, 
Brave  Chriflmas  gambols  : 1  there  was  open  hall 
Kept  to  the  full,  and  f port,  the  Divell  and  all : 
Laboure  's  defpifed,  the  loonies  are  laid  away, 
And  this  proclaim  d  the  Stigean  Holliday. 
In  came  grim  Mino,  with  his  motly  beard, 
And  brought  a  diflillation  well prcpard ; 
And  Eacus,  who  is  as  fuer  as  text, 
Came  in  with  his  preparatives  the  next ; 
Then  Radamantus,  lafl  and principall, 
Fcafled  the  Worthies  in  his  fumptuous  hall. 
*  1 49  *  There  Charon  Cerberous  and  the  rout  of  fcinds 

Had  lap  enough  :  and  fo  their paflims  ends. 


NOw  to  illuftrate  this  Poem,  and  make  the  fence  more 
plaine,  it   is   to   be  confidered    that  the    Perfons  at 
Ma-re-Mount  were  feaven,  and  they  had  feaven  heads  and 


1  "Brave  Chriftmas  gambols  "  were,     in  the  Plymouth  of  1628.  (See  Bradford, 
it  may  be  remarked,  not  greatly  in  vogue     p.  112.) 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  295 

14.  feete  ;  thefe  were  accounted  Hidra  with  the  feaven  heads : 
and  the  Maypole,  with  the  Homes  nailed  neere  the  topp, 
was  the  forked  tayle  of  this  fuppofed  Monfter,  which  they 
(for  want  of  fkill)  impofed :  yet  feared  in  time,  (if  they  hun- 
dred not  mine  Hoft),  hee  would  hinder  the  benefit  of  their 
Beaver  trade,  as  hee  had  done,  (by  meanes  of  this  helpe,)  in 
Kynyback  river  finely,  ere  they  were  awares ;  who,  com- 
ming  too  late,  were  much  difmaide  to  finde  that  mine  Hoft 
his  boate  had  gleaned  away  all  before  they  came ;  which 
Beaver  is  a  fitt  companion  for  Scarlett :  and  I  beleeve  that 
Iafons  golden  Fleece  was  either  the  fame,  or  fome  other 
Fleece  not  of  fo  much  value. 

This  action  bred  a  kinde  of  hart  burning  in  the  Plim- 
mouth  Planters,  who  after  fought  occafion  againft  mine 
Hoft  to  overthrowe  his  undertakings  and  to  deftroy  his 
Plantation ;  whome  they  accoumpted  a  maine  enemy  to 
theire  Church  and  State. 

*  Now  when  they  had  begunne  with  him,  they  #  1 50 
thought  beft  to  proceede :  forafmuch  as  they  thought 
themfelves  farre  enough  from  any  controule  of  Iuftice,  and 
therefore  refolved  to  be  their  ovvne  carvers :  (and  the  rather 
becaufe  they  prefumed  upon  fome  incouragement  they  had 
from  the  favourites  of  their  Seel;  in  England  :  )  and  with 
fire  and  fword,  nine  in  number,  purfued  mine  Hoft,  who 
had  efcaped  theire  hands,  in  fcorne  of  what  they  intended, 
and  betooke  him  to  his  habitation  in  a  night  of  great 
thunder  and  lightening,  when  they  durft  not  follow  him,  as 
hardy  as  thefe  nine  worthies  feemed  to  be. 

It  was  in  the  Moneth  of   Iune  that  thefe  Marfhallifts  had 


296  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

appointed  to  goe  about  this  mifcheifous  project,  and  deale 
fo  crabbidly  with  mine  Hoft. 

After  a  parly,  hee  capitulated  with  them  about  the  quarter 
they  proffered  him,  if  hee  would  confent  to  goe  for  England, 
there  to  anfwere,  (as  they  pretended,)  fome  thing  they  could 
object  againft  him  principall  to  the  generall :  But  what  it 
would  be  hee  cared  not,  neither  was  it  any  thing  materiall. 

Yet  when  quarter  was  agreed  upon,  they,  contrary  wife, 
abufed  him,  and  carried  him  to  theire  towne  of  Plimmouth, 
where,  (if  they  had  thought  hee  durft  have  gone  to  Eng- 
land,) rather  then  they  would  have  bin  any  more  affronted 
by  him  they  would  have  difpatched  him,  as  Captaine  Shrimp 
in  a  rage  profeft  that  hee  would  doe  with  his  Piftoll,  as  mine 
Hoft  fhould  fet  his  foote  into  the  boate.  Howfoever,  the 
cheife  Elders  voyce  in  that  place  was  more  powerfull 
*  1 5 1  than  any  of  the  reft,  who  concluded  *  to  fend  mine 
Hoft  without  any  other  thing  to  be  done  to  him. 
And  this  being  the  finall  agreement,  (contrary  to  Shrimpe 
and  others,)  the  nine  Worthies  had  a  great  Feaft  made,  and 
the  furmity1  pott  was  provided  for  the  boats  gang  by  no 
allowance  :  and  all  manner  of  paftime. 

Captaine  Shrimpe  was  fo  overjoyed  in  the  performance  of 
this  exployt,  that  they  had,  at  that  time,  extraordinary  merri- 
ment, (a  thing  not  ufuall  amongft  thofe  prefifians) ;  and 
when  the  winde  ferved  they  tooke  mine  Hoft  into  their 
Shallop,  hoyfed  Saile,  and  carried  him  to  the  Northern 
parts ;  where  they  left  him  upon  a  Ifland. 

Chapter    XVIII. 

1  Supra,  163,  note  1. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  297 

Chap.     XVIII. 

Of  a  Doclor  made  at  a  Commencement  in  New  Canaan} 

THe    Church  of    Plimmouth,  having  due  regard  to  the 
weale  publike  and  the  Brethren  that  were  to  come  over, 
and  knowing  that  they  would  be  bufily  imployed  to  make 
provifion  for  the  cure  of  Soules,  and  therefore  might  neglect 
the  body  for  that  time,  did  hold  themfelves  to  be  in  duety 
bound  to  make  fearch  for  a  fitting  man,  that  might  be  able, 
(if  fo  neede  requir'd,)  to  take  the  chardge  upon  him  in  that 
place  of  imployment :  and  therefore  called  a  Counfell  of  the  a  Counceii 
whole  Synagoge  :  amongft  which  company,  they  chofe  out  a  c 
man  that  long  time  had  bin  nurft  up  in  the  tender 
bofome  of  the  Church:  one  that  had  #  fpeciall  gifts:    *  152 
hee  could   wright  and  reade  ;   nay,  more :   hee    had 
tane  the  oath  of  abjuration,  which  is  a  fpeciall  ftepp,  yea, 
and   a  maine  degree  unto  perferment.     Him  they  weane, 
and  out  of  Phaos  boxe 2  fitt  him  with  fpeciall  guifts  of  no 
leffe  worth  :  they  ftile  him  Doctor,  and  forth  they  fend  him 
to  gaine  imployement  and  opinion. 

What  luck  is  it  I  cannot  hit  on  his  name :  but  I  will  give 


1  The   perfonage   referred  to,  in  this  ment  in  the  text.    At  Plymouth,  befides 

amufing  but  extremely  fcurrilous  chapter,  being  the  phyfician  of  the   colony,  he 

is  Dr.  Samuel  Fuller.     There  is  a  notice  was  a  magiftrate  and  a  deacon  of  the 

of  Dr.  Fuller  in  Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.  church.    He  died  there,  of  an  infectious 

(p.  222,  note),  and  in  Eliot's  Biog.  Dicl.  fever,  in  1633,  and  his  beft  poffible  epi- 

He  was  one  of  thofe  who  came  over  in  taph  is  read  in  Bradford  (p.  314)  :    "  A 

the  Mayflower j  but  that  he  was  born  in  man  godly,   and   forward    to   do  good, 

the  County  of    Somerfet,    and   bred   a  being  much  miffed  after  his  death." 

butcher,  appears  only  from   the  ftate-  2  Infra,  345,  note. 

298  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

you  him  by  a  periphrafis,  that  you  may  know  him  when  you 
meete  him  next. 

Hee  was  borne  at  Wrington,  in  the  County  of  Somerfet, 
where  hee  was  bred  a  Butcher.  Hee  weares  a  lono:e  beard, 
and  a  Garment  like  the  Greeke  that  beQ-orl  in  Pauls 
Church.1  This  new  made  Doctor,  comes  to  Salem  to  con- 
gratulate : 2  where  hee  findes  fome  are  newly  come  from  Sea, 
and  ill  at  eafe. 

He  takes  the  patient,  and  the  urinall :  eies  the  State 
there ;  findes  the  Crafis  Syptomes,  and  the  attomi  natan- 
tes  :  and  tells  the  patient  that  his  difeafe  was  winde,  which 
hee  had  tane  by  gapeing  feafting  over  board3  at  Sea ;  but  hee 
would  quickly  eafe  him  of  that  greife,  and  quite  expell  the 
winde.  And  this  hee  did  performe,  with  his  gifts  hee  had  : 
and  then  hee  handled  the  patient  fo  handfomely,  that  hee 
eafed  him  of  all  the  winde  hee  had  in  an  inftant. 

And  yet  I  hope  this  man  may  be  forgiven,  if  hee  were 
made  a  fitting  Plant  for  Heaven. 

How  hee  went  to  worke  with  his  gifts  is  a  queftion  ;  yet 
hee  did  a  great  cure  for  Captaine  Littleworth,  hee  cured 
him  of  a  difeafe  called  a  wife  : 4  and  yet  I  hope  this  man 


1  Paul's  Walk,  as  the  central  nave  likewife  vifited  Charleftown.  (Young's 
of  old  St.  Paul's  was  called,  was  in  the     Chron,  of  Pilg.,  p.  222,  note.) 

reign  of  Charles  I.  much  what  a  bufi-  8  This  defcription  of  the  ufual  effect 

nefs  arcade  is  now.     There  is  a  vivid  of  fea-ficknefs  I  take  to  be  peculiar  to 

defcription    of    it,    with   extracts   from  Morton. 

writers  of  the  time,  in  W.  H.  Ainf-  4  Endicott's  firft  wife  was  Anna  Go- 
worth's  romance,  Old  St.  PauPs  (B.  11.  ver,  a  coufin  of  Governor  Cradock. 
ch.  7).  See  alfo,  Gardiner's  Charles  I.  Little  is  known  of  her.  She  came  to 
(vol.  ii.  p.  11).  New   England   with   her  hufband,  and 

2  The  vifit  of  Dr.  Fuller  to  Salem,  died  during  the  very  early  days  of 
referred  to  in  the  text,  may  have  taken  the  fettlement,  as  fhe  feems  to  have 
place  in  1628.  Though  lie  was  alfo  there  been  in  failing  health  in  September, 
in  1629  ;    and  again  in   1630,  when  he  1628.      Endicott   was    married    to    his 


New  Englifli  Canaan.  299 

may    be   forgiven,   if  fhee  were    made  a    fitting   plant  for 

*By  this  meanes  hee  was  allowed  4.  p.  a  moneth,  *  153 
and  the  chirgeon's  cheft,  and  made  Phifition  generall 
of  Salem  :  where  hee  exercifed  his  gifts  fo  well,  that  of  full 
42.  that  there  hee  tooke  to  cure,  there  is  not  one  has  more 
caufe  to  complaine,  or  can  fay  black 's  his  eie.  This  faved 
Captaine  Littleworths  credit,  that  had  truck'd  away  the 
vittels :  though  it  brought  forth  a  fcandall  on  the  Country 
by  it :  and  then  I  hope  this  man  may  be  forgiven,  if  they 
were  all  made  fitting  plants  for  Heaven. 

But  in  mine  opinion,  hee  deferves  to  be  fet  upon  a  palfrey 
and  lead  up  and  downe  in  triumph  throw  new  Canaan,  with 
a  coller  of  Iurdans  about  his  neck,  as  was  one  of  like  defert 
in  Richard  the  feconds  time  through  the  fireets  of  London, 
that  men  might  know  where  to  finde  a  Ouackfaluer.1 

Chapter    XIX. 

fecond   wife  Auguft   18,   1630;   on  the  would  indicate  that  the  cafe  had  then 

17th  of  the  following  month  he  fat  among  been  handed  down  as  a  tradition  for  two 

the  magiftrates  at  Bofton  in  judgment  hundred  and  fifty  years.     It  feems  that 

upon  the  author  of  the  New  Canaan,  Clerk  gave  Hacche  a  bit  of  old  parch- 

who  had  been  "fent  for"  juft  five  days  ment,  rolled  up  in  "a  piece  of  cloth  of 

after  the  marriage,  which  feems  to  have  gold,"  afferting  that  it  was  very  good 

taken  place  at  Charleftown.   (Winthrop,  for  the  ailments   with    which    his  wife 

vol.  i.  p.  *3o  ;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  was   afflicted.     Upon  being  arraigned, 

pp.  131,292;  Supra,  43-4.)  Clerk  contended  that  upon  the  parch- 

1  This  was  the  cafe  of  Roger  Clerk,  ment  was  written  "a  good  charm  for 

of  Wandfworth,  attached  in  the  cham-  fevers."     Upon  examination,  no  word 

ber  of  the  Guildhall  of  London,  before  of  the  alleged  charm  was  found  in  the 

the  mayor  and  aldermen,  on  the   13th  paper.    The  court  then  told  the  prifoner 

of  May,  1382,  on  a  plea  of  deceit  and  "that  a  ftraw  beneath  his  foot  would 

falfehood    as    to    Roger   atte    Hacche.  be   of  juft  as   much   avail   for  fevers, 

The  record  is  to  be  found  in  Riley's  as  this  charm  of  his  was  ;  whereupon, 

Memorials    of  London    and    London  he   fully  granted   that   it   would  be  fo. 

Life  (pp.  464-6),  and  is  very  curious  as  And  becaufe  that  the  fame  Roger  Clerk 

illuftrating  Englifli  manners  in  the  time  was  in  no  way  a  literate  man,  and  fee- 

of    Richard    II.       Morton's    reference  ing  that  on  the  examinations  aforefaid, 


300  New  Englifli  Canaan. 


Chap.    XIX. 

Of  the  filencing  of  a  Minifler  in  new  Canaan} 

filenced  Minifler,  out  of  coveteoufneffe,2  came  over  into 
new  Canaan  to  play  the  fpie :    Hee  pretended,  out  of 

(as  well  as  others  afterwards  made,) 
lie  was  found  to  be  an  infidel,  and  alto- 
gether ignorant  of  the  art  of  phytic  or 
of  furgery ;  and  to  the  end  that  the  peo- 
ple might  not  be  deceived  and  aggrieved 
by  fuch  ignorant  perfons,  etc. ;  it  was 
adjudged  "that  the  fame  Roger  Clerk 
mould  be  led  through  the  middle  of  the 
City,  with  trumpets  and  pipes,  he  riding 
on  a  horfe  without  a  faddle,  the  faid 
parchment  and  a  whetftone,  for  his  lies, 
being  hung  about  his  neck,  an  urinal 
alfo  being  hung  before  him,  and  another 
urinal  on  his  back." 

The  punifhment  of  the  "pillory  and 
the  whetftone,"  as  it  was  called,  was 
that  ordinarily  impofed  on  thofe  telling 
falfehoods.  In  another  cafe  in  the  fame 
volume  (p.  316)  it  is  thus  given  in  de- 
tail:  "The  faid  John  fhall  come  out 
of  Newgate  without  hood  or  girdle, 
barefoot  and  unfhod,  with  a  whetftone 
hung  by  a  chain  from  his  neck,  and 
lying  on  his  breaft,  it  being  marked  with 
the  words, —  'A  falfe  liar;'  and  there 
fhall  be  a  pair  of  trumpets  trumpeting 
before  him  on  his  way  to  the  pillory." 

1  The  perfon  referred  to  in  this  chap- 
ter was  probably  the  Rev.  Francis 
Bright,  of  whom  very  little  is  known. 
He  was  one  of  the  three  minifters  fent 
over  by  the  Maffachufetts  Company  in 
1629,  Higginfon  and  Skelton  being  the 
other  two.  In  June  of  that  year,  when 
Graves  and  the  Spragues  were  fent  by 
Endicott  to  effefl  a  fettlement  at 
Cliarleftown,  Bright  accompanied  them 
as  "minifler  to  the  Company's  fervants." 

(Young's  Citron,  of  Afafs.,  pp.  316, 
376.)  As  fuch,  he  was  the  Caiaphas, 
or  high-prieft,  of  that  region,  and  it 
naturally  devolved  on  him  to  "  exer- 
cife  his  guifts  on  the  Lords  clay  at 
Weenafimute."  Morton  further  fays 
that  the  perfon  he  refers  to  had  been 
a  filenced  minifler  in  England.  That 
Bright  had  been  filenced  is  not  known, 
but  both  Skelton  and  Higginfon  had 
been  {Magnolia,  B.  1.  ch.  iv.  §  4; 
Neal's  Hifl.  of  Puritans,  vol.  ii.  p.  229); 
and.  though  Hubbard  intimates  that 
Bright  was  a  conformift  (p.  113),  yet, 
in  the  Company's  letter  to  Endicott,  the 
three  minifters  are  ftated  to  have  "de- 
clared themfelves  to  us  to  be  of  one 
judgment,  and  to  be  fully  agreed  on  the 
manner  how  to  exercife  their  miniftry." 
(Young's  Chron.  ofPilg.,  p.  160.)  Win- 
throp,  Morton  adds,  "fpied  out  Caiphas 
praclife  ;  and  he  muft  be  packing." 
Bright  returned  to  England  fhortly  after 
Winthrop's  arrival.  Johnfon  fays  (Won. 
der-working  Providence,  p.  20)  that  he 
"betooke  him  to  the  Seas  againe," 
when  he  faw  that  "all  forts  of  ftones 
would  not  fit  in  the  building." 

Samuel  Skelton  is  referred  to  by 
Morton  a  few  pages  further  on  (Infra, 
306)  as  "  Paftor  Mafter  Eager,"  which 
name  maybe  taken  to  imply  "covetouf- 
nefs "  in  him.  But,  though  Skelton 
might  be  termed  the  "Caiphas"  of  the 
country,  he  was  not  filenced  by  Win- 
throp.  He  can,  therefore,  hardly  be  the 
perfon  here  aimed  at. 

2  [courtcoufnefle.]  St&fuftra,  I II, «.  I. 

New  Englifh  Canaan,  301 

a  zealous  intent  to  doe  the  Salvages  good,  and  to  teach 
them.  Hee  brought  a  great  Bundell  of  Home  books  with 
him,  and  carefull  hee  was,  (good  man,)  to  blott  out  all  the 
croffes  of  them,  for  feare  leaft  the  people  of  the  land  mould 
become  Idolaters.  Hee  was  in  hope,  with  his  gifts,  to 
prepare  a  great  auditory  againft  greate  Iofua  mould  arive 

*  Hee  applyed  himfelfe  on  the  weeke  dayes  to  the  *  154 
trade  of  Beaver,  but  it  was,  (as  might  feeme,)  to 
purchafe  the  principall  benefite  of  the  Lande,  when  the  time 
fhould  come ;  for  hee  had  a  hope  to  be  the  Caiphas  of  the 
Country:  and  well  hee  might,  for  hee  was  higher  by  the 
head  than  any  of  his  tribe  that  came  after  him. 

This  man,  it  feemes,  played  the  fpie  very  handfomely ;  for 
in  the  exercife  of  his  guifts  on  the   Lords  day  at  Weenafi-  This  caiphas 
mute,1  hee  efpied   a  Salvage  come  in  with  a  good   Beaver  Jemmth  co- 
coate,  and  tooke  occafion  to  reproove  the  covetous  defire  of  «2£^#. 
his    auditory  to    trade  for  Beaver  on    thofe   dayes ;    which  jg£d  him' 
made  them  all  ufe  fo  much  modefty  about  the  matter  for  the 
prefent,  that  hee  found  opportunity,  the  fame  day,  to  take 
the  Salvage   a  fide  into  a  corner,  where  (with  the  helpe  of 
his  Wampampeack  hee  had  in  his  pocket  for  that  purpofe 
in  a  readineffe,)  hee  made  a  fhifte  to  get  that  Beaver  coate, 
which  their  mouthes  watered  at ;  and  fo  deceaved  them  all. 

But  fhortly  after,  when  Iofua2  came  into  the  Land,  hee 
had  foone  fpied  out  Caiphas  praclife,  and  put  him  to  filence ; 


1  Sufira,  229,  note  3,  and  300,  note  1.      Morton    always    defignates     Governor 

2  Iofua  Temperwell.    Under  this  name     John  Winthrop. 

302  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

and  either  hee  muft  put  up  his  pipes  and  be  packing,  or 

forfake   Ionas  pofture,  and  play 

Demas  part  alltoge- 


*i55  *Chap.    XX. 

Of  the  Praclife  of  the  Seperatifls  to  gett  a  fnare  to  hamper 

mine  Hojl  of  Ma-re-Mount. 


Lthough  the  nine  Worthies  had  left  mine  Hofte  upon 
an  Ifland,2  in  fuch  an  inhumane  manner  as  yee  heard 
before ;  yet  when  they  underftood  that  hee  had  got  fhipping 
and  was  gone  to  England  of  his  owne  accord,  they  dif- 
patched  letters  of  advife  to  an  Agent  they  had  there :  and 
by  the  next  fhipp  fent  after  to  have  a  fnare  made,  that 
might  hamper  mine  Hoft  fo  as  hee  might  not  any  more 
trouble  theire  confcience  :  and  to  that  end  made  a  generall 
Thegeneraii  collection  of  Beaver  to  defray  the  chardge,3  and  hee  was  not 
made""  thought  a  good  Chriftian  that  would  not  lay  much  out  for 
that  imployment. 

Some  contributed  three  pounds,  fome  foure,  fome  five 
pounds;  and  procured  a  pretty  quantity  by  that  Devife, 
which  fhould  be  given  to  a  cunning  man  that  could  make 
a  fnare  to  hamper  him.  -p, 

1  Caiaphas  was  the  high-prieft  of  the  mentioned  by  Paul  as  a  fellow-difciple 

Jews;    Jonas,  or   Jonah,  was   the   firft  who  had  forfaken  him,  "having  loved 

Hebrew  prophet  fcnt  to  a  heathen  na-  this  prefent  world,  and  is  departed  unto 

tion.    The  propriety  of  thefe  two  Bibli-  ThefTalonica."     (II.  Timothy  iv.  10.) 

cal  allufions  in  this  connection  is,  there-  2  Supra,  *I44>  *I5I- 

fore,  apparent  enough.     The  allufion  to  3  Supra,  30. 
Demas  is  more  obfcure,  as  he  is  only 

New  Rngli/Ii  Canaan.  303 

The  Agent,  (according  to  his  directions,)  does  his  endeav- 
oure,  (in  the  beft  manner  hee  could,)  to  have  this  inftrument  Noecojifpa- 
made  :  and  ufed  no  little  diligence  to  have  it  effected.1     His  getting  of  a 
reputation  flood  upon   the  tafke  impofed  upon  him  againfV '•'"' 
mine   Hoft,  the  onely  enemy  (accounted)  of  their  Church 
and  State. 

Much  inquiry  was  made  in  London,  and  about,  for  a 
fkillfull  man  that  would  worke  the  feate.  Noe  coft 
*  was  fpared,  for  gold  hee  had  good  ftore :  firfh  hee  *  156 
inquires  of  one,  and  then  another :  at  the  laft  hee 
heard  newes  of  a  very  famous  man,  one  that  was  excellent 
at  making  fubtile  inftruments,  fuch  as  that  age  had  never 
bin  acquainted  with. 

Hee  was  well  knowne  to  be  the  man,  that  had  wit  and 
wondrous  fkill  to  make  a  cunning  inftrument  where  with  to 
fave  himfelfe  and  his  whole  family,  if  all  the  world  befides 
mould  be  drown'd ;  and  this  the  beft ;  yea,  and  the  beft. 
cheap  too,  for,  no  good  done,  the  man  would  nothing  take. 

To  him  this  agent  goes,  and  praies  his  aide :  Declares  his 
caufe,  and  tells  the  fubftance  of  his  greivance,  all  at  large, 
and  laid   before  his  eies  a  heape  of  gold. 

When  all  was  fhewd,  that  could  be  fhe'd,  and  faid,  what 
could  be  faid,  and  all  too  little  for  to  have  it  done,  the  a°;ent  The  heape  of 
then  did  fee  his  gold  refufed,  his  caufe  defpifed,  and  thought  s° 
himfelfe  difgraced  to  leave  the  worke  undone  :   fo  that  hee 
was  much  difmaid,  yet  importun'd  the  cunning  [man],  who 
found  no  reafon  to  take  the  tafke  in  hand. 

Hee  thought,  perhaps,  mine  Hoft,  (that  had  the  flight  to 

efcape  from  the  nine  Worthies,  to  chaine  Argus  eies,  and  by 

1  Supra,  35. 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Mine  Hojl 
arrived  a- 
gaine  in 

inchauntment  make  the  doores  of  the  watch  tower  fly  open 
at  an  inftant,)  would  not  be  hampered,  but  with  much  a 
doe :  and  fo  hee  was  unwilling  to  be  troubled  with  that 

The  agent  wondring  to  fee  that  his  gold  would  doe  no 
good,  did  afke  the  cunning  man  if  hee  could  give  him  no 

advife  ?  who  faid,  hee  would :  and  what  was  that, 
*  157    thinke  you?     To  let  mine  Hofl  alone.    Who,  *  being 

fhip'd  againe  for  the  parts  of  New  Canaan,  was  put 
in  at  Plimmouth  in  the  very  faces  of  them,  to  their  terrible 
amazement  to  fee  him  at  liberty :  and  told  him  hee  had  not 
yet  fully  anfvvered  the  matter  they  could  object  againft  him. 
Hee  onely  made  this  modeft  reply,  that  hee  did  perceave 
they  were  willfull  people,  that  would  never  be  anfwered : 
and  derided  them  for  their  praclifes  and  loffe  of  laboure.1 

Chap.    XXI. 

Charter  par- 
ty Treaforer. 

Of  Captaine  Littleworth  his  new  dcvife  for  the  purchafe  of 


N  the  meane  time,  whiles 
there  was  a  great  fwellin 
over  to  Salem,  (by  the  helpe 
Treforer,  and  Matter  Ananias 

1  Supra,  37. 

2  By  this  name  Morton  defignates 
Matthew  Cradock,  the  firft  Governor 
of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay  Company, 
though  he  never  came  to  America. 
Cradock  was  a  wealthy  London  mer- 

thefe  former   paffages  were, 

g  fellow,  of  Littleworth,  crept 

of   Mailer  Charter  party,2  the 

Increafe,3  the  Collector  for  the 


chant,  and  as  fuch  fubfcribed  largely  to 
the  funds  of  the  company.  In  regard 
to  him,  fee  Dr.  Young's  note  in  CJiron. 
of  Mafs.  (p.  137). 

3  It  is  not  clear  who    Morton    may 
have    intended    to    dehgnate    by    this 


New  Englijli  Canaan,  305 

Company   of   Seperatifts,)  to  take    upon  him  their  imploy- 
ments  for  a  time. 

Hee,  refolving  to  make  hay  whiles  the  Sonne  did  thine, 
firft  pretended  himfelfe  to  be  fent  over  as  cheife  Iuftice  of  the 
Maffachuffets  Bay  and  Salem,  forfoth,  and  tooke  unto  him  a 
councell ;  and  a  worthy  one  no  doubt,  for  the  Cowkeeper  of 
Salem  was  a  prime  man  in  thofe  imployments ;  and  to  ad 
a  Majefty,  (as  hee  thought,)  to  his  new  affumed  dignity,  hee 
caufed  the  Patent  of  the  Maffachuffets,  (new  brought  into 
the  Land,)  to  be  carried  where  hee  went  in  his  progreffe 
to  and  froe,  as  an  embleme  of  his  authority:  which 
*the  vulgar  people,  not  acquainted  with,  thought  it  to  *  158 
be  fome  inftrument  of  Mufick  locked  up  in  that  cov- 
ered cafe,1  and  thought,  (for  fo  fome  faid,)  this  man  of  little- 
worth  had  bin  a  fidler,  and  the  rather  becaufe  hee  had  put 


name.     John  Wafhburne  was  the  fecre-  ernor   Winthrop   is   fuppofed   to    have 

tary  and  "collector  for  the  company"  brought  over  the  charter  of  1629,  is  ftill 

at  the  time  Endicott  was  fent  over,  but  to  be  feen  in  the  office  of  the  Secre- 

of   him   nothing  is  known.      (Young's  tary  of  the  Commonwealth  at  the  State 

Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  55.)     It  would  fee m  Houfe   in  Bofton  ;    and  that   in  which 

more    probable   that    Increafe    Nowell  Endicott   brought   over  the   patent   of 

was   the  perfon  Morton  had  in  mind.  1628  was,   it  may  be  inferred  from  the 

Nowell  was  one  of  the  original  paten-  text,    fimilar   in   appearance.      It   very 

tees,  contributing  money  to  forward  the  much  refembles  the  cafe  for  "  fome  in- 

purpofes   of  the    company,  ferving  on  ftrument  of  mufick,"  being  a  flat,  nar- 

committees,   &c.      (/<£.,   p.   262.)      He  row  box,  2  feet  10  inches  long,  by  3% 

came  to  New  England  with  Winthrop,  inches  wide  and  3  inches  deep.     It  has 

and   was   among   the    magiftrates  who  a  fpecies  of  circular  annex,  fo  to  fpeak, 

were  prefent  at  the  trial  of  Morton  in  at  its  middle,  intended  to  contain  the  feal. 

September,     1630.       (Records,    vol.    i.  This  annex,  like  the  box,  is  of  wood, 

PP-  73)   7S-)     He  was  the   firft   ruling-  and  is  7  by  8  inches  in  furface,  and  the 

elder  of  the  Charleftown  church.     He  fame  in  depth  as  the  main  cafe,  of  which 

is  defcribed  as  having  been  "a  worthy  it  is  a  part.     The  whole  is  covered  with 

pious  man  "  (Eliot) ;  and  if  he  was  the  ftamped  leather,  now  brown  and  mould- 

perfon  intended  by  Morton,  —  which  is  ered  with   age.      There   are,   however, 

not  at  all  clear,  —  the  propriety  of  call-  fome  things  about  this  cafe  which  fug- 

ing  him  Ananias,  if  it  refts  on  anything,  geft  doubts  as  to  its  having  been  made 

is  not  apparent  from  the  record.  quite  fo  early  as  the  time  of  Charles  I. 
1  The  "  covered  cafe,"  in  which  Gov- 


New  Englifh  Canaan. 

made  by 
Capt.  Little- 
•worth  in  his 

into  the  mouthes  of  poore  filly  things,  that  were  fent  alonge 
with  him,  what  fkill  hee  had  in  Engines,  and  in  things  of 
quaint  devife :  all  which  prooved  in  conclufion  to  be  but 

This  man,  thinking  none  fo  worthy  as  himfelfe,  tooke 
upon  him  infinitely :  and  made  warrants  in  his  owne  name, 
(without  relation  to  his  Majefties  authority  in  that  place,) 
and  fummoned  a  generall  apparance  at  the  worfhipfull  towne 
of  Salem  : x  there  in  open  affembly  was  tendered  certaine 
Articles,  devifed  betweene  him  and  theire  new  Paftor  Mafter 
Eager,2  (that  had  renounced  his  old  calling  to  the  Miniflry 
receaved  in  England,  by  warrant  of  Gods  word,  and  taken  a 
new  one  there,  by  their  fantafticall  way  impofed,  and  con- 
ferred upon  him  with  fome  fpeciall  guifts  had  out  of  Phaos 
boxe.) 3 

To  thefe  Articles  every  Planter,  old  and  new,  muft  figne, 
or  be  expelled  from  any  manner  of  aboade  within  the  Com- 
pas  of  the  Land  contained  within  that  graunt  then  mewed  : 
which  was  fo  large  it  would  fuffice  for  Elbow  roome  for  more 
then  were  in  all  the  Land  by  700000.  fuch  an  army  might 
have  planted  them  a  Colony  with  [in]  that  cirquit  which  hee 
challenged,  and  not  contend  for  roome  for  their  Cattell. 
But  for  all  that,  hee  that  mould  refufe  to  fubfcribe,  muff, 

The    tenor   of    the   Articles  were    thefe :     That  in   all 


1  In  regard  to  this  meeting  at  Salem,         2  Seefiefira  300,  note  1. 
and  the  aftion  taken  at  it,  fee  fupra,         8  This   refers    to   the  famous   Salem 

38-40.     No  record  or  other  mention  of  ordination  of  Skelton  and    Higginfon, 

it,  except  that  contained  in  the  text,  has  July  20  and  Auguft  6,  1629  ;   in  regard 

come  down  to  us.  to  which  fee  Palfrey,  vol.  i.  pp.  295-6. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  307 

*  caufes,  as  well  Ecclefiafticall  as  Politically  weeJJiould    *  159 
follow  the  rule  of  Gods  word. 

This  made  a  mew  of  a  good  intent,  and  all  the  affembly,  Mine  mji 
(onely  mine  Holt  replyed,)  did  fubfcribe  :  hee  would  not,  £?/" 
unleffe  they  would  ad  this  Caution :  So  as  nothing  be  done 
contrary  or  repugnant  to  the  Lawes  of  the  Kingdome  of  Eng- 
land. Thefe  words  hee  knew,  by  former  experience,  were 
neceffary,  and  without  thefe  the  fame  would  proove  a  very 
moufetrapp  to  catch  fome  body  by  his  owne  confent,  (which 
the  reft  nothing  fufpected,)  for  the  conftruction  of  the  worde 
would  be  made  by  them  of  the  Seperation  to  ferve  their 
owne  turnes :  and  if  any  man  mould,  in  fuch  a  cafe,  be 
accufed  of  a  crime,  (though  in  it  felfe  it  were  petty,)  they 
might  fet  it  on  the  tenter  hookes  of  their  imaginary  gifts, 
and  ftretch  it  to  make  it  feeme  cappitall ;  which  was  the  rea- 
fon  why  mine  Hoft  refufed  to  fubfcribe. 

It  was  then  agreed  upon  that  there  fhould  be  one  generall  The  Patent. 
trade  ufed  within  that  Patent,  (as  hee  faid,)  and  a  generall 
ftock :  and  every  man  to  put  in  a  parte :  and  every  man,  for 
his  perfon,  to  have  fhares  alike :  and  for  their  ftock,  accord- 
ing to  the  ratable  proportion  was  put  in  :  and  this  to  con- 
tinue for  12.  moneths,  and  then  to  call  an  accompt. 

All  were  united,  but  mine  Hoft  refufed :  two  truckmafters 
were  chofen  ;  wages  prefixed ;    onely  mine   Hoft  put  in  a  Aiicon/ented 
Caviat  that   the  wages    might   be    paid   out   of   the  cleare  Hoft" 
profBt,  which  there    in  black    and    white  was    plainely  put 

*  But  before  the  end  of  6.  moneths,  the  partners  in    *  160 
this   ftock,    (handled    by  the    Truckmafters,)    would 
have  an  accoumpt :  fome  of  them  had  perceaved  that  Wam- 


308  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

pambeacke  could  be  pocketted  up,  and  the  underlings,  (that 
went  in  the  boats  alonge,)  would  bee  neere  the  Wifer  for 
any  thinge,  but  what  was  trucked  for  Beaver  onely. 
infteedof  The  accoumpt  being  made  betweene  Captaine  Little- 
/r^».  worth,  and  the  two  Truckmafters,  it  was  found  that  inftead 
of  increafing  the  proffit,  they  had  decreafed  it ;  for  the 
principall  flock,  by  this  imployment,  was  freetted  fo,  that 
there  was  a  great  hole  to  be  feene  in  the  very  middle  of  it, 
which  coft  the  partners  afterwards  one  hundred  markes  to 
flopp  and  make  good  to  Captaine  Littleworth. 

But  mine  Hofl,  that  flurred  not  his  foote  at  all  for  the 
matter,  did  not  onely  fave  his  flock  from  fuch  a  Cancar,  but 
gained  fixe  and  feaven  for  one :  in  the  meane  time  hee 
derided  the  Contributers  for  being  catch'd  in  that  fnare. 

Chap.      XXII. 

Of  a  Sequeflration  made  in  New  Canaan} 

CAptaine  Littleworth,  (that  had  an  akeing  tooth  at  mine 
Hofl  of  Ma-re-Mount,)  devifed  how  hee  might  put  a 
trick  upon  him,  by  colour  of  a  Sequeflration  ;  and  got  fome 
perfons  to  pretend  that  hee  had  corne  and  other 
*  161  goods  of  theirs  in  poffeffion  ;  and  the  *  rather  becaufe 
mine  Hofl  had  ftore  of  corne  and  hee  had  improv- 
idently  truckt  his  ftore  for  the  prefent  gaine  of  Beaver ;  in  fo 
much  that  his  people  under  his  chardge  were  put  to  fliort 
allowance,  which  caufed  fome  of  them  to  ficken  with  con- 


1  Supra,  41-2. 

New  Englifh  Canaan.  309 

ceipt  of  fuch  ufeage,  and  fome  of  them  by  the  practife  of  the 
new  entertained  Doclor  Noddy,  with  his  Imaginary  gifts. 
They  fent  therefore  to  exhibit  a  petition  to  grim  Minos, 
Eacus  and  Radamant,  where  they  wimed  to  have  the  author 
of  their  greife  to  be  convented :  *  and  they  had  procured  it 
quickly,  if  curfes  would  have  caufed  it :  for  good  prayers 
would  be  of  no  validity,  (as  they  fuppofed,)  in  this  extremity. 

Now  in  this  extremity  Capt.  Littleworth  gave  commiffion 
to  fuch  as  hee  had  found  ready  for  fuch  imployments  to  Commijwn 
enter  in  the  howfe  at  Ma-re-Mount,  and,  with  a  fhallop,  to 
bring  from  thence  fuch  corne  and  other  utenfilles  as  in  their 
commiffion  hee  had  fpecified.  But  mine  Hoft,  wary  to  pre- 
vent eminent  mifcheife,  had  conveyed  his  powther  and  fhott, 
(and  fuch  other  things  as  flood  him  in  moft  fleed  for  his  pref- 
ent  condition,)  into  the  woods  for  fafety:  and,  whiles  this 
was  put  in  praftife  by  him,  the  fhallop  was  landed  and  the 
Commiffioners  entred  the  howfe,  and  willfully  bent  againft 
mine  honeft  Hoft,  that  loved  good  hofpitality.  After  they  had  Mine  Hojis 
feafted  their  bodies  with  that  they  found  there,  they  carried  wrteTj™'* 
all  his  corne  away,  with  fome  other  of  his  goods,  contrary  to  byvwlence- 
the  Lawes  of  hofpitality :  a  fmale  parcell  of  refufe  corne 
onely  excepted,  which  they  left  mine  Hoft  to  keepe  Chrift- 
mas  with. 

*  But  when  they  were  gone,  mine  Hoft  fell  to  make  *  162 
ufe  of  his  gunne,  (as  one  that  had  a  good  faculty  in 
the  ufe  of  that  inftrument,)  and  feafted  his  body  neverthe- 
leffe  with  fowle  and  venifon,  which  hee  purchafed  with  the 
helpe  of  that  inftrument,  the  plenty  of  the  Country  and 
the  commodioufnes  of  the  place  affording  meanes,  by  the 


1  [converted]     Seefufira  1 1 1,  note  i. 


310  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

bleffmg  of  God  ;  and  hee  did  but  deride  Captaine  Little- 
worth,  that  made  his  fervants  fnap  fhorte  in  a  Country  fo 
much  abounding  with  plenty  of  foode  for  an  induftrious 
man,  with  greate  variety. 

Chap.     XXIII. 

Of  a  great  Bonfire  made  for  toy  of  the  arrivall  of  great 
Iofua,  furnamed  Temperwell,  into  the  Land  of  Canaan} 

SEaven  fhipps  fet  forth  at  once,  and  altogether  arrived 
in  the  Land  of  Canaan,  to  take  a  full  poffeffion  thereof : 
What  are  all  the  12.  Tribes  of  new  Ifraell  come?  No, 
none  but  the  tribe  of  Iffacar,  and  fome  few  fcattered  Le- 
vites  of  the  remnant  of  thofe  that  were  defcended  of  old 
Elies  howfe. 

And  here  comes  their  Iofua  too  among  them ;  and  they 
make  it  a  more  miraculous  thing  for  thefe  feaven  fhipps  to 
fet  forth  together,  and  arrive  at  New  Canaan  together,  then 
it  was  for  the  Ifraelites  to  goe  over  Iordan  drifhod  :  per- 
haps it  was,  becaufe  they  had  a  wall  on  the  right  hand  and 

a  wall  on  the  left  hand. 
*  163        *  Thefe    Seperatifts    fuppofe    there   was    no    more 
difficulty  in  the  matter  then  for  a  man   to  finde  the 
way  to   the  Counter  at  noone  dayes,  betweene  a  Sergeant 


1  The  arrival  of  Winthrop's  fleet  in  he  difliked  him,  always  refers  to  Win- 
June,  1630,  is  here  referred  to.  It  has  throp,  if  not  with  refpe<5t,  yet  with  a 
already  been  ftated  that  Iofua  Temper-  certain  reftraint  of  tone  and  infinuation 
well  is  intended  for  Governor  Winthrop.  which  he  did  not  fliow  to  others,  fuch 
It  will  be  noticed  that  Morton,  much  as  as  Endicott,  Fuller  and  Standifh. 

New  Englifh  Canaan,  3 l  J 

and  his  yeoman :    Now  you  may  thinke  mine  Hofl  will  be 
hamperd  or  never. 

Thefe  are  the  men  that  come  prepared  to  ridd  the  Land  Men  that 
of  all  pollution.     Thefe  are  more  fubtile  then  the  Cunning,  ^Tw"/ 
that  did  refufe  a  goodly  heap  of  gold.1     Thefe  men  have  ^^ 
brought  a  very  fnare  indeed  ;  and  now  mine  Hoft  muft  fuffer. 
The  book  of  Common  Prayer,  which  hee  ufed,  to  be  defpifed : 
and  hee  muft  not  be  fpared. 

Now  they  are  come,  his  doome  before  hand  was  concluded 
on  :  they  have  a  warrant  now  :  A  cheife  one  too  :  and  now 
mine  Hoft  muft  know  hee  is  the  fubject  of  their  hatred  :  the 
Snare  muft  now  be  ufed ;  this  inftrument  muft  not  be  brought 
by  Iofua  in  vaine.2 

A   Court  is  called  of  purpofe  for  mine  hoft :  hee  there  a  Courtc 
convented,  and  muft  heare  his  doome  before  hee  goe :  nor  mi„e  Hoft. 
will  they  admitt  him  to  capitulate,  and  know  wherefore  they 
are  fo  violent  to  put  fuch  things  in  praclife  againft  a  man 
they  never  faw  before  :    nor  will  they  allow  of  it,  though  hee 
decline  their  Iurifdiction. 

There  they  all  with  one  affent  put  him  to  filence,  cry-  a  diveiufk 

s->  1  1  /—  i        fait aice  fl- 

ing  out,   heare    the    Governour,   heare    the    Govern :    who  ^ainji him. 

gave  this  fentence  againft  mine   Hoft  at  firft  fight:  that  he 

fhould  be  firft  put  in  the  Billbowes,  his  goods  fhoukl  be  all 

confifcated,  his  Plantation  fhould  be  burned  downe  to  the 

ground,  becaufe  the  habitation  of  the  wicked  fhould 

no  more  appeare  in  Ifraell,  and  *  his  perfon  banifhed     *  164 

from  thofe  territories  ;  and  this  put  in  execution  with 

all  fpeede.3  ^jie 

1  Supra,  *I56.  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council.    (Proc.  of 

2  Supra,  47.    See,  alfo,  the  petition  of     Mafs.  Hifi.  Soc.  1860-2,  p.  133.) 
Window,  while  a  prifoner  in  the  Fleet,         3  Supra,  43-5. 

312  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

The  Salvages 



fumma  to- 

tiits  Philofo- 

The  harmeles  Salvages,  (his  neighboures,)  came  the  while, 
(greived,  poore  filly  lambes,  to  fee  what  they  went  about,) 
and  did  reproove  thefe  Eliphants  of  witt  for  their  inhumane 
deede :  the  Lord  above  did  open  their  mouthes  like  Balams 
Affe,  and  made  them  fpeake  in  his  behalf e  fentences  of 
unexpected  divinity,  befides  morrallity ;  and  tould  them  that 
god  would  not  love  them  that  burned  this  good  mans  howfe; 
and  plainely  fayed  that  they  who  were  new  come  would  finde 
the  want  of  fuch  a  howfes  in  the  winter :  fo  much  themfelves 
to  him  confeft. 

The  fmoake  that  did  affend  appeared  to  be  the  very 
Sacrifice  of  Kain.  Mine  Hoft,  (that  a  farre  of  abourd  a  fhip 
did  there  behold  this  wofull  fpeclacle,)  knew  not  what  hee 
mould  doe  in  this  extremity  but  beare  and  forbeare,  as  Epic- 
tetus  fayes  J :  it  was  booteleffe  to  exclaime. 

Hee  did  confider  then  thefe  tranfitory  things  are  but  ludi- 
bria  fortunes?  as  Cicero  calls  them.  All  was  burnt  downe  to 
the  ground,  and  nothing  did  remaine  but  the  bare  allies  as 
an  embleme  of  their  cruelty  :  and  unles  it  could,  (like  to 
the  Phenix,)  rife  out  of  thefe  allies  and  be  new  againe,  (to 
the  immortall  glory  and  renowne  of  this  fertile  Canaan  the 


1  T.  W.  Higginfon,  who  in  1866  pub- 
lifhed  a  tranflation  of  Epictetus,  fur- 
nifhes  me  the  following  note  on  this 
allufion  :  "  The  phrafe  '  bear  and  for- 
bear '  has  always  been  received  as  the 
formula  efpecially  characteriftic  of  Epic- 
tetus.  It  is  moft  explicitly  preferved  to 
us  in  the  Nocles  Attica  of  Aulus  Gellius 
(B.  xvii.  ch.  xix.  §§  5-6).  Gellius  fays  : 
'  Verba  duo  dicebat :  ' hv^v  k<u  «7rex"^' 
having  previoufly  explained  their  mean- 
ing.    There    was   in   1634   no    Englifh 

tranflation  of  any  portion  of  Epicletus 
containing  the  phrafe  ;  nor  was  he  an 
author  then  much  read  at  the  Englifh 
univerfities.  Morton  probably,  there- 
fore, got  the  quotation  from  the  Latin 
of  Aulus  Gellius  ;  if,  indeed,  he  did  not 
pick  it  up  in  liftening  to  the  talk  of 
fome  more  fcholarly  man,  —  poffibly 
Ben  Jonfon." 

2  I  lie  haec  ludibria  fortunae,  ne  fua 
quidem  putavit,  quae  nos  appelamus 
etiam  bona.     (Paradoxa,  I.  1.) 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaan.  3r3 

new,)  the  ftumpes  and  poftes  in  their  black  liveries  will 
mourne ;  and  piety  it  felfe  will  add  a  voyce  to  the  bare 
remnant  of  that  Monument,  and  make  it  cry  for  recom- 
pence,  (or  elfe  revenge,)  againft  the  Seel;  of  cruell  Schif- 

*Chap.     XXIV.  *  165 

Of  the  digrading  and  creating  gentry  in  New  Canaan} 

THere  was  a  zealous  Profeffor  in  the  Land  of  Canaan, 
(growne  a  great  Merchant  in  the  Beaver  trade,)  that 
came  over  for  his  confeience  fake,  (as  other  men  have  done,) 
and  the  meanes,  (as  the  phrafe  is,)  who  in  his  minority  had 
bin  prentice  to  a  tombe  maker;  who,  comming  to  more 
ripenes  of  yeares,  (though  leffe  difcretion,)  found  a  kinde  of 
fcruple  in  his  confeience  that  the  trade  was  in  parte  againfl 
the  fecond  commandement : 2  and  therefore  left  it  off  wholely, 
and  betooke  himfelfe  to  fome  other  imployments. 

In  the  end  hee  fettled  upon  this  courfe,  where  hee  had 
hope  of  preferrement,  and  become  one  of  thofe  things  that 
any  Iudas  might  hange  himfelfe  upon,  that  is  an  Elder.  An  Eider. 

Hee  had  bin  a  man  of  fome  recconing  in  his  time,  (as 
himfelfe  would  boaft,)  for  hee  was  an  officer,  juft  under  the 


1  I  am  unable  to  fuggeft  any  explana-  difpleafure  "  of  Governor  Winthrop  and 

tion  of  the  allufions  contained    in    this  was  degraded. 

chapter.      There   is   no  apparent  clew         2  "Thou  fhalt  not  make   unto   thee 

either  to  the  "  zealous  Profeffor  "  whofe  any   graven  image,  or  any  likenefs   of 

confeience  did  not  permit  him  to  cut  anything   that  is    in   heaven  above,  or 

tombftones,  or  to  the  "gentleman  newly  that  is  in  the  earth  beneath,  or  that  is 

come  into  the  land,"  who  "  incurred  the  in  the  water  under  the  earth." 

3 1 4  New  Englifli  Canaan. 


Exchequer  at  Weftminfter,  in  a  place  called  Phlegeton  :  there 
hee  was  comptroller,  and  converfed  with  noe  plebeians,  I 
tell  you,  but  fuch  as  have  angels  or  their  attendance,  (I 
meane  fome  Lawyers  with  appertenances,  that  is,  Clarks,) 
with  whome  a  Iugg  of  Beare  and  a  crufty  rolle  in  the  terme 

is  as  currant  as  a  three  penny  fcute  at  Hall  time. 
*  1 66  *  There  is  another  place  thereby,  called  flicks  :  thefe 
are  two  daingerous  places,  by  which  the  infernall  gods 
doe  fweare :  but  this  of  Sticks  is  the  more  daingerous  of  the 
two,  becaufe  there,  (if  a  man  be  once  in,)  hee  cannot  tell  how 
to  get  out  againe  handfomely 

I  knew  an  under  fheriff  was  in  unawaires,  and  hee  laboured 
to  be  free  of  it :    yet   hee  broake  his  back  before  he  got  fo 
farre  as  quietus  eft :  There  is  no  fuch  danger  in   Phlegeton, 
where  this  man  of  fo  much  recconing  was  comptroller. 
io/ua  di/-  Hee  being  here,  waited    an   opportunity   to    be    made  a 

pua/ed.  gentl.  and  now  it  fell  out  that  a  gentl.  newly  come  into  the 

land  of  Canaan,  (before  hee  knew  what  ground  hee  flood 
upon,)  had  incurred  the  difpleafure  of  great  Iofua  fo  highly 
that  hee  mult  therefore  be  digraded. 

No  reconciliation  could  be  had  for  him  :  all  hopes  were 
pafl  for  that  matter :  Where  upon  this  man  of  much  rec- 
coning (pretending  a  graunt  of  the  approach  in  avoydance,) 
helpes  the  lame  dogge  over  the  flile,  and  was  as  jocund  on 
the  matter  as  a  Magpie  over  a  Mutton. 

Wherefore  the  Heralls,  with  Drums,  and  Trumpets,  pro- 
claiming in  a  very  folemne  manner  that  it  was  the  pleafure  of 
Majier  great  Iofua,  (for  divers  and  fundry  very  good  caufes  and  con- 

Temperwdl.    flderationS5  Mafler    Temperwell  thereunto  efpecially  moov- 
ing,)  to  take  away  the   title,  prerogative  and  preheminence 


New  Rngli/Ii  Canaan.  3 1 5 

of  the  Delinquent,  fo  unworthy  of  it,  and  to  place  the  fame 
upon  a  Profeffor  of  more  recconing :  fo  that  it  was 
made  *  a  penall  thing  for  any  man  after  to  lifte  the  *  167 
fame  man  againe  on  the  top  of  that  ftile,  but  that 
hee  mould  Hand  perpetually  digraded  from  that  prerogative. 
And  the  place  by  this  meanes  being  voyde,  this  man,  of  fo 
much  more  reckoning,  was  receaved  in  like  a  Cypher  to  fill 
up  a  roome,  and  was  made  a  Gentleman  of  the  firft  head  ; 
and  his  Coate  of  Armes,  blazon'd  and  tricked  out  fit  for  that 
purpofe,  in  this  Poem  following. 


WHat  ailes  Pigmalion?     Is  it  Lunacy ; 
Or  Doteage  on  his  owne  Imagery  ? 
Let  him  remember  how  hee  came  from  Hell, 
That  after  ages    by  record  may  tell 

The  compleate  Jlory  to  poflerity. 

Blazon  his  Coate  in  forme  of  Heraldry. 

Hee  beareth  argent  alwaies  at  commaund,  Put  a  this 

A  barre  betweene  three  crufly  rolls  at  hand,  way' 

And,  for  his  crefl,  with  froth,  there  does  appeare 
Dextra  Paw  Elevant  a  Iugg  of  beare. 

Now,  that  it  may  the  more  eafily  be  underftood,  I  have 
here  endeavoured  to  fet  it  forth  in  thefe  illuftrations  follow- 
ing :  Pigmalion  was  an  Image  maker,  who,  doteing  on  his 
owne  perfection  in  making  the  Image  of  Venus,  grew  to  be 


3 16  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

a  mazed  man,  like  our  Gentleman  here  of  the  firft  head :  and 
by  the  figure  Antonomafia  x  is  hee  herein  exemplified. 

Hee  was  tranflated  from  a  tombe  maker  to  be  the 
*  1 68  *  tapfter  at  hell,  (which  is  in  Weftminfter,  under  the 
Ex-Chequer  office,)  for  benefit  of  the  meanes  hee 
tranflated  himfelfe  into  New  England,  where,  by  the  help  of 
Beaver  and  the  commaund  of  a  fervant  or  two,  hee  was 
advaunced  to  the  title  of  a  gentleman  ;  where  I  left  him 
to  the  exercife  of  his  guifts. 

Chap.     XXV. 

Of  the  manner  how  the   Seperatifls   doe  pay  debts  to  them 
that  are  without} 

THere  was    an    honeft  man,  one    Mr.  Innocence    Faire- 
cloath,3  by    Mr.  Mathias   Charterparty  fent  over  into 
New  Canaan,  to  raife  a  very  good  marchantable  commodity 


1  "Antonomafia  (JViet.).  The  ufe  are  found  ufing  it  (Bradford,  pp.  184, 
of  the  name  of  fome  office,  dignity,  pro-  187)  exadly  as  Morton  ufes  it,  who 
feffion,  fcience  or  trade,  inftead  of  the  probably  picked  it  up  at  Plymouth, 
proper  name  of  the  perfon  ;  as  where  3  Innocence  Fairecloath  is  the  name 
his  majcjly  is  ufed  for  a  king,  or  his  under  which  Morton  alludes  to  Philip 
lord/hip  for  a  nobleman,  or  when,  in-  Ratcliff.  This  man  was  a  fervant  or 
ftead  of  Ariflotle,  we  fay  the  philofo-  agent  of  Governor  Matthew  Cradock. 
pher;  or,  converfely,  the  ufe  of  a  proper  He  got  into  trouble  with  Endicott  and 
name  inftead  of  an  appellative,  as  where  the  members  of  the  Salem  church,  and, 
a  wife  man  is  called  a  Cato,  or  an  emi-  according  to  Winthrop,  "being  convicl, 
nent  orator  a  Cicero,  the  application  ore  terms,  of  moft  foul,  fcandalous  in- 
being  fupported  by  a  refemblance  in  veflives  againft  our  churches  and  gov- 
charafter."     (Web/ler.)  ernment,  was  cenfured  to  be  whipped, 

2  The  phrafe  "  them  that  are  with-  lofe  his  ears,  and  be  banifhed  the  plan- 
out  [the  church]  "  calls  for  no  explnna-  tation,  which  was  prefently  executed." 
tion.  It  was  common  in  early  New  (p.  *$6.)  Another  authority  fpeaks  of 
England,  and  both  Lyford  and  Bradford  the   offence   as   a   "  moft   horible   blaf- 


New  Englijli  Canaan.  317 

for  his  benefit ;  for,  whiles  the  man  was  bound  by  covenant 
to  flay  for  a  time,  and  to  imploy  fuch  fervants  as  did  there 
belong  to  Mr.  Charterparty,1  hee  difdained  the  tenents  of  the 
Seperatifts:  and  they  alfo,  (finding  him  to  be  none,)  dif- 
dained to  be  imployed  by  a  carnall  man,  (as  they  termed 
him,)  and  fought  occafion  againft  him,  to  doe  him  a  mif. 
cheife.  Intelligence  was  conveyed  to  Mr.  Charterparty  that 
this  man  was  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
therefore,  (in  their  account,)  an  enemy  to  their  Church  and 
ftate.  And,  (to  the  end  they  might  have  fome  coloure 
againft  him,)  fome  of  them  practifed  to  get  into  his  debte, 
which  hee,  not  miftrufting,  fuffered,  and  gave  credit  for  fuch 
Commodity  as  hee  had  fold  at  a  price.  When  the  day  of 
payment  came,  infteede  of  monyes,  hee,  being  at  that  time 
fick  and  weake  and  flood  in  neede  of  the  Beaver  hee  had  Goode  Paye- 
contracled  for,  hee  had  an  Epiftle  full  of  zealous 
exhortations  to  provide  for  the  foule  ;  and  *  not  to  #  169 
minde  thefe  tranfitory  things  that  perilhed  with  the 
body,  and  to  bethinke  himfelfe  whether  his  confcience  would 
be  fo  prompt  to  demaund  fo  greate  a  fomme  of  Beaver  as 


phemy."  (m.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  the  next  year  Edward  Howes  wrote  out 

p.  323.)     In  the  Records  of  Majfachii-  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. :  "  I  have  heard 

fetts  (p.  88),  under   date   of  June    14  diverfe  complaints  againft  the  feveritie 

(24  n.  s.),    1631,  the  fentence  read  as  of  your  Government  efpecially  Mr.  In- 

follows  :     "It    is    ordered,    that    Philip  dicutts,  and  that  he  fhalbe  fent  for  over, 

Ratcliffe    fhall    be   whipped,    have    his  about  cuttinge  off  the  Lunatick  mans 

ears  cut  off,  fined  40  1.,  and   banifhed  eares,    and    other    grievances."      (in. 

out  of  the  limits  of  this  jurifdiftion,  for  Mafs.  Hifl.  Cell.,  vol.  ix.  p.  244.)     In 

uttering      malicious      and     fcandalous  regard  to  Ratcliff  s  fubfequent  connec- 

fpeeches   againft   the   government  and  tion  with  the  Gorges-Mafon  attacks  on 

the  church  of  Salem,   &c,  as  appear-  the  company  before  the  Privy  Council, 

eth  by  a  particular  thereof,  proved  upon  fee  fupra,  50-2,  62,  and  Proceedings  of 

oath."     The   feverity   of  this   fentence  Mafs.  Hifl.  Soc,  vol.  xx.,  January  meet- 

caufed  much  fcandal  in  England  after  ing,  1883. 
Ratcliff  returned  there,  and  in  April  of         *  Seefuflra  304,  note  2. 

3 1 8  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

had  bin  contracted  for.  Hee  was  further  exhorted  therein  to 
confider  hee  was  but  a  fteward  for  a  time,  and  by  all  likely 
hood  was  going  to  give  up  an  accompt  of  his  ftewardfhip : 
and  therfore  perfwaded  the  creditor  not  to  load  his  con- 
fcience  with  fuch  a  burthen,  which  hee  was  bound  by  the 
Gofpell  to  eafe  him  of  (if  it  were  poffible  ;)  and  for  that  caufe 
hee  had  framed  this  Epiftle  in  fuch  a  freindly  maner  to  put 
him  in  minde  of  it.  The  perufall  of  this,  (lap'd  in  the  paper,) 
was  as  bad  as  a  potion  to  the  creditor,  to  fee  his  debtor  Maf- 
ter  Subtilety  (a  zealous  profeffor  as  hee  thought)  to  deride 
him  in  this  extremity,  that  hee  could  not  chufe,  (in  admira- 
tion of  the  deceipt,)  but  caft  out  thefe  words  : 

Are  thefe   youre  members  ?    if  they  be   all   like  thefe,  I 
beleeve  the  Divell  was  the  fetter  of  their  Church. 

This  was  called  in  queftion  when  Mr.  Fairecloath  leaft 
thought  of  it.  Capt.  Littleworth  muft  be  the  man  muft 
preffe  it  againft  him,  for  blafphemy  againft  the  Church  of 
Salem :  and  to  greate  Iofua  Temperwell  hee  goes  with  a 
Biifphemy  bitter  accufation,  to  have  Mafter  Innocence  made  an  exam- 
a/lrXcarnJi  pie  for  all  carnall  men  to  prefume  to  fpeake  the  leaft  word 
that  might  tend  to  the  difhonor  of  the  Church  of  Salem ; 
yea,  the  mother  Church  of  all  that  holy  Land. 

And  hee  convented  was  before  their  Synagoge,  where  no 
defence  would  ferve  his  turne  ;    yet  was  there  none  to  be 

feene  to  accufe  him,  fave  the  Court  alone. 
*  170  *  The  time  of  his  ficknes,  nor  the  urgent  caufe, 
were  not  allowed  to  be  urg'd  for  him ;  but  whatfoever 
could  be  thought  upon  againft  him  was  urged,  feeing  hee 
was  a  carnall  man,  of  them  that  are  without.  So  that  it 
feemes,  by  thofe  proceedings  there,  the  matter  was  adjudged 


New  Englijli  Canaan.  3 1 9 

before  he  came :  Hee  onely  brought  to  heare  his  fentence 
in  publicke :  which  was,  to  have  his  tongue  bored  through ; 
his  nofe  flit;  his  face  branded;  his  eares  cut;  his  body  to 
be  whip'd  in  every  feverall  plantation  of  their  Iurifdiction ; 
and  a  fine  of  forty  pounds  impof'd,  with  perpetuall  banifh- 
ment :  and,  (to  execute  this  vengeance,)  Shackles,1  (the  Dea- 
con of  Charles  Towne,)  was  as  ready  as  Mephoftophiles,  when 
Doctor  Fauflus  was  bent  upon  mifcheife. 

Hee  is  the  purfer  generall  of  New  Canaan,  who,  (with  his 
whipp,  with  knotts  moft  terrible,)  takes  this  man  unto  the 
Counting  howfe :  there  capitulates  with  him  why  hee  fhould 
be  fo  hafty  for  payment,  when  Gods  deare  children  muft  pay 
as  they  are  able :  and  hee  weepes,  and  fobbes,  and  his  hand- 
kercher  walkes  as  a  figne  of  his  forrow  for  Mafter  Faire- 
cloaths  finne,  that  hee  fhould  beare  no  better  affection  to  the 
Church  and  the  Saints  of  New  Canaan :  and  ftrips  Inno- 
cence the  while,  and  comforts  him. 

Though  hee  be  made  to  flay  for  payment,  hee  fhould  not 


1  The  firft  two  deacons  of  the  church  bered  that,  thirteen  years  later,  "two  of 

at  Charleftown  were  Robert  Hale  and  our   minifters'  fons,   being   ftudents   in 

Ralph  Monfall.  The  Charleftown  church,  the  college,  robbed  two  dwelling-houfes 

however,  was  not  organized  until  No-  in  the  night  of  fome  pounds.     Being 

vember,  1632,  fixteen  months  after  Rat-  found  out,   they   were   ordered  by  the 

cliff's  punifhment.     (Budington's  Firft  gouvernours  of  the  college  to  be  there 

Church  of  Charleftown,  pp.  31,  34.)  whipped,  which  was  performed  by  the 

The  Bofton  church  in  June,  1631,  had  president  himfelf  —  yet  they  were  about 

but    one     deacon,    William    Afpinwall  20  years  of  age."     (Winthrop,  vol.  ii. 

(Ellis's  Firft  Church  of  Bofton,  p.  328),  p.  *i66.)    If  the  prefident  of  the  college 

in  regard  to  whom  there  is  a  detailed  could  officiate  at  the  whipping-poft  in 

note  in  Savage's  Winthrop  (p.  *32).  He  1644,  in  a  cafe  of  what  Winthrop  calls 

was    the    deacon   of    the    Charleftown  "burglary,"  there  feems  no  good  reafon 

church    at   the   time    Morton  was    ar-  why  the  deacon  of  the  church  fhould 

raigned  and  punifhed,  and  it  is  poffible  not  have  officiated  there  in   1631  in  a 

that  Morton  refers  to  him  as  Shackles,  cafe   which    the    fame    authority   calls 

Afpinwall  was  a  man  of  prominence  in  "foul,  fcandalous  inveclives  againft  our 

the  fettlement ;  but  it  muft  be  remem-  churches." 

320  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

thinke  it  longe ;  the  payment  would  be  fure  when   it  did 

come,  and  hee  fliould  have  his  clue  to  a  doite  ;  hee  fhould 

Notable  Pay.    not  wifli  for  a  token  more;    And  then  tould  it  him  downe 

in  fuch  manner  that  hee  made  Fairecloaths  Innocent  back 

like  the  picture  of  Rawhead  and  blowdy  bones,  and 
*  1 7 1     his  fliirte  like  a  *  pudding  wifes  aperon.       In    this 

imployment  Shackles  takes  a  greate  felicity,  and  glo- 
ries in  the  praclife  of  it.  This  cruell  fentence  was  ftoped  in 
part  by  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardiner,  (then  prefent  at  the  execu- 
tion,) by  expoftulating  with  Matter  Temperwell :  who  was 
content,  (with  that  whipping  and  the  cutting  of  parte  of  his 
eares,)  to  fend  Innocence  going,  with  the  loffe  of  all  his 
goods,  to  pay  the  fine  impofed,  and  perpetuall  banifhment 
out  of  their  Lands  of  New  Canaan,  in  terrorem  populi. 

Loe  this  is  the  payment  you  fhall  get,  if  you  be  one  of 
them  they  terme,  without. 

Chap.    XXVI. 

Of  the  Charity  of  the  Scpcratifls. 

CHarity  is  fayd  to  be  the  darling  of  Religion,  and  is 
indeed  the  Marke  of  a  good  Chriftian  :  But  where  we 
doe  finde  a  Commiffion  for  miniftring  to  the  neceffity  of  the 
Saints,  we  doe  not  finde  any  prohibition  againft  carting  our 
bread  upon  the  waters,  where  the  unfanctified,  as  well  as  the 
fanclified,  are  in  poffibility  to  make  ufe  of  it. 

I  cannot  perceave  that  the  Seperatifts  doe  allowe  of  help- 
ing our  poore,  though  they  magnify  their  pracrtife  in  con- 
tributing to  the  nourifhmcnt  of  their  Saints ;    For  as  much 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  3 2 1 

as  fome  that  are  of  the  number  of  thofe  whom  they  terme 

without,  (though  it  were  in  cafe  of  fickneffe,)  upon 

theire  landing,   when    a   little   frefh  *  victuals  would    *  172 

have  recovered  their  healths,  yet  could  they  not  finde 

any  charitable   affiftance  from   them.      Nay,   mine    Hofl  of 

Ma-re-Mount,  (if  hee  might  have  had  the  ufe  of  his  gunne, 

powther    and  fhott,  and   his  dogg,  which  were  denied,)  hee 

doubtles  would  have  preferved  fuch  poore  helples  wretches 

as  were  neglected  by  thofe  that  brought  them  over ;  which  Lame  charity. 

was  fo  apparent,  (as  it  feemed,)  that  one  of  their  owne  tribe 

faid,  the  death  of  them  would  be  required  at  fome  bodies 

hands  one  day,  (meaning  Mafter  Temperwell.) 

But  fuch  good  muft  not  come  from  a  carnall  man :  if  it 
come  from  a  member,  then  it  is  a  fanctified  worke  ;  if  other- 
wife,  it  is  rejected  as  unfanclified. 

But  when  Shackles1  wife,  and  fuch  as  had  hufbands, 
parents  or  freinds,  happened  to  bee  Tick,  mine  Hofts  helpe 
was  ufed,  and  inftruments  provided  for  him  to  kill  frefh 
vittell  with,  (wherein  hee  was  induftrious,)  and  the  perfons, 
having  frefh  vittell,  lived. 

So  doubtles  might  many  others  have  bin  preferved,  but 
they  were  of  the  number  left  without ;  neither  will  thofe 
precife  people  admit  a  carnall  man  into  their  howfes,  though 
they  have  made  ufe  of  his  in  the  like  cafe  ;  they  are  fuch 
antagoftifts  to  thofe  that  doe  not  comply  with  them,  and 
feeke  to  be  admitted  to  be  of  their  Church,  that  in  fcorne 
they  fay,  you  may  fee  what  it  is  to  be  without. 

Chapter     XXVII. 

1  Supra,  319. 


New  Englifli  Canaan. 



Chap.    XXVI  I. 

Of  the  praftife  of  tJieir  CImrch} 

THe  Church  of  the  Seperatifts  is  governed  by  Parlors, 
Elders  and  Deacons,  and  there  is  not  *  any  of  thefe, 
though  hee  be  but  a  Cow  keeper,  but  is  allowed  to  ex- 
ercife  his  guifts  in  the  publik  affembly  on  the  Lords  day,2 
fo  as  hee  doe  not  make  ufe  of  any  notes  for  the  helpe  of 
his   memory : 3   for   fuch  things,   they  fay,  fmell  of  Lampe 


churches  during  the  earlieft  days  of  the 
fettlement.  Mr.  Trumbull's  very  learned 
and  elaborate  notes  to  his  edition  of 
the  Plaine  Dealing,  which  is  the  edition 
referred  to  in  the  notes  to  the  prefent 
chapter,  have  cleared  up  Lechford's  text 
wherever  it  is  obfeure  ;  and  they  obviate 
the  neceffity  of  any  careful  annotation 
of  the  prefent  chapter,  except  where  it 
is  defirable  to  call  notice  to  the  fpecial 
bearing  any  particular  affertion  made 
may  be  fuppofed  to  have  had  on  Arch- 
bifhop  Laud's  idiofyncrafies. 

2  "  Teaching  in  the  church  publicly," 
was,  it  will  be  remembered,  one  of  the 

1  The  character  of  the  New  Canaan 
as  a  political  pamphlet  of  the  time,  in- 
tended to  effect  a  given  refult  in  a  par- 
ticular quarter,  has  already  been  referred 
to.  {Supra,  pp.  68-9.)  In  this  refpect 
the  prefent  chapter  is  the  moft  fignificant 
one  in  the  book.  It  was  intended  to  act 
on  the  well-known  prejudices  of  Arch- 
bifhop  Laud,  the  head  and  controlling 
fpirit  of  that  Board  of  Lords  Commif- 
fioners  of  Foreign  Plantations  which 
then  had  fupreme  authority  over  the 
colonies.  To  that  Board  Morton  ded- 
icated his  book  ;  and  at  the  time  he  was 
writing  it  the  Lords  Commiffioners,  and 
efpecially  the  Archbifhop,  were  taking 
aclive  meafures  to  vacate  the  Maffachu- 
fetts  charter  and  to  aiTume  the  direct 
government  of  the  colonies.  It  is  its 
connection  with  thefe  fafts  which  alone 
gives  any  great  degree  of  hiflorical  value 
to  the  prefent  chapter.  In  itfelf  it  is 
not  deferving  of  careful  annotation,  as 
it  contains  nothing  that  is  new,  and  the 
ground  is  much  better  covered  by  Lech- 
ford  in  his  Plaine  Dealing.  Like  Mor- 
ton, Lechford  was  a  lawyer;  and,  unlike 
Morton,  he  was  by  nature  a  devout 
man.  A  member  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land he  has  given  in  his  book  a  remark- 
ably vivid  and  fair-minded  defcription 
of  the  practice   of   the    New    England 

offences  charged  againft  Winflow  before 
the  Lords  Commiffioners  at  the  hearing 
of  1634,  for  which,  at  Archbifliop  Laud's 
"  vehement  importunity,"  he  was  com- 
mitted to  the  Fleet.  {Supra,  69 ;  Proc. 
Mafs.  Hi/l.  Soc.,  1860-2,  p.  131.)  On 
the  real  practice  of  the  New  England 
churches  in  regard  to  the  exercife  of 
their  gifts  by  lay  members,  fee  Plaine 
Dealing,  p.  42. 

3  "  I  fuppofe  the  firft  preacher  that 
ever  thus  preached  with  notes  in  our 
New-England  was  the  Reverend  War- 
ham."  (Magnolia,  B.  in.  part  2,  ch. 
xviii.)  In  regard  to  John  Warham, 
firft  of  Dorchefter  and  fubfequently  of 


New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 



oyle,  and  there  muft  be  no  fuch  unfavery  perfume  admitted 
to  come  into  the  congregation. 

Thefe  are  all  publike  preachers.  There  is  amongft  thefe 
people  a  Deakoneffe,  made  of  the  fillers,  that  ufes  her  guifts 
at  home  in  an  affembly  of  her  fexe,  by  way  of  repetition  or 
exhortation  : 1  fuch  is  their  pracrife.  ^, 

Windfor,  Connecticut,  fee  Dr.  Young's 
note  in  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  347. 

1  There  probably  never  was  any  reg- 
ularly chofen  deaconefs  in  New  Eng- 
land. The  office  was  recognized  as 
having  come  down  from  the  primitive 
churches  (Dexter's  Congregationalifn, 
p.  69)  ;  and  Robert  Browne  in  his  defi- 
nitions, in  the  Life  and  Manners  of  all 
true  Chriflians,  fays  :  "  The  widow  is  a 
perfon  having  office  of  God  to  pray  for 
the  church,  and  to  vifit  and  minifter  to 
thofe  which  are  afflicted  and  diftreffed 
in  the  church  ;  for  the  which  lhe  is  tried 
and  received  as  meet."  (Bacon's  Gen- 
cjis  of  the  ATew  England  Churches,  p. 
84.)  Bradford  in  his  Dialogue,  written 
in  1648,  fpeaking  of  the  Separatift  church 
at  Amfterdam,  fays,  that  befides  the  paf- 
tor,  teacher,  elders  and  deacons,  there 
was  '•  one  ancient  widow  for  a  deacon- 
efs, who  did  them  fervice  many  years, 
though  the  was  fixty  years  of  age  when 
fhe  was  chofen.  She  honored  her  place 
and  was  an  ornament  to  the  congre- 
gation. She  ufually  fat  in  a  convenient 
place  in  the  congregation,  with  a  little 
birchen  rod  in  her  hand,  and  kept  little 
children  in  great  awe  from  dilturbing 
the  congregation.  She  did  frequently 
vifit  the  fick  and  weak,  efpecially  wom- 
en, and,  as  there  was  need,  called  out 
maids  and  young  women  to  watch  and 
do  them  other  helps  as  their  neceffity 
did  require;  and  if  they  were  poor,  fhe 
would  gather  relief  for  them  of  thofe 
that  were  able,  or  acquaint  the  deacons  ; 
and   fiie   was   obeyed   as   a  mother  in 

Ifrael  and  an  officer  of  Chrift."  (Young's 
Chron.  of  Pilg-,  p.  455-)  It  would  be 
inferred  from  the  paffage  quoted  that 
there  had  in  1648  never  been  a  deacon- 
efs in  the  Plymouth  church,  as  in  this 
Dialogue  the  old  men  are  fuppofed  to 
be  defcribing  to  the  young  men  events 
ftrange  to  the  latter,  as  having  occurred 
long  before.  Lechford  fays,  fpeaking  of 
the  Mafiachufetts  colony  :  "  No  church 
there  has  a  Deaconefie,  as  far  as  I 
know."  (P/aine  Dealing,  pp.  24,  40  ) 
"  I  have  not  met  with  an  infiance  of 
[the]  actual  inftitution  [of  the  office  of 
deaconefs]  in  New  England."  (Pal- 
frey, vol.  ii.  p.  37,   note.) 

It  does  not  feem,  however,  to  have 
been  even  theoretically  one  of  the  func- 
tions of  the  deaconefs  "to  ufe  her  gifts 
at  home,"  as  Morton  fays,  "in  an  af- 
fembly of  her  fex,  by  way  of  repetition, 
or  exhortation."  This  would  rather 
have  pertained  to  the  office  of  teacher. 
Meetings  of  females,  fuch  as  thofe  de- 
fcribed,  were  held  in  the  parifhes  during 
the  early  days,  and  played  an  important 
part  in  the  Antinomian  controverfy. 
The  deaconefs  did  not,  however,  offi- 
ciate at  them.  The  character  of  thefe 
meetings  appears  in  the  following  paf- 
fage at  the  trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  : 

"  Court.  .  .  .  What  fay  you  to  your 
weekly  public  meetings  ?  Can  you  find 
a  warrant  for  them  ? 

Mrs.  Hutchinson.  I  will  fhow  you 
how  I  took  it  up.  There  were  fuch 
meetings  in  ufe  before  I  came ;  and 
becaufe  I  went  to  none  of  them,  this 


324  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

The  Paftor,  (before  hee  is  allowed  of,)  muft.  difclaime  his 
former  calling  to  the  Miniftry,  as  hereticall ;  and  take  a  new 
calling  after  their  fantafticall  inventions :  and  then  hee  is 
admitted  to  bee  their  Paftor. 

The  manner  of  difclaimeing  is,  to  renounce  his  calling 
with  bitter  execrations,  for  the  time  that  hee  hath  heretofore 
lived  in  it:  and  after  his  new  election,  there  is  great  joy  con- 
ceaved  at  his  commiffion.1 

And  theire  Paflors  have  this  preheminence  above  the 
Civile  Maodftrate :  Hee  muft  firft  confider  of  the  com- 
plaint  made  againfl  a  member:  and  if  hee  be  difpofed  to 
give  the  partie  complained  of  an  admonition,  there  is  no 
more  to  be  faid:  if  not;  Hee  delivers  him  over  to  the 
Magiftrate  to  deale  with  him  in  a  courfe  of  Iuftice,  according 
to  theire  practife  in  cafes  of  that  nature.3  qc 

was  the  fpecial  reafon  of  my  taking  up  felf.     Neither  do  you  teach  them  that 

this  courfe.     We  began  it  with  but  five  which  the   Apoftle  commands,  viz  :  to 

or  fix,  and,  though  it  grew  to  more  in  fu-  keep  at  home. 

ture  time,  yet,  being  tolerated  at  the  firft,  Mrs.  H.    Will  you  pleafe  to  give  me 

I  knew  not  why  it  might  not  continue.  a  rule  againft  it,  and  I  will  yield. 

Court.      There  were  private   meet-  Court.     You  muft  have  a  rule  for  it, 

ings  indeed,  and  are  ftill  in  many  places,  or  elfe  you  cannot  do  it  in  faith.     Yet 

ofTome  few  neighbors  ;   but  not  fo  pub-  you   have   a  plain  rule  againft   it,  — •'  I 

lie  and  frequent  as  yours;  and  are  of  fuffer  not  a  woman  to  teach.'     (I.  Tim. 

ufe  for  increafe  of  love  and  mutual  edi-  ii.  12.) 

fication.     But  yours  are  of  another  na-  Mrs.  H.     That  is  meant  of  teaching 

ture.     If  they  had  been  fuch  as  yours  men." 

they  had  been  evil,   and   therefore   no  (Weld's  Short  Story,  pp.  34~5-)     See 

good  warrant  to  juftify  yours.     But  an-  alfo  the  verfion  to  the    fame   effecT;   in 

fwer  by  what  authority  or  rule  you  up-  Hutchinfon's  Majjfachnfetts,  vol.  ii.  pp. 

hold  them  ?  4§4-7- 

Mrs.  H.    By  Titus  ii.  3-5,  where  the  1  Supra,  262,  note  3,  and  306,  note  3. 

elder  women  are  to  teach  the  younger.  The  effe£t  fuch  a  ftatement  as  that  in 

Court.     So  we  allow  you  to  do,  as  the  text  would  have  upon  Archbifhop 

the  Apoftle  there  means,  privately  and  Laud  is  apparent.     The  real  practice  of 

upon  occafion.     But  that  gives  no  war-  the  early  New  England  churches  in  the 

rant  of  fuch  fet  meetings  for  that  pur-  matter  of  ordination  can  be  found  in  the 

pofe.     And,  befides,  you  take  upon  you  Plaine  Dealing,  pp.  13,  16,  17. 

to  teach  many  that  are  older  than  your-  2  "  There  hath  been  fome  difference 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  325 

*  Of  thefe  paftors  I  have  not  knowne  many  : 1  fome  *  1 74 
I  have  obferved  together  with  theire  carriage  in  New 
Canaan,  and  can  informe  you  what  opinion  hath  bin  con- 
ceaved  of  theire  conditions  in  the  perticuler.  There  is  one 
who,  (as  they  give  it  out  there  that  thinke  they  fpeake  it  to 
advaunce  his  worth,)  has  bin  expected  to  exercife  his  gifts  in 
an  aflembly  that  flayed  his  comming,  in  the  middeft  of  his 
Iorney  falls  into  a  fitt,  (which  they  terme  a  zealous  medita- 
tion,) and  was  4.  miles  paft  the  place  appointed  before  hee 
came  to  himfelfe,  or  did  remember  where  abouts  hee  went. 
And  how  much  thefe  things  are  different  from  the  actions  of 
mazed  men,  I  leave  to  any  indifferent  man  to  judge  ;  and 
if  I  mould  fay  they  are  all  much  alike,  they  that  have  feene 
and  heard  what  I  have  done,  will  not  condemne  mee  alto- 

Now,  for  as  much  as  by  the  practife  of  theire  Church  every 


about    jurifdictions,    or    cognizance   of  the  great  contentment  of  the  hearers,  and 

caufes  :  Some  have  held  that,  in  caufes  their  comfortable  edification."  (Young's 

betweene  brethren  of  the   Church,  the  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  467  ;  Bradford,  pp. 

matter  fhould  be  firft  told  the  Church,  187-8.)      In   the    fummer  of   1628,   but 

before  they  goe  to  the  civill  Magiftrate,  after  Morton  had  been  fent  to  England, 

becaufe    all    caufes    in   difference   doe  Allerton  brought  over  Mr.  Rogers  as  a 

amount,  one  way  or  other,  to  a  matter  preacher,  who  foon  proved  to  be  "  crafed 

of  offence  ;  and  that  all  criminall  matters  in  his  braine"  (Bradford,  p.  243),  and  the 

concerning  Church  members,  fhould  be  next  feafon  was  fent  home.     In  the  au- 

firft  heard  by  the  Church.     But  thefe  tumn,   apparently,    of   1629,  and   while 

opinioniits  are  held,  by  the  wifer  fort,  Morton  may  have  been  at  Plymouth  at 

not  to  know  the  dangerous  iffues  and  Allerton's  houfe  {lb.  p.  253),  before  his 

confequences  of  fuch  tenets."     (Plaine  final  return   to    Mount  Wollafton,  the 

Dealing,  p.  34.)  Rev.  Ralfe  Smith,  who  had  come  over 

1  There  was  no  minifter  at  Plymouth  with  Skelton  and  Higginfon  in  the  pre- 

in  the  fpring  of  1628,  when  Morton  was  vious  June  (Young's   Chron.  of  Mafs., 

there.     William  Brewfter  was  the  ruling  p.   151),   was  found    at    Nantafket   and 

elder  in  the  church  and  officiated  in  its  brought  down  to  Plymouth.    (Bradford, 

pulpit,  where,   from  the  beginning,   he  p.  263.)     He  was  not,  however,  chofen 

had  "  taught  twice  every  fabbath,  and  into  the  miniftry  there  until  a  later  time, 

that  both  powerfully  and  profitably,  to  (/#.)     It  is  unlikely  that  Morton  here 


326  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

Lewes  the 
II.  fc  nt  a 
Barber  Em- 

T/ie  Embaf- 
fage  de/pifed 

Elder  or  Deacon  may  preach,  it  is  not  amiffe  to  difcover  their 

practife  in  that  perticuler,  before  I  part  with  them.1 

It  has  bin  an  old  faying,  and  a  true,  what  is  bred  in  the 

bone  will   not  out  of  the   flefli,  nor   the   ftepping  into   the 

pulpit  that   can  make   the  perfon  fitt  for  the  imployment. 

The  unfitnes  of  the  perfon  undertaking  to  be  the  MeiTenger 

has  brought  a  blemifh  upon   the  meffage,  as  in  the  time  of 

Lewes  the  Eleventh,  King  of  France,  who,  (having  advaunced 

his  Barber  to  place  of  Honor,  and  graced  him  with  eminent 

titles),  made  him  fo  prefumptuous  to  undertake  an  Embaf- 

fage  to  treat  with  forraine  princes  of  Civile  affaires. 

But  what  was  the  iffue  ?     Hee  behaved  himfelfe  fo 

*  175    *  unworthily,  (yet  as  well  as  his  breeding  would  give 

him  leave,)  that  both  the  Meffenger  and  the  meffage 

were  defpifed ;  and  had  not  hee,  (being  difcovered,)  conveyed 

himfelfe  out  of  their  territories,  they  had  made  him  pay  for 

his  barbarous  prefumption.2  c         , 

1  L  Socrates 

refers  to  Plymouth  perfonages.  He  was 
at  Salem  in  1629  (Supra,  306),  and  in 
Bofton,  where  as  a  prifoner  he  was  un- 
doubtedly made  regularly  to  attend  di- 
vine fervice,  from  early  September  to 
the  end  of  December,  1630.  (Supra, 
45  ;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  321.) 
At  Salem  he  had  come  in  contacl  with 
Skelton  and  Higginfon  ;  and  it  has 
been  feen  (Supra,  300,  note  1)  that  he 
probably  knew  fomething  of  Francis 
Bright  of  Charleftown.  The  only  other 
minifters  then  in  the  colony  were  John 
Warham  and  John  Maverick  at  Dor- 
chefier,  George  Phillips  at  Watertown, 
and  John  Wilfon  at  Bofton. 

1  It  is  fcarcely  neceffary  to  point  out 
that  the  three  following  pages  are  largely 
the  fruit  of  Morton's  imaginative  pow- 
ers, and  were  intended  for  the  fpecial 
edification   of   Archbifhop    Laud.      As 

Plymouth  was  much  lefs  well  fupplied 
with  preachers  than  the  towns  of  the 
Maffachufetts  colony,  it  is  altogether 
probable  —  as  Dr.  John  Eliot  furmifed, 
in  his  review  of  the  New  Canaan,  in  the 
Monthly  Anthology  for  July,  18 10  — 
the  alluvions  to  the  church-practifes  in 
this  chapter  found  their  largeft  bafis  of 
fa<5l  in  incidents  which  Morton  had  been 
a  witnefs  of  in  the  Plymouth  meeting- 
houfe.  It  is  fafe  to  add,  however,  that 
he  could  have  had  no  agreeable  recollec- 
tions of  the  meeting-houfes  at  Bofton 
and  Charleftown. 

2  Oliver  Le  Daim,  barber  of  Louis 
XL,  created  by  him  Comte  de  Meulan, 
and  fent  in  1477  on  a  confidential  mif- 
fion  to  Mary  of  Burgundy  at  Ghent. 
The  account  of  his  experiences  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Memoires  de  Commines, 
L.  v.  ch.  xiv. 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  327 

Socrates  fayes,  loquere  tit  te  videam.  If  a  man  obferve 
thefe  people  in  the  exercife  of  their  gifts,  hee  may  thereby 
difcerne  the  tincture  of  their  proper  calling,  the  affes  eares 
will  peepe  through  the  lyons  hide.  I  am  forry  they  cannot 
difcerne  their  owne  infirmities.  I  will  deale  fairely  with 
them,  for  I  will  draw  their  pictures  cap  a  pe,  that  you  may 
difcerne  them  plainely  from  head  to  foote  in  their  poftures, 
that  fo  much  bewitch,  (as  I  may  fpeake  with  modefty,)  thefe 
illiterate  people  to  be  fo  fantafticall,  to  take  Ionas  tafke 1 
upon  them  without  fufficient  warrant. 

One  fteps  up  like  the  Minifter  of  Iuftice  with  the  ballance  a  Grocer. 
onely,  not  the  fword  for  feare  of  affrighting  his  auditory. 
Hee  poynts  at  a  text,  and  handles  it  as  evenly  as  hee  can ; 
and  teaches  the  auditory,  that  the  thing  hee  has  to  deliver 
mull  be  well  waied,  for  it  is  a  very  pretious  thing,  yes,  much 
more  pretious  then  gold  or  pearle  :  and  hee  will  teach  them 
the  meanes  how  to  way  things  of  that  excellent  worth ;  that 
a  man  would  fuppofe  hee  and  his  auditory  were  to  part 
ftakes  by  the  fcale ;  and  the  like  diftribution  they  have  ufed 
about  a  bag  pudding. 

Another,  (of  a  more  cutting  difpofition,)  fteps  in  his  fteed  ;  a  Taylor. 
and  hee  takes  a  text,  which  hee  divides  into  many  parts :   (to 
fpeake  truly)  as  many  as  hee  lift.     The  fag  end  of  it  hee 
pares  away,  as  a  fuperfluous  remnant. 

#  Hee  puts  his  auditory  in  comfort,  that  hee  will    *  176 
make  a  garment  for  them,  and  teach  them  how  they 
fhall  put  it  on  ;  and  incourages  them  to  be  in  love  with  it, 
for  it  is  of  fuch  a  fafhion  as  doth  beft  become  a  Chriftian 


1  Supra,  302,  note  I. 

328  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan, 

man.     Hee  will  affuer  them  that  it  fhall  be  armor  of  proffe 

againft  all  affaults  of  Satan.     This  garment,  (fayes  hee,)  is 

not  compofed  as  the  garments  made  by  a  carnall  man,  that 

are  fowed  with  a  hot  needle  and  a  burning  thread ;  but  it  is 

a  garment  that  mall  out  laft  all  the  garments :   and,  if  they 

will  make  ufe  of  it  as  hee  mail  direct  them,  they  fhall  be 

able,  (like  faint  George,)  to  terrifie  the  greate  Dragon,  error ; 

and   defend  truth,  which  error  with  her  wide  chaps  would 

devoure  :  whofe  mouth  mall  be  filled  with  the  fhredds  and 

parings,  which  hee  continually  gapes  for  under  the  cutting 


a  Tapjkr.  A  third,  hee  fupplies  the  rome  :  and  in  the  exercife  of  his 

guifts  begins  with  a  text  that  is  drawne  out  of  a  fountaine 

that  has  in  it  no  dreggs  of  popery.     This  fhall  proove  unto 

you,  (fays  hee,)  the  Cup  of  repentance  :  it  is  not  like  unto 

the  Cup  of  the  Whore  of  Babilon,  who  will  make  men  drunk 

with  the  dreggs   thereof :     It   is  filled  up  to  the  brim  with 

comfortable  Joyce,  and  will  proove  a  comfortable  cordiall  to 

a  fick  foule,  fayes  hee.     And  fo  hee  handles  the  matter  as 

if  hee  dealt  by  the    pinte    and   the  quarte,  with   Nic  and 

Froth.1  A 


1   I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Lindfay  Swift,  '  We  mutt  be  running  up  and  downe 

of   the   Bofton   Public   Library,   for  the  With  Cannes  of  beere  (malt  fod  in  fifhes 

following   explanation    of   this,    to    me,  broth),                        -.,,,.,      .  ,        , 

very  perplexing  allufion  :  "Nic,  or,  more  Ancl  tho!e  theY  faY  are  fil  d  wlth  mck  and 

correctly,   nick,  —  namely,  'a  raifed  or  froth>         (Rowland's  Knave  of  Harts.) 

indented    bottom    in    a    beer- can,    by  «  From  the  nick  and  froth  of  a  penny  pot- 

which  the  cuftomers  were  cheated,  the  houfe.'                            (Fletcher.) 
nick  below  ancl  the  froth  above  filling 

up  part  of  the   meafure.'     I   take   this  <  Our  pots  were  full  quartcd 

definition  from  Wright's  Bic1iona?y  of  We  were  not  thus  thwarted 

Obfolete  and  Provincial  Englifh.     That  With  froth-cannc  and  nick-pot, 

,,  J              rr                                °  J „  ..  And  fuch  nimble  quick  ihot.' 

the   expreffion  was  a  common  one  the  ,         .        „           ,,,,,,.*        j- 

following  quotations  prove  :  -  (Spurious  lines  added  to  Rand  s  1624  edi- 

°  n                    r  tion  of  Skelton  s  Elynour  Rnmmynge.) 


New  Engli/Ji  Canaan,  329 

An  other,  (a  very  learned  man  indeed,)  goes  another  way  a  Cobter. 
to   worke   with   his  auditory ;    and  exhorts   them   to  walke 
upright,  in   the  way  of  their  calling,  and  not,   (like 
carnall  men,)  tread  awry.     And  if  they  fhould  *  fayle    *  177 
in   the  performance   of   that  duety,  yet  they   mould 
feeke  for  amendement  whiles  it  was  time  ;  and  tells  them  it 
would  bee  to  late  to  feek  for  help  when  the  (hop  windowes 
were   fhutt    up :    and  pricks  them  forward   with  a  freindly 
admonition  not  to  place  theire  delight  in  worldly  pleafures, 
which  will  not  laft,  but  in  time  will  come  to  an  end;  but 
fo  to  handle   the  matter  that  they   may  be  found  to  wax 
better  and  better,  and  then  they  fhall  be  doublely  rewarded 
for  theire  worke :  and  fo  clofes  up  the  matter  in  a  comfort- 
able manner. 

But  ftay :  Here  is  one  ftept  up  in  hafte,  and,  (being  not 
minded  to  hold  his  auditory  in  expectation  of  any  long 
difcourfe,)  hee  takes  a  text ;  and,  (for  brevities  fake,)  divides 
it  into  one  part :  and  then  runnes  fo  faft  a  fore  with  the 
matter,  that  his  auditory  cannot  follow  him.  Doubtles  his 
Father  was  fome  Irifh  footeman;1  by  his  fpeede  it  feemes  a  very  pate 
fo.  And  it  may  be  at  the  howre  of  death,  the  fonne,  being  rick' 
prefent,  did  participat  of  his  Fathers  nature,  (according  to 
Pithagoras,) 2  and  fo  the  vertue  of  his  Fathers  nimble  feete 


Moft  of  this  information  I  have  taken  ufe,    and   to   notify   innkeepers   of  the 

from    Nares's   Gloffary   and    Halliwell-  coming:  guefts.    They  carried  long  poles 

Philhpps's  Diclionary  of  Archaic  and  to  affift  them  in  clearing  obftacles,  and 

Provincial  Words,  fecond  edition."  to  help  pry  the    carriages    out   of   the 

1  The  reference  here  is  apparently  to  floughs   in   which    they    frequently   got 

the  running  footmen  much  in  ufe  in  the  ftuck.     (Brewer's  Dift.   of  Phrafe  and 

eighteenth  century,  and  alfo,  judging  by  Fable,    p.    773  ;     Macaulay's   England, 

the  text,  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Charles  vol.  i.  pp.  374-8.) 

I.     Their  duty  was  to  run  before  and  2  It  was  one  of  the  doctrines  of  Py- 

alongfide  the  cumbrous  coaches  then  in  thagoras   that   the   fouls   of   the   dying 


S3°  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

being  infufed  into  his  braines,  might  make  his  tongue  out- 
runne  his   wit. 

Well,  if  you  marke  it,  thefe  are  fpeciall  gifts  indeede : 
which  the  vulgar  people  are  fo  taken  with,  that  there  is  no 
perfwading  them  that  it  is  fo  ridiculous. 

This  is  the  meanes,  (O  the  meanes,)  that  they  purfue : 
This  that  comes  without  premeditation  ;  This  is  the  Supar- 
lative :  and  hee  that  does  not  approove  of  this,  they  fay  is  a 

very  reprobate. 
*  178  *  Many  vn warrantable  Tenents  they  have  likewife  : 
fome  of  which  being  come  to  my  knowledge  I  wil 
here  fet  downe :  one  wherof,  being  in  publicke  praclife 
maintained,  is  more  notorious  then  the  reft.  I  will  therefore 
beginne  with  that,  and  convince  them  of  manifeft  error  by 
the  maintenance  of  it,  which  is  this : 
Tenenti.  That  it  is  the  Magiftrates  office  abfolutely,  (and  not  the 
Minfters,)  to  joyne  the  people  in  lawfull  matrimony.1     And 


pafTed  into  the  air,  and  thence  into  the  riage  here  referred  to  was  that  of  Ed- 
living  bodies  of  other  men,  taking  con-  ward  Winflow  to  Mrs.  Sufannah  White, 
trolling  poffeffion  of  them.  That  the  It  took  place  in  May,  Window's  wife 
nimblenefs  of  the  father's  feet  might  having  died  feven  weeks  before,  and 
thus  account  for  the  volubility  of  the  Mrs.  White's  hufband,  William,  twelve 
fon's  tongue  is,  it  is  needlefs  to  fay,  a  weeks  before.  That  he  had  married 
purely  Mortonian  deduction.  people  was,  it  will  be  remembered,  the 
1  "May  12.  [1621]  was  the  firft  mar-  other  of  the  two  charges  advanced 
iage  in  this  place,  which,  according  to  againft  Winflow  himfelf,  at  the  Privy 
the  laudable  cuftome  of  the  Low-Coun-  Council  hearing  juft  referred  to.  {Supra, 
tries,  in  which  they  had  lived,  was  322,  note  2.)  The  practice  of  civil  mar- 
thought  moft  requifite  to  be  performed  riage  already  prevailed  in  the  Maffachu- 
bythe  magiftrate,  as  being  a  civill  thing,  fetts  colony  alfo,  as,  a  week  before  the 
upon  which  manyqueftions  aboute  inher-  arreft  of  Morton  was  ordered,  Governor 
itances  doe  depende,  with  other  things  Endicott.  on  Auguft  18,  1630,  was  mar- 
moft  proper  to  their  cognizans,  and  moft  ried,  at  Charleftown  apparently,  "  by  the 
confonante  to  the  fcripturs.  Ruth  4.  governourand  Mr.Wilfon."  (Winthrop, 
and  no  wher  found  in  the  gofpell  to  be  vol.  i.  p.  *30.  See  alfo  Plaine  Dealing, 
layed  on  the  minifters  as  a  part  of  their  pp.  86-7.)  There  are  few  more  edifying 
office."  (Bradford,  p.  101.)  The  mar-  examples  of  the  cafuiftical  fkill  of  Win- 

New  Englifh  Canaan. 

1  1   T 

JO  l 

for  this  they  vouch  the  Hiltory  of  Ruth,  faying  Boas  was 
married  to  Ruth  in  prefence  of  the  Elders  of  the  people. 
Herein  they  miftake  the  fcope  of  the  text. 

2.  That  it  is  a  relique  of  popery  to  make  ufe  of  a  ring  in 
marriage :  and  that  it  is  a  diabolicall  circle  for  the  Divell  to 
daunce  in.1 

3.  That  the  purification  ufed  for  weomen  after  delivery 
is  not  to  be  ufed.2 

4.  That  no  child  mall  be  baptifed  whofe  parents  are  not 
receaved  into  their  Church  firm3  That 

throp  and  his  affociates  than  is  afforded 
by  his  method  of  dealing  with  the  ques- 
tion of  civil  marriages,  as  explained  in 
detail  in  his  Joicrnal  (vol.  i.  p.  *323). 
"  In  our  church  difcipline,  and  in  mat- 
ters of  marriage,  to  make  a  law  that 
marriages  fhould  not  be  folemnized  by 
minifters  is  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England ;  but  to  bring  it  to  a  cuftom  by 
practice  for  the  magiftrates  to  perform 
it,  is  no  law  made  repugnant,  etc."  The 
charter  of  1629  empowered  the  General 
Court  of  the  colony  "to  make,  ordeine, 
and  eftablifhe  all  Manner  of  wholefome 
and  reafonable  Orders,  Lavves,  Statutes, 
and  Ordinances,  Directions,  and  In- 
ftruclions,  not  contrary  to  the  Lavves  of 
theis  our  Realme  of  England."  (Hazard, 
vol.  i.  p.  252.) 

1  At  the  conference  between  the  Bifh- 
ops  and  the  Puritans,  held  in  prefence 
of  James  I.  at  Hampton  Court  in  Janu- 
ary, 1603,  one  of  the  practices  of  the 
Englifh  Church  efpecially  excepted  to 
as  a  "relique  of  popery"  by  Dr.  John 
Reynolds,  the  fpokefman  of  the  Puri 
tans,  was  the  ring  in  marriage.  (Neal's 
Hiji.  of  Puritans,  vol.  ii.  p.  42.)  Among 
the  reafons  urged  againft  its  ufe  I  have 
not  elfewhere  found  the  "diabolical 
circle"  argument.      It  feems  rather  to 

have  been  affociated  in  the  Puritan 
mind  with  the  Romifh  traditions. 
(Jones's  Finger- Ring  Lore,  pp.  2S8-90.) 
This  count,  in  Morton's  indictment, 
was  bafed  on  good  grounds.  "In  the 
Weddings  of  [early]  New  England  the 
ring  makes  none  of  the  ceremonies." 
(Mather's  Ratio  Difcipline,  p.  116.) 

2  This  refers  to  churching  practice  of 
the  Englifh  Church.  At  the  Hampton 
Court  conference,  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  note,  another  of  the  "  reliques 
of  popery,"  fpecifically  excepted  to  by 
Dr.  Reynolds,  was  "  the  churching  of 
women  by  the  name  oi purification.'''' 

3  This  count  in  the  indictment  was 
well  laid.  The  children  of  the  non-com- 
municants in  early  New  England  could 
not  be  baptized  ;  though  they  might  be 
if  either  one  of  the  parents  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  church.  At  a  later  period  this 
became  one  of  the  leading  caufes  of  polit- 
ical agitation  in  the  colony,  and  is  re- 
ferred to  in  the  Dr.  Robert  Childs  peti- 
tion of  1646.  In  1670  from  four  fifths  to 
five  fixths  of  the  adult  male  inhabitants 
of  Maffachufetts  were  without  the  fran- 
chife,  as  being  non-communicants. 
(Lechford's  Plaine  Dealing,  pp.  47,  48, 
151;  Mem.  Hifl.  of  Boflon,  vol.  i.  p.  1 56  ; 
Palfrey,  vol.  ii.  p.  8,  vol.  iii.  p.  41.) 

S32  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

5.  That  no  perfon  Ihall  be  admitted  to  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Lords  fupper  that  is  without.1 

6.  That  the  booke  of  Common  prayer  is  an  idoll :  and  all 

that  ufe  it,  Idolaters.2  —, 

'  7.  That 

1  Supra,  316,  note  2. 

2  This  was  the  favorite   epithet  em- 
ployed by  the  early  reformers  in  refer- 
ring to  the  Mafs.     Calvin  called  it  "  an 
execrable   idol;"    Hooper,    "a  wicked 
idol."     Bradford  —  not   Governor  Wil- 
liam, but  John,  the  Smithneld  martyr  of 
Queen  Mary's  time  —  terms  it  an  "abom- 
inable idol  of  bread  ;  "  and  again,  "  the 
horribleft   and    moll    deteftable    device 
that  ever  the  devil  brought  out  by  man." 
Bland,  retlor  of  Adifhan,  repeated  the 
familiar  figure,  calling  it  a  "  moll  blaf- 
phemous  idol ;  "  and  Latimer  improved 
upon  this  by  adding  the  words,  "full  of 
idolatry,    blafphemy,    facrilege    againfl 
God  and  the  dear  facrifice  of  His  Chrill." 
(Blunt's  Reformation  of  the  Church  of 
Eng.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  399-402.)     The  deriva- 
tion of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  in 
many  of  its  parts,  from  the  Miffal  was 
unmiflakable ;    and    naturally   the  next 
race  of  religious    reformers  applied  to 
the  former  the  fame  earned  epithets  of 
theological    diffent    which    had    before 
been  applied  to  the  latter.    Accordingly, 
in  Barrowe's  Brief  Difcovery  of  tlie  Falfe 
Church,  we  find  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  referred  to  as  "  a  deteftable  idol, 
.  .  .  old  rotten  fluff  .   .  .  abftra<5led  out 
of   the   pope's    blafphemous  mafs-book, 
...  an  abominable  and  loathfome  fac- 
rifice in  the   fight  of   God,   even  as  a 
dead  dog."      Barrowe  was  one  of  the 
three    Separatift    martyrs,  and  as  fuch 
held  in  deepefl  veneration  at  Plymouth. 
(Young's   Citron,  of  Pilg.,  pp.  427-34.) 
The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  there- 
fore undoubtedly  looked  upon  and  re- 
ferred to  at  Plymouth  as  Morton  fays. 
Indeed,  the  Lyford  fchifm  was  in  fome 

degree  due  to  its  ufe.   (Bradford,  p.  181.) 
That  it  was,  in  the  early  days,  alfo  fo 
looked  upon  and  fo  referred  to  at  Salem 
and  at  Bofton,  is  not  clear.     It  is  true 
that  in  1629  it  was  again  the  caufe  of 
the  Browne  diflenfion  at  Salem  (Young's 
Chron.  of  Mafs.,  p.  287),  in  confequence 
of  which   Skelton  and   Higginfon  both 
declared  openly  "that  they  came  away 
from  the  Common  Prayer  and  ceremo- 
nies, .  .  .  and  therefore,  being  in  a  place 
where   they   might   have    their   liberty, 
they  neither  could  nor  would  ufe  them, 
becaufe  they  judged    the    impofition  of 
thefe  things  to  be  finful  corruptions  in 
the  worfliip  of  God."      (Morton's  Me- 
morial, p.  147.)      The  Puritans  of  Bof- 
ton, however,  were  not  Separatifts,  and 
it  is  open  to  queflion  whether  they  at 
firft  felt  towards  the  Common  Prayer 
as  the  Plymouth  people  felt  towards  it, 
and  as  Morton  fays.    In  1640  Governor 
Winthrop,  it  is  true,  noted  it  as  a  thing 
worthy  of  obfervation  that  his  fon  "  hav- 
ing  many  books  in   a  chamber  where 
there  was  corn  of  divers  forts,  had  among 
them  one  wherein  the  Greek  teftament, 
the  pfalms  and  the  common  prayer  were 
bound  together.   He  found  the  common 
prayer  eaten  with  mice,  every  leaf  of  it, 
and   not  any  of  the  two  other  touched, 
nor  any  other  of  his  books,  though  they 
were  above  a   thoufand."     (Winthrop, 
vol.  ii.  p.  *2o.)     When  Governor  Win- 
throp tried  and  fentenced  Morton,  how- 
ever, he  was  anxious    to  preferve    his 
connection  with  the  Church  of  England, 
and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  he  then 
looked  upon  its  Book  of  Prayer  as  "  an 
idol."    (Proc.  Mafs.  Hifl.  Soc,  vol.  xviii. 
p.  296.) 


New  Englifh  Canaan.  333 

7.  That  every  man  is  bound  to  beleeve  a  profeffor  upon 
his  bare  affirmation  onely,  before  a  Proteflant  upon  oath. 

8.  That  no  perfon  hath  any  right  to  Gods  creatures,  but 
Gods  children  onely,  who  are  themfelves :  and  that  all 
others  are  but  ufurpers  of  the  Creatures. 

9.  And  that,  for  the  generall  good  of  their  Church  and 
commonwealth,  they  are  to  neglect  father,  mother  and  all 

*  10.  Much  a  doe  they  keepe  about  their  Church    ^179 
difcipline,  as  if  that  were  the  moft  effentiall  part  of 
their  Religion.     Tythes  are  banifhed  from  thence,  all  except 
the  tyth  of  Mint  and  Commin.1 

11.  They  differ  from  us  fomething  in  the  creede  too,  for 
if  they  get  the  goods  of  one,  that  is  without,  into  their  hands, 


As  one  count  in  Morton's  indictment  Winflow's  imprifonment  for  having  per- 

of  the  people  of  New  England,  that  in  formed  the  marriage  ceremony.  {Supra, 

the  text  now  under  consideration  was  69,  93.) 

not  only  iufficiently  well  founded,  but  it  l  "  Woe  unto  you,  fcribes  and  Phari- 
was  peculiarly  calculated  to  excite  Arch-  fees,  hypocrites  !  for  ye  pay  tithe  of  mint 
bifhop  Laud's  anger.  It  is  unneceffary  and  anife  and  cummin,  and  have  omit- 
to  fay  that  he  was  the  fpecial  champion  ted  the  weightier  matters  of  the  law, 
of  the  Church  of  England  ritual.  To  judgment,  mercy,  and  faith."  (Matt. 
enforce  exait.   conformity  to  it  he  re-  xxiii.  23.) 

garded     as     his    miffion.      When    the  "  But  woe  unto  you,  Pharifees !  for 

mips   loaded  with  emigrants   for    New  ye  tithe  mint  and  rue  and  all  manner  of 

England  were,  in  March,  1634,  flopped  herbs,  and  pafs  over  judgment  and  the 

in   the  Thames  by  order  of  the  Privy  love  of  God."     (Luke  xi.  42.) 

Council,  they  were  not  allowed  to  pro-  The  Significance  of  the  text  referred 

ceed  on  their  voyage  until  the  mafters  to  lay,  of  courfe,  in  Morton's  mind,  ra- 

bound  themfelves  to  have  the  Book  of  ther  in  its  indirect  than  its  direct  appli- 

Common  Prayer  ufed  at  morning  and  cation,  —  more  in  its  denunciatory  than 

evening    fervice    during     the    voyage,  in  its  contributory  portions.    The  clergy 

(Council  Regifler,  Feb.  21,    28,    1634;  in  early   Maffachufetts  were  Supported 

Gardiner's   Charles  /.,  vol.   ii.    p.   23.)  by  the  voluntary  contributions  in   Bof- 

This  was  Laud's  act,  and   it    is    more  ton,  and  by  a  regular  town- tax  levy  out- 

than  probable  that  he  was  as  much  in-  fide   of  Bofton.     (Plaine  Dealitig,  pp. 

fluenced  by  Morton  on  that  occafion  as  48-50;  Proc.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc,  1860-2, 

he  was  fubfequently  in   the  matter   of  p.  116.) 

334  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

hee  fhall  be  kept  without  remedy  for  any  fatisfaclion  :  and 
they  beleeve  that  this  is   not  cofenage.1 

12.  And  laftly  they  differ  from  us  in  the  manner  of 
praying ;  for  they  winke 2  when  they  pray,  becaufe  they  thinke 
themfelves  fo  perfect,  in  the  highe  way  to  heaven  that  they 
can  find  it  blindfould  :  fo  doe  not  I.8 

Chap.     XXVIII. 

Of  their  Policy  in  publik  Iuftice. 

NOw  that  I  have  anottomized  the  two  extreame  parts  of 
this  Politique  Commonwealth,  the  head  and  the  infe- 
rior members,  I  will  fhew  you  the  hart,  and  reade  a  fhort 
leclure  over  that  too ;  which  is  Iuftice.  , 

1  Supra,  Ch.  XXV.  pp.  316-20. 

2  "Wink,  v.  n.  1.  to  fhut  the  eyes. 
obs."     (  Worcejler. ) 

3  Edward  Howes,  in  writing  from 
London  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  in  No- 
vember, 1632,  defcribes  how,  on  going 
home  at  noon  one  clay,  he  met  the  maf- 
ter  of  a  veffel  which  had  juft  arrived 
from  New  England,  together  with  three 
others  who  had  come  over  with  him. 
The  mafter  paffing  into  the  houfe  on 
fome  matter  of  bufinefs,  Howes  had  a 
talk  with  one  of  the  other  men,  whom 
he  defcribes  as  an  "  egregious  knave." 
The  report  given  by  this  man  of  the 
Maffachufetts  community  ftrikingly  re- 
fembles  that  given  by  Morton  in  this 
chapter.  He  would,  writes  Howes, 
"give  none  of  you  a  good  word,  but  the 
governor  [Winthrop]  ;  he  was  a  good 
man  and  kept  a  good  table,  but  all  the 
reft  were  Hereticks,  and  they  would  be 

more  holy  than  all  the  world ;  they 
would  be  a  peculiar  people  to  God,  but 
go  to  the  Devil ;  that  one  man  with  you 
being  at  coufeffion,  as  he  called  it,  laid 
he  believed  his  father  and  mother  and 
anceftors  went  all  to  Hell  ;  and  that 
your  preachers,  in  their  public  prayers, 
pray  for  the  governor  before  they  pray 
for  our  king  and  ftate  ;  .  .  .  that  you 
never  ufe  the  Lord's  prayer  ;  that  your 
minifters  marry  none  ;  that  fellows  which 
keep  hogs  all  the  week  preach  on  the 
Sabbath;  that  every  town  in  your  plan- 
tation is  of  a  feveral  religion  ;  that  you 
count  all  men  in  England,  yea  all  out 
of  your  church,  in  the  ftate  of  damna- 
tion. But  1  believe  and  know  better 
things  of  you  ;  but  here  you  may  partly 
fee  how  the  Devil  ftirs  up  his  inftru- 
ments."  (iv.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Col.,  vol.  vi. 
P-  485) 

New  Englifli  Canaan.  335 

I  have  a  petition  to  exhibit  to  the  highe  and  mighty  Mr. 
Temperwell ;  and  I  have  my  choife  whether  I  fliall  make 
my  plaint  in  a  cafe  of  confcience,  or  bring  it  with  in  the 
Compas  of  a  point  in  law.  And  becaufe  I  will  goe  the  fureft 
way  to  worke,  at  firft,  I  will  fee  how  others  are  anfwered  in 
the  like  kinde,  whether  it  be  with  hab  or  nab,  as  the  Iudge 
did  the  Countryman.1 

Here  comes  Mr.  Hopewell :  his  petition  is  in  a  cafe  of 
confcience,  (as  hee  fayes.)  But,  fee,  great  Iofua  allowes 
confcience  to  be  of  his  fide  :  yet  cuts  him  off  with 
this  anfwere ;  Law  is  flat  againft  him.  Well  let  *  me  *  180 
fee  another.  I  marry  :  Here  comes  one  Matter  Doubt- 
not  :  his  matter  depends,  (I  am  fure,)  upon  a  point  in  Law : 
alas,  what  will  it  not  doe,  looke  ye  it  is  affirmed  that  Law  is 
on  his  fide  :  but  Confcience,  like  a  blanket,  over  fpreades  it. 
This  paffage  is  like  to  the  Procuftes  of  Roome,  mee  thinks ; 
and  therefore  I  may  very  well  fay  of  them, 

Evenfo,  by  racking  out  the  joynts  &  chopping  of  the  head> 
Procuftes  fitted  all  his  guefts  unto  his  Iron  bedd. 

And,  if  thefe  fpeede  no  better,  with  whome  they  are  freinds, 
that  neither  finde  Law  nor  Confcience  to  helpe  them,  I  doe 
not  wonder  to  fee  mine  Hoft  of  Ma-re-Mount  fpeede  fo  ill, 
that  has  bin  proclaimed  an  enemy  fo  many  yeares  in  New 
Canaan  to  their  Church  and  State. 

Chapter   XXIX. 

1  Mr.  Swift  {Supra,  328,  note)  fug-  Turfe  anfwers  him : 
gefts  that  Morton  here  alludes  to  the  "I  put  it 

fcene  in  Ben  Jonfon's  Tale  of  a  Tub  Even  to  your  worfhip's  bitterment,  hab, 
(act  iv.  fc.  1),  where  Juftice  Preamble  nab." 

^ays  :  Here  the  Countryman    makes   the   re- 

"  And  what  fay  you  now.  neighbor  Turfe  ? "  mark,  and  not  the  Juftice  ;  but  a  wholly 


336  New  Englifli  Canaan. 

Chap.     XXIX. 

How  mine  Hojl  was  put  into  a  whales  belly. 

THe  Seperatifls,  (after  they  had  burned  Ma-re-Mount 
they  could  not  get  any  fhipp  to  undertake  the  carriage 
of  mine  Hoft  from  thence,  either  by  faire  meanes  or  fowle,) 
they  were  inforced,  (contrary  to  their  expectation,)  to  be 
troubled  with  his  company : 1  and  by  that  meanes  had  time 
to  confider  more  of  the  man,  then  they  had  done  of  the 
matter:  wherein  at  length  it  was  difcovered  that  they,  (by 
meanes  of  their  credulity  of  the  intelligence  given  them  in 
England  of  the  matter,  and  the  falie  Care6ler  of  the  man,) 
had  runne  themfelves  headlonge  into  an  error,  and  had  done 

that  on  a  fodaine  which  they  repented  at  leafure,  but 
#  181    could  not  tell  which  way  to  help  it  *  as  it  flood  now. 

They  could  debate  upon  it  and  efpecially  upon  two 
difficult  points,  whereof  one  muft  be  concluded  upon :  If 
they  fent  mine  Hoft  away  by  banifhment,  hee  is  in  poffibil- 
ity  to  furvive,  to  their  difgrace  for  the  injury  clone :  if  they 
furler  him  to  flay,  and  put  him  in  Jlatu  quo  prius,  all  the 
vulgar  people  will  conclude  they  have  bin  too  rafhe  in 
burning  a  howfe  that  was  ufefull,  and  count  them  men 

So  that  it  feemes,  (by  theire  difcourfe  about  the  matter,) 
they  flood  betwixt  Hawke  and  Buffard :  and  could  not  tell 


correct  allufion  by  Morton  is  not  to  be  is  probably  derived  from  habbe,  nabbe, 

looked  for.     {Supra,  123,  note  2.)     The  — "to    have    or   not   to   have."     (See 

meaning  of  /tab,  nab  is,  of  courfe,  "hit  Nares's   Glojfary.) 

or  mifs,  at  a  venture,  at  random,"  and  '  Sttftra,  44-5. 

New  Engli/Ii  Canaa,7i.  337 

which  hand  to  incline  unto.  They  had  founded  him  fecret- 
ly  :  hee  was  content  with  it,  goe  which  way  it  would.  Nay 
Shackles1  himfelfe,  (who  was  imployed  in  the  burning  of  the 
howfe,  and  therefore  feared  to  be  caught  in  England,)  and 
others  were  fo  forward  in  putting  mine  Hofl  in  Jiatu  quo 
firius,  after  they  had  found  their  error,  (which  was  fo  appa- 
rent that  Luceus  eies  would  have  ferved  to  have  found  it 
out  in  leffe  time,)  that  they  would  contribute  40.  (hillings  a 
peece  towards  it ;  and  affirmed,  that  every  man  according  to 
his  ability  that  had  a  hand  in  this  black  defigne  fhould  be 
taxed  to  a  Contribution  in  like  nature :  it  would  be  done 

Now,  (whiles  this  was  in  agitation,  and  was  well  urged  by 
fome  of  thofe  partys  to  have  bin  the  upfhot,)  unexpected, 
(in  the  depth  of  winter,  when  all  fhipps  were  gone  out  of 
the  land,)  in  comes  Mr.  Wethercock,  a  proper  Mariner  ;  and, 
they  faid,  he  could  obferve  the  winde :  blow  it  high,  blow  it 
low,  hee  was  refolved  to  lye  at  Hull2  rather  than  incounter 
fuch  a  florme  as  mine  Hofl  had  met  with :  and  this  was  a 
man  for  their  turne. 

*  Hee  would  doe  any  office  for  the  brethren,  if  they    *i82 
(who  hee  knew  had  a  flrong  purfe,  and  his  confcience 
waited  on  the  firings  of  it,  if  all  the  zeale  hee  had)  would 
beare   him    out    in    it:    which    they    profeffed    they  would. 
Hee  undertakes  to  ridd  them  of  mine  Hofl  by  one  meanes 


1  Supra,  319,  note.  (Proc.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc.  1871-3,  p.  397), 

2  By  the  General  Court  of  May,  1644,  think   it  was   fo  called   from    Hull    in 
it  was  ordered,  that   "  Nantafcot  fhall  Yorkfhire.      It  would  appear  from  the 
be  called  Hull."  {Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  74.)  text  that  it  had  been  locally  known  by 
Mr.  Savage,  in  his  notes  to  Winthrop  that  name  among  the  "old  planters" 
(vol.   ii.  p.  *I75),  and   Mr.  Whitmore  before  the  fettlement  of  Bolton. 

33&  New  Engli/Ii  Canaan. 

or  another.  They  gave  him  the  beft  meanes  they  could, 
according  to  the  prefent  condition  of  the  worke,  and  letters 
of  credence  to  the  favoures  of  that  Seel;  in  England ;  with 
which,  (his  bufines  there  being  done,  and  his  fhipp  cleared,) 
hee  hoyft  the  Sayles  and  put  to  Sea :  fince  which  time  mine 
Holt  has  not  troubled  the  brethren,  but  onely  at  the  Coun- 
fell  table  :  where  now  Sub  iudice  lis  eft. 

Chap.      XXX. 

Of  Sir  Chrijlopher  Gardiner  Knight,  and  how  hee  Jpedd 
among/l   the   Seperatifts. 

Sir  Chriftopher  Gardiner,1  (a  Knight,  that  had  bin  a  trav 
eller  both  by  Sea  and  Land ;  a  good  judicious  gentle- 
man in  the  Mathematticke  and  other  Sciences  ufefull  for 
Plantations,  Kimiftry,  &c.  and  alfo  being  a  pradicall  Engi- 
ner,)  came  into  thofe  parts,  intending  difcovery. 

But  the  Seperatifts  love  not  thofe  good  parts,  when  they 
proceede  from  a  carnall  man,  (as  they  call  every  good  Prot- 
teftant) ;  in  fhorte  time  [they]  had  found  the  meanes  to  pick 
a  quarrell  with  him.  The  meanes  is  that  they  purfue  to 
obtaine  what  they  aime  at :  the  word  is  there,  the  meanes. 
So   that,  when   they  finde   any  man   like   to  proove  an 


1  Sir  Chriftopher  Gardiner  fuddenly  Chriftopher,     and     "  how     hee     fpedd 

appeared  in  Maftachufetts  in  May,  1630,  amongft  the  Seperatifts,"   for  infertion 

and  returned  to  England  in   1632,  ar-  at  this  point ;  but  the  fubject  developed 

riving  there  in  Auguft.     He  is  fuppofed  on  my  hands  until  it  affumed  the  fhape 

to  have  come  out  as  an  agent,  or  emif-  of  a  ftudy  by  itfelf.     It  can  be  found  in 

fary,  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.     I  had  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc. 

begun  the  preparation  of  a  note  on  Sir  for  January,  1883,  vol.  xx. 

New  Engli/Ji  Canaan,  339 

enemy  to  their  Church  and  ftate,  then  ftraight  *  the  *  183 
meanes  muft  be  ufed  for  defence.  The  firft  precept 
in  their  Politiques  is  to  defame  the  man  at  whom  they  aime, 
and  then  hee  is  a  holy  Ifraelite  in  their  opinions  who  can 
fpread  that  fame  brodeft,  like  butter  upon  a  loafe :  no  mat- 
ter how  thin,  it  will  ferve  for  a  vaile :  and  then  this  man, 
(who  they  have  thus  depraved,)  is  a  fpotted  uncleane  leaper : 
hee  muft  out,  lead  hee  pollute  the  Land,  and  them  that  are 

If  this  be  one  of  their  guif ts,  then  Machevill l  had  as  good 
gifts  as  they.  Let  them  raife  a  fcandall  on  any,  though 
never  fo  innocent,  yet  they  know  it  is  never  wiped  cleane 
out :  the  ftaind  marks  remaines ;  which  hath  bin  well 
obferved  by  one  in  thefe  words  of  his, 

Stick  Candles  gainft  a  Virgin  walls  white  back  ; 
If  they  7  not  burne  yet,  at  the  leaft,  they  7  black. 

And  thus  they  dealt  with  Sir  Chriftopher :  and  plotted  by 
all  the  wayes  and  meanes  they  could,  to  overthrow  his 
undertakings  in  thofe  parts. 

And  therefore  I  cannot  chufe  but  conclude  that  thefe 
Seperatifts  have  fpeciall  gifts  :  for  they  are  given  to  envy 
and  mallice  extremely. 

The  knowledge  of  their  defamacion  could  not  pleafe  the 
gentleman  well,  when  it  came  to  his  eare ;  which  would 
caufe  him  to  make  fome  reply,  as  they  fuppofed,  to  take 


1  Machiavelli  died  in   1527,  and  The  "  Nick  Machiavel  had  ne'er  a  trick, 

Prince  was  publifhed  in  1532.     The  re-  (Tho'  he  gave  his  name  to  our  old  Nick.)" 

putation  of  the  man  and  of  the  book  {Hudibras,  p.  in.  can.  i.  lines  1313-4.) 

were   as   well    eftablifhed  in   Morton's  This  derivation  is  not  accepted  by  the 

day  as  they  are  now.  authorities.    See  Brewer's  Did?.,  p.  61 4. 

34°  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

exceptions  at,  as  they  did  againft  Faire  cloath:1  and  this 
would  be  a  meanes,  they  thought,  to  blow  the  coale,  and 
fo  to  kindle  a  brand  that  might  fire  him  out  of  the  Country 
too,  and  fend  him  after  mine  Hoft  of  Ma-re-Mount. 

They  take  occafion,  (fome  of  them,)  to  come  to  his 
howfe  when  hee  was  gone  up  into  the  Country,  and 
*  184  #  (finding  hee  was  from  home,)  fo  went  to  worke  that 
they  left  him  neither  howfe  nor  habitation  nor  fer- 
vant,  nor  any  thing  to  help  him,  if  hee  fhould  retorne :  but 
of  that  they  had  noe  hope,  (as  they  gave  it  out,)  for  hee  was 
gone,  (as  they  affirmed,)  to  leade  a  Salvage  life,  and  for  that 
caufe  tooke  no  company  with  him :  and  they  having  confid- 
ered  of  the  matter,  thought  it  not  fit  that  any  fuch  man 
fhould  live  in  fo  remoate  a  place,  within  the  Compas  of  their 
patent.  So  they  fired  the  place,  and  carried  away  the  per- 
fons  and  goods. 

Sir  Chriftopher  was  gone  with  a  guide,  (a  Salvage,)  into 
the  inland  parts  for  difcovery  :  but,  before  hee  was  returned, 
hee  met  with  a  Salvage  that  told  the  guide,  Sir  Chriftopher 
would  be  killed :  Mailer  Temperwell,  (who  had  now  found 
out  matter  againft  him,)  would  have  him  dead  or  alive. 
This  hee  related ;  and  would  have  the  gentleman  not  to  goe 
to  the  place  appointed,  becaufe  of  the  danger  that  was 

But  Sir  Chriftopher  was  nothing  difmaid  ;  hee  would  on, 
whatfoever  come  of  it ;  and  fo  met  with  the  Salvages :  and 
between e  them  was  a  terrible  fkermifh  :  But  they  had  the 
worft  of  it,  and  hee  fcaped  well  enough. 

The  guide  was  glad  of  it,  and  learnd  of  his  fellowes  that 


1  Supra,  Ch.  XXV.  pp.  316-20. 

New  Englifh  Canaan,  341 

they  were  promifed  a  great  reward  for  what  they  fhould  doe 
in  this  imployment. 

Which  thing,  (when  Sir  Chriftopher  underftood,)  hee  gave 
thanks  to  God ;  and  after,  (upon  this  occafion  to  follace 
himfelfe,)  in  his  table  booke  hee  compofed  this  fonnet,  which 
I  have  here  inferted  for  a  memoriall. 

*THE     SONNET.  *  185 

WOlfes  in  S keeps  clothing,  why  will  ye 
Think  to  deceave  God  that  doth  fee 
Your f mutated  fanclily  ? 
For  my  part,  I  doe  wi/Ji  you  could 
Your  owne  infirmities  behold, 
For  then  you  would  not  be  fo  bold. 
Like  Sop  hi/is,  why  will  you  difpute 
With  wifdome  fo  ?     You  doe  confute 
None  but  y ourf elves.     For fJiame,  be  mute, 

Leafl  great  fehovah,  with  his  powre, 
Do  come  upon  you  in  a  howre 
When  you  leafl  think,  and  you  devoure. 

This  Sonnet  the  Gentleman  compofed  as  a  teftimony  of  his 
love  towards  them,  that  were  fo  ill-affected  towards  him ; 
from  whome  they  might  have  receaved  much  good,  if  they 
had  bin  fo  wife  to  have  imbraced  him  in  a  loving  fafhion. 

But  they  defpife  the  helpe  that  fhall  come  from  a  carnall 
man,  (as  they  termed  him,)  who,  after  his  retorne  from  thofe 
defignes,  finding  how  they  had  ufed  him  with  fuch  difre- 
fpect,  tooke  fhipping,  and  difpofed  of  himfelfe  for  England ; 


342  New  Engli/Ji  Canaan. 

and   difcovered   their   praclifes    in   thofe  parts  towards  his 

Majefties  true  harted  Subjects,  which  they  made 

wery  of  their  aboade  in  thofe  parts. 

*i86  *Chap.    XXXI. 

Of  mine  Hoft  of  Ma-re- Mount  how  hee  played  Jonas  after 
lice  had  bin  in  the  Whales  belly  for  a  time. 

Mine  Hoft  of  Ma-re-Mount,  being  put  to  Sea,  had  deliv- 
ered him,  for  his  releefe  by  the  way,  (becaufe  the  fhipp 
was  unvitteled,  and  the  Seamen  put  to  ftraight  allowance, 
which  could  hold  out  but  to  the  Canaries,)  a  part  of  his 
owne  provifion,  being  two  moneths  proportion ;  in  all  but  3. 
fmall  peeces  of  porke,  which  made  him  expect  to  be  fam- 
ifhed  before  the  voyage  fhould  be  ended,  by  all  likelyhood. 
Yet  hee  thought  hee  would  make  one  good  meale,  before 
hee  died  :  like  the  Colony  fervant  in  Virginea,  that,  before 
hee  fhould  goe  to  the  gallowes,  called  to  his  wife  to  fet  on 
the  loblolly  pot,  and  let  him  have  one  good  meale  before  hee 
went ;  who  had  committed  a  petty  crime,  that  in  thofe  dayes 
was  made  a  cappitall  offence. 

And  now,  mine  Hoft  being  merrily  difpofed,  on  went  the 
peeces  of  porke,  wherewith  hee  feafted  his  body,  and  cher- 
ifhed  the  poore  Sailers ;  and  got  out  of  them  what  Mr.  Weth- 
ercock,  their  Mafter,  purpofed  to  doe  with  him  that  hee  had 
no  more  provifion  :  and  along  they  failed  from  place  to  place, 
from  Hand  to  Hand,  in  a  pittifull  wether  beaten  fhip,  where 
mine  Hoft  was  in  more  dainger,  (without  all  queftion,)  then 


New  Englifli  Canaan.  343 

lonas,  when  hee  was  in  the  Whales  belly ;  and  it  was  the 
o-reat  mercy  of  God  that  they  had  not  all  perifhed.  Vittelled 
they  were  but  for  a  moneth,  when  they  wayd  Ancor  and  left 
the  firft  port. 

*  They  were  a  pray  for  the  enemy  for  want  of  *  187 
powther,  if  they  had  met  them:  befides  the  veffell 
was  a  very  flugg,  and  fo  unferviceable  that  the  Matter  called 
a  counfell  of  all  the  company  in  generall,  to  have  theire 
opinions  which  way  to  goe  and  how  to  beare  the  helme,  who 
all  under  their  hand  affirmed  the  fhipp  to  be  unferviceable  : 
fo  that,  in  fine,  the  Mafter  and  men  and  all  were  at  their 
wits  end  about  it :  yet  they  imployed  the  Carpenters  to 
fearch  and  caulke  her  fides,  and  doe  theire  belt  whiles  they 
were  in  her.  Nine  moneths  they  made  a  fhifte  to  ufe  her, 
and  fhifted  for  fupply  of  vittells  at  all  the  Iflands  they 
touched  at :  though  it  were  fo  poorely,  that  all  thofe  helpes, 
and  the  fhort  allowance  of  a  bifket  a  day,  and  a  few  Lymons 
taken  in  at  the  Canaries,  ferved  but  to  bring  the  veffell  in 
view  of  the  lands  end. 

They  were  in  fuch  a  defperat  cafe,  that,  (if  God  in  his 
greate  mercy  had  not  favoured  them,  and  difpofed  the 
windes  faire  untill  the  veffell  was  in  Plimmouth  roade,)  they 
had  without  queflion  perifhed ;  for  when  they  let  drop  an 
Anchor,  neere  the  Ifland  of  S.  Michaels,1  not  one  bit  of 
foode  left,  for  all  that  ftarving  allowance  of  this  wretched 
Wethercock,  that,  if  hee  would  have  lanched  out  his  beaver, 


1  As   Saint   Michael   is   one   of    the  firft  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan.     (Su- 

Azores,  it  may  have  been  during  this  fira,  117.)     If  the  voyage  did  laft  nine 

voyage  that  Morton  vifited  the  ffle  of  months,   it  was  Auguft  or  September, 

Sal  and  the  tropics,  as  mentioned  in  the  1631,  before  he  got  back  to  England. 

344  New  Englifh  Canaan. 

might  have  bought  more  vittells  in  New  England  then  he, 
and  the  whole  fhip  with  the  Cargazoun,  was  worth,  (as  the 
paffingers  hee  carried  who  vittelled  themfelves  affirmed). 
But  hee  played  the  miferable  wretch,  and  had  poffeffed  his 
men  with  the  contrary ;  who  repented  them  of  waying 
anchor  before  they  knew  fo  much. 

Mine  Hoft  of  Ma-re-Mount,  (after  hee  had  bin  in 

*  1 88    *  the  Whales   belly,)  was    fet  a  more,  to  fee  if  hee 

would    now   play    Ionas,  fo    metamorphofed  with    a 

longe  voyage  that  hee  looked  like  Lazarus  in  the  painted 


But  mine  Hoft,  (after  due  confideration  of  the  premiffes,) 
thought  it  fitter  for  him  to  play  Ionas  in  this  kinde,  then 
for  the  Seperatifts  to  play  Ionas  in  that  kinde  as  they 
doe.  Hee  therefore  bid  Wethercock  tell  the  Seperatifts, 
that  they  would  be  made  in  due  time  to  repent  thofe 
malitious  praclifes,  and  fo  would  hee  too ;  for  hee  was 
a  Seperatift  amongft  the  Seperatifts,  as  farre  as  his  wit 
would  give  him  leave ;  though  when  hee  came  in  Company 
of  bafket  makers,  hee  would  doe  his  indevoure  to  make 
them  pinne  the  bafket,  if  hee  could,  as  I  have  feene  him. 
And  now  mine  Hoft,  being  merrily  difpofed,  haveing  paft 
many  perillous  adventures  in  that  defperat  Whales  belly, 
beganne  in  a  pofture  like  Ionas,  and  cryed,  Repent  you 
cruell  Seperatifts,  repent ;  there  are  as  yet  but  40.  dayes,  if 
love  vouchfafe  to  thunder,  Charter  and  the  Kingdome  of  the 
Seperatifts  will  fall  afunder :  Repent  you  cruell  Schifma- 
ticks,  repent.  And  in  that  pofture  hee  greeted  them  by 
letters  retorned  into  new  Canaan ;  and  ever,  (as  opportunity 
was  fitted  for  the  purpofe,)  he  was  both  heard  and  feene  in  the 


New  Englijli  Canaan. 


pofture  of  Ionas  againft  them,  crying,  repent  you  cruel 
Seperatifts,  repent ;  there  are  as  yet  but  40.  dayes ;  if  love 
vouchfafe  to  thunder,  the  Charter  and  the  Kingdome  of  the 
Seperatifts  will  fall  a  funder :  Repent,  you  cruell  Schifma- 
ticks,  repent.  If  you  will  heare  any  more  of  this  procla- 
mation meete  him  at  the  next  markettowne,  for 
Cynthius  aurem  vellet} 

A   TA- 

1  "  Cum  canerem  reges  et  prcelia,  Cyn- 
thius aurem 
Vellit,  et  admonuit :  .  .  .  " 

(Virgil,  Eclogues,  vi.  3-4.) 

There  are  in  the  New  Canaan  (Su- 
pra, 2S0,  297)  two  references  to  certain 
imaginary  or  fpecial  gifts  from  "  Phaos 
box,"  which  in  editing  I  had  been  un- 
able to  explain.  Mr.  Lindfay  Swift 
(Supra,  328,  note)  now  fupplies  me  with 
a  reference,  which,  if  it  is  indeed,  as 
feems  moft  probable,  the  allufion  which 
Morton  had  in  mind,  feems  to  indicate 
that  his  familiarity  with  claffic  authors 
was  greater  than  I  have  been  difpofed 
to  give  him  credit  for.     The  reference 

is  to  the  Varia  Hijloria  of  ^lianus 
(lib.  xil.  cap.  xviii.),  and  reads  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Phaonem,  omnium  hominum  for- 
moriffimum,  Venus  in  laftucis  abfcon- 
dit.  Alii  dicunt,  eum  portitorem  fuiffe, 
et  habuilTe  hoc  vitae  genus.  Veniebat 
autem  aliquando  Venus,  trajicere  vo- 
lens;  ille  vero,  nefciens  quaenam  eflet, 
libenter  recepit,  magnaque  cura,  quo- 
quo  voluerat,  earn  vexit.  Pro  quibus 
mentis  Dea  alabaftrum  ei  donavit,  et 
erat  in  eo  unguentum,  quo  unclus 
Phaon  fpecioliffimus  hominum  evafit, 
atque  adeo  amarunt  eum  Mitylenen- 
fium  feminas.  Tandem  vero  deprehen- 
fus  in  adulterio,  trucidatus  eft." 


The   Tenents  of   the   firft   Booke. 


PRooving  New  England  the  principall  part  of  all  America,  and 
mojl  commodious  and  fit  for  a  habitation  and 'generation. 

2.  Of  the  original  I  of  the  Natives. 

3.  Of  a  great  mortallity  happened  amongft  the  Natives. 

4.  Of  their  Jiowfes  and  habitations. 

5 .  Of  their  R  eligion . 

6.  Of  the  Indians  apparrell. 

7.  Of  their  Childbearing. 

8.  Of  their  reverence  and  rcfpecl  to  age. 

9.  Of  their  Juggelling  tricks. 
1  o.  Of  their  Duclles. 

1 1 .  Of  the  maintenance  of  their  reputation. 

12.  Of  their  Traffick  and  trade  one  with  another. 

13.  Of  their  Magazines  and  Storehowfes. 

14.  Of  theire  Subtilety. 

1 5.  Of  their  admirable  perfection  in  the  life  of  their  fences. 

16.  Of  their  acknozvlcdgemcnt  of  the  creation  and  immortality  of  the 


1 7.  Of  their  Annalls  and  Funeralls. 

18.  Of  their  Cuftome  in  burning  the  Coutitry. 

19.  Of  their  Inclination  to  drunckennes. 

20.  Of  their  Philofophicall  life. 

347  The 

348  A  Table  of  the  Contents. 

The  Tenents   of  the  fecond    Booke. 


1 .  The  generall  Survey  of  the  Country. 

2.  What  trees  are  there  and  how  commodious. 

3.  What  Potherb  cs  are  there  and  for  Sal  lets. 

4.  Of  the  Birds  of  the  aire  and  fethered  Fowles. 

5 .  Of  the  Beafts  of  the  Forrefl. 

6.  Of  Stones  and  Mineralls. 

7.  Of  the  FifJies  and  what  commodity  they  proove. 

8.  Of  the  goodnes  of  the  Country  and  the  Fountaines. 

9.  A  Perfpcclive  to  view  the  Country  by. 
1  o.  Of  the  great  Lake  of  Erocoife. 

The   Tenents  of  the  third   Booke. 


1 .  Of  a  great  leguc  made  betweene  the  Salvages  and  EngliJJi. 

2.  Of  the  entertainement  of  Mafler  Weflons  people. 

3.  Of  a  great  Battaile  fought  betweene  the  Englifh  and  the  Indians. 

4.  Of  a  Parliament  held  at  Weffagufcus . 

5 .  Of  a  Maffacre  made  upon  the  Salvages. 

6.  Of  the  Surprising  of  a  Marchants  SJiipp. 

7.  Of  Thomas  Mortons  Entertainement  and  wrack. 

8.  Of  the  baniflimcnt  of  John  Layford  and  Iohn  Oldam. 

9.  Of  a  barren  doe  of  Virginca  growne  FruitJifull. 

10.  Of  the  Mafler  of  the  Ceremonies. 

1 1 .  Of  a  Compofition  made  for  a  Salvages  theft. 

1 2.  Of  a  voyage  made  by  the  Mafler  of  the  Ceremonies  for  Beaver. 

13.  A  lamentable  fitt  of  mellancolly  cured 

14.  The  Revel  Is  of  New  Canaan. 

15-  Of 

A  Table  of  the  Contents.  349 

15.  Of  a  great  Monfter  fuppofed  to  be  at  Ma-re-Mount. 

16.  How  tJie  nine  Worthies  of  New  Canaan  put  mine  Hofl  of  Ma- 

re-Mount into  an  inchaunted  Caftle. 

17.  Of  the  baccanall  Triumphe  of  New  Canaan. 

18.  Of  a  Doclor  made  at  a  commencement. 

1 9.  Of  the  filencing  of  a  Minifier. 

20.  Of  a  praclife  to  get  afnare  to  hamper  mine  hofl  of  Ma-re-Mount. 

21.  Of  Captaine  Littlewortlis  devife  for  the purchafe  of  Beaver. 

22.  Of  a  Sequeflration  in  New  Canaan. 

23.  Of  a  great  bonfire  made  in  New  Canaan. 

24.  Of  the  digradinge  and  creatiuge  of  Gentry. 

25.  Of  the  manner  how  the  Seperatifis  pay  their  debts. 

26.  Of  the  Charity  of  the  Seperatifis. 

27.  Of  the  praclife  of  their  Church. 

28.  Of  their  Policy  in  publik  Iujlice. 

29.  Hozv  mine  Hofl  was  put  into  a  Whales  belly. 

30.  How    Sir   Chrifiophcr    Gardiner,  Knight,  fpeed   amongfi    the 


31.  How  mine  Hofl  of  Ma-re-Mount  played  Jonas  after  hee  got  out 

of  the  Whales  belly. 







THE  REV.  EDMUND  F.  SLAFTER,  A.M.    .    .     Boston,  Mass. 


JOHN  WARD  DEAN,  A.M Boston,  Mass. 

WILLIAM  B.  TRASK,  Esq Boston,  Mass. 

THE  HON.  CHARLES  H.  BELL,  LL.D.  .     .     .  Exeter,  N.  H. 

JOHN  MARSHALL  BROWN,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

Correfponding  Secretary. 
THE  REV.  HENRY  W.  FOOTE,  A.M.      .     .     .     Boston,  Mass. 

Recording  Secretary. 
DAVID  GREENE  HASKINS,  Jr.,  A.M.     .    .    .    Cambridge,  Mass. 


ELBRIDGE  H.  GOSS,  Esq Boston,  Mass. 



The  Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  LL.D.    .     .     .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  Francis  Adams,  Jr.,  A.B Quincy,  Mafs. 

Thomas  Coffin  Amory,  A.M Boflon,  Mafs. 

William  Sumner  Appleton,  A.M Boflon,  Mafs. 

Walter  T.  Avery,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Mr.  Thomas  Willing  Balch Philadelphia,  Pa. 

George  L.  Balcom,  Efq Claremont,  N.H. 

Charles  Candee  Baldwin,  M.A Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  Efq.     . New  York,  N.Y. 

James  Phinney  Baxter,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

The  Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell,  LL.D Exeter,  N.H. 

John  J.  Bell,  A.M Exeter,  N.H. 

Samuel  Lane  Boardman,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  James  Ware  Bradbury,  LL.D.      .     .     .  Augufta,  Me. 

J.  Carfon  Brevoort,  LL.D Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

The  Rev.  Phillips  Brooks,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Sidney  Brooks,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Horace  Brown,  A.B.,  LL.B Salem,  Mafs. 

Mrs.  John  Carter  Brown Providence,  R.l 

John  Marfhall  Brown,  A.  M Portland,  Me. 

Jofeph  O.  Brown,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Philip  Henry  Brown,  A.M Portland,  Me. 

Thomas  O.  H.  P.  Burnham,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  Bement  Butler,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Mellen  Chamberlain,  A.M Chelfea,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  William  Eaton  Chandler,  A.M.    .     .     .  Wafhington,  D.C. 

George  Bigelow  Chafe,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Clarence  H.  Clark,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

The  Priivce  Society.  355 

Gen.  John  S.  Clark        Auburn,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  Samuel  Crocker  Cobb Bofton,  Mafs. 

Ethan  N.  Coburn,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Jeremiah  Colburn,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Deloraine  P.  Corey,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Eraftus  Corning,  Efq Albany,  N.Y. 

Ellery  Bicknell  Crane,  Efq Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Abram  E.  Cutter,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

William  M.  Darlington,  Efq Pittfburg,  Pa. 

John  Ward  Dean,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  Deane,  LL.D Cambridge,  Mafs. 

Edward  Denham,  Efq New  Bedford,  Mafs. 

John  Charles  Dent,  Efq Toronto,  Canada. 

Prof.  Franklin  B.  Dexter,  A.M New  Haven,  Ct. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  Adams  Drake,  Efq Melrofe,  Mafs. 

Henry  Thayer  Drowne,  Efq New  York,  N.  Y. 

Henry  H.  Edes,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Jonathan  Edwards,  A.B.,  M.D New  Haven,  Ct. 

William  Henry  Egle,  A.M.,  M.D Harrifburgh,  Pa. 

Janus  G.  Elder,  Efq Lewifton,  Me. 

Samuel  Eliot,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Alfred  Langdon  Elwyn,  M.D Philadelphia,  Pa. 

James  Emott,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Hon.  William  M.  Evarts,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

Jofeph  Story  Fay,  Efq Woods  Holl,  Mafs. 

John  S.  H.  Fogg,  M.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Henry  W.  Foote,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Samuel  P.  Fowler,  Efq Danvers,  Mafs. 

James  E.  Gale,  Efq Haverhill,  Mafs. 

Ifaac  D.  Garfield,  Efq Syracufe,  N.Y. 

Marcus  D.  Gilman,  Efq Montpelier,  Vt. 

The  Hon.  John  E.  Godfrey Bangor,  Me. 

Abner  C.  Goodell,  Jr.,  A.M Salem,  Mafs. 

Elbridge  H.  Gofs,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Juftice  Horace  Gray,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  W.  Greenough,  A.B Bofton,  Mafs. 

356  The  Prince  Society. 

Ifaac  J.  Greenwood,  A.M New  York,  N.Y. 

Charles  H.  Guild,  Efq Somerville,  Mafs. 

David  Greene  Hafkins,  Jr.,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Francis  B.  Hayes,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  LL.  D.       ...  Fremont,  Ohio. 

Thomas  Wentworth  Higginfon,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

W.  Scott  Hill,  M.D Augufta,  Me. 

James  F.  Hunnewell,  Efq Charleftown,  Mafs. 

Theodore  Irwin,  Efq Ofwego,  N.Y. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Fitch  Jenks,  A.M Lawrence,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Clark  Jillfon Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Mr.  Sawyer  Junior Nafliua,  N.H. 

George  Lamb,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Edward  F.  De  Lancey,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

William  B.  Lapham,  M.D Augufta,  Me. 

Henry  Lee,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

John  A.  Lewis,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Ph.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Orfamus  H.  Marfhall,  Efq.' Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

William  T.  R.  Marvin,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

William  F.  Matchett,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Frederic  W.  G.  May,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

John  Norris  McClintock,  A.M Concord,  N.H. 

The  Rev.  James  H.  Means,  D.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

George  H.  Moore,  LL.D New  York,  N.Y. 

The  Rev.  James  De  Normandie,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Prof.  Charles  E.  Norton,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

John  H.  Ofborne,  Efq Auburn,  N.Y. 

George  T.  Paine,  Efq.  . Providence,  R.  I. 

Nathaniel  Paine,  Efq Worcefter,  Mafs. 

John  Carver  Palfrey,  AM Bofton,  Mafs. 

Daniel  Parifh,  Jr.,  Efq New  York,  N.Y. 

Francis  Parkman,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Auguftus  T.  Perkins,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  William  Stevens  Perry,  D.D.,  LL.D.  Davenport,  Iowa. 

William  Frederic  Poole,  LL.D Chicago,  111. 

Rear  Admiral  George  Henry  Preble,  U.  S.  N.      .  Brookline,  Mafs. 

The  Prince  Society.  357 

Samuel  S.  Purple,  M.D New  York,  N.Y. 

Edward  Aftiton  Rollins,  A.M. Philadelphia,  Pa. 

The  Hon.  Nathaniel  Fofter  Safford,  A.M.    .     .     .  Milton,  Mafs. 

Jofhua  Montgomery  Sears,  A.B Bolton,  Mafs. 

John  Gilmary  Shea,  LL.D Elizabeth,  N.J. 

The  Hon.  Mark  Skinner Chicago,  111. 

The  Rev.  Carlos  Slafter,  A.M Dedham,  Mafs. 

The  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M Bolton,  Mafs. 

Charles  C.  Smith,  Efq Bolton,  Mafs. 

Oliver  Blifs  Stebbins,  Efq '  Bolton,  Mafs. 

George  Stevens,  Efq Lowell,  Mafs. 

George  Stewart,  Jr.,  Efq Quebec,  Canada. 

Ruffell  Sturgis,  A.M London,  Eng. 

William  B.  Trade,  Efq Bolton,  Mafs. 

Jofeph  B.  Walker,  A.M Concord,  N.H. 

William  Henry  Wardvvell,  Efq Bolton,  Mafs. 

Mils  Rachel  Wetherill Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Henry  Wheatland,  A.M.,  M.D Salem,  Mafs. 

John  Gardner  White,  A.M Cambridge,  Mafs. 

William  Adee  Whitehead,  A.M Newark,  N.J. 

William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Auftin  Whitney,  A.M Bofton,  Mafs. 

The  Hon.  Marfhall  P.  Wilder,  Ph.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Henry  Winfor,  Efq Philadelphia,  Pa. 

The  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  LL.D Bofton,  Mafs. 

Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  Efq Bofton,  Mafs. 

Afhbel  Woodward,  M.D Franklin,  Ct. 

J.  Otis  Woodward,  Efq Albany,  N.Y. 


American  Antiquarian  Society Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Amherfl  College  Library Amherft,  Mafs. 

Aftor  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

Bibliotheque  Nationale Paris,  France. 

Bodleian  Library Oxford,  Eng. 

Bofton  Athenaeum Bolton,  Mafs. 

Bofton  Library  Society       .     .     . Bofton,  Mafs. 

358  The  Prince  Society. 


Britifli  Mufeum London,  En< 

Concord  Public  Library "...  Concord,  Mafs. 

Eben  Dale  Sutton  Reference  Library Peabody,  Mafs. 

Free  Public  Library Worcefter,  Mafs. 

Free  Public  Library  of  Toronto Toronto,  Canada. 

Gloucefter  Public  Library Gloucefter,  Mafs. 

Grofvenor  Library Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Harvard  College  Library Cambridge,  Mafs. 

Hiftorical  Society  of  Pennfylvania Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  Company  of  Philadelphia Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  of  Parliament Ottawa,  Canada. 

Library  of  the  State  Department Wafhington,  D.C. 

Literary  and  Hiftorical  Society  of  Quebec    .     .     .  Quebec,  Canada. 

Long  Ifland  Hiftorical  Society Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

Maine  Hiftorical  Society Portland,  Me. 

Maryland  Hiftorical  Society Baltimore,  Md. 

Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society Bofton,  Mafs. 

Mercantile  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

Minnefota  Hiftorical  Society St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Newburyport  Public  Library,  Peabody  Fund     .     .  Newburyport,  Mafs. 

New  England  Hiftoric  Genealogical  Society     .     .  Bofton,  Mafs. 

Newton  Free  Library Newton,  Mafs. 

New  York  Society  Library New  York,  N.Y. 

Peabody  Inftitute  of  the  City  of  Baltimore    .     .     .  Baltimore,  Md. 

Plymouth  Public  Library Plymouth,  Mafs. 

Portfmouth  Athenaeum Portfmouth,  N.H. 

Public  Library  of  Cincinnati Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Bofton Bofton,  Mafs. 

Redwood  Library Newport,  R.I. 

State  Hiftorical  Society  of  Wifconfin Madifon,  Wis. 

State  Library  of  Maffachufetts Bofton,  Mafs. 

State  Library  of  New  York Albany,  N.Y. 

State  Library  of  Rhode  Ifland Providence,  R.I. 

State  Library  of  Vermont Montpelier,  Vt. 

Williams  College  Library Williamftown,  Mafs. 

Woburn  Public  Library Woburn,  Mafs. 

Yale  College  Library New  Haven,  Ct. 


New  England's  Prospect 

A  true,  lively  and  experimental!  defcription  of  that  part  of  America,  commonly  called 
New  England  :  difcovering  the  State  of  that  Countrie,  both  as  it  Hands  to  our  new-come 
Englijh  Planters;  and  to  the  old  Natiue  Inhabitants.  By  William  Wood.  London, 
1634.     Preface  by  Charles  Deane,  LL.D. 

The  Hutchinson  Papers. 

A  Collection  of  Original  Papers  relative  to  the  Hiftory  of  the  Colony  of  Maffachufetts- 
Bay.  Reprinted  from  the  edition  of  1769.  Edited  by  William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M.,  and 
William  S.  Appleton,  A.M.     2  vols. 

John  Dunton's  Letters  from  New  England. 

Letters  written  from  New  England  A.D.  16S6.  By  John  Dunton  in  which  are 
defcribed  his  voyages  by  Sea,  his  travels  on  land,  and  the  characters  of  his  friends 
and  acquaintances.  Now  firft  publifhed  from  the  Original  Manufcript  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  Oxford.     Edited  by  William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M 

The  Andros  Tracts. 

Being  a  Collection  of  Pamphlets  and  Official  Papers  iffued  during  the  period  between 
the  overthrow  of  the  Andros  Government  and  the  eflablifhment  of  the  fecond  Charter  of 
Maffachufetts.  Reprinted  from  the  original  editions  and  manufcripts.  With  a  Memoir 
of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  by  the  editor,  William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M.     3  vols. 

Sir  William  Alexander  and  American  Colonization. 

Including  three  Royal  Charters,  iffued  in  1621,  1625,  162S  ;  a  Tract  entitled  an 
Encouragement  to  Colonies,  by  Sir  William  Alexander,  1624;  a  Patent,  from  the  Great 
Council  for  New  England,  of  Long  Ifland,  and  a  part  of  the  prefent  State  of  Maine ;  a 
Roll  of  the  Knights  Baronets  of  New  Scotland;  with  a  Memoir  of  Sir  William  Alex- 
ander, by  the  editor,  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

John  Wheelwright. 

Including  his  Faft-day  Sermon,  1637  ;  his  Mercurius  Americanus,  1645,  and  other 
writings ,  with  a  paper  on  the  genuinenefs  of  the  Indian  deed  of  1629,  and  a  Memoir  by 
the  editor,  Charles  H.  Bell,  A.M. 

360        Publications  of  the  Society. 

Voyages  of  the  Northmen  to  America. 

Including  extracts  from  Icelandic  Sagas  relating  to  Western  voyages  by  Northmen  in 
the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  in  an  Englilh  translation  by  North  Ludlow  Beamifh  ; 
with  a  Synopfis  of  the  historical  evidence  and  the  opinion  of  Profcffor  Rafn  as  to  the 
places  vifited  by  the  Scandinavians  on  the  coaft  of  America.  Edited,  with  an  Introduc- 
tion, by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

The  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain. 

Including  the  Voyage  of  1603,  and  all  contained  in  the  edition  of  1613,  and  in  that  of 
1619  ;  tranflated  from  the  French  by  Charles  P.  Otis,  Ph.D.  Edited,  with  a  Memoir  and 
historical  illuflrations,  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M.     3  vols. 

New  English  Canaan,  or  New  Canaan. 

Containing  an  abstract  of  New  England,  compofed  in  three  books.  I.  The  first  fetting 
forth  the  Originall  of  the  Natives,  their  Manners  and  Cuftomes,  together  with  their  trada- 
ble Nature  and  Love  towards  the  English.  II.  The  Natural  Indowments  of  the  Coun- 
trie,  and  what  Staple  Commodities  it  yieldeth.  III.  What  People  are  planted  there,  their 
Profperity,  what  remarkable  Accidents  have  happened  fince  the  firft  planting  of  it,  together 
with  their  Tenents  and  practice  of  their  Church.  Written  by  Thomas  Morton  of  Cliffords 
Inne,  Gent,  upon  ten  Years  Knowledge  and  Experiment  of  the  Country,  1632.  Edited, 
with  an  Introduction  and  hiftorical  illustrations,  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Jr.,  A.B. 


1.  Captain  John  Mason,  the  founder  of  New  Hampfhire,  including  his  Tract  on  New- 
foundland, 1620,  the  feveral  American  Charters  in  which  he  was  a  Grantee,  and  other 
papers  ;  and  a  Memoir  by  the  late  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Ph.D.  Edited,  with  hiftorical  illuf- 
trations,  by  John  Ward  Dean,  A.M. 

2.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  including  his  Tract  entitled  A  Brief  Narration,  1658, 
American  Charters  granted  to  him,  and  other  papers ;  with  hiftorical  Illustrations  and 
a  Memoir  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M. 

3.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  including  his  Difcourfe  to  prove  a  Paffage  by  the  North- 
Weft  to  Cathaia  and  the  Eaft  Indies  ;  his  Letters  Patent  to  difcover  and  poffefs  lands  in 
North  America,  granted  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  June  11,  1578.  With  hiftorical  Illustrations 
and  a  Memoir. 

4.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  and  his  Colony  in  America.  Containing  the  Royal 
Charter  of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  for  difcovering  and  planting  of  new 
lands  and  countries,  March  25,  1584,  with  letters,  difcourfes,  and  narratives  of  the 
Voyages  made  to  Virginia  at  his  charges,  with  original  defcriptions  of  the  country,  com- 
modities, and  inhabitants.  Edited,  with  a  Memoir  and  hiftorical  illustrations,  by  the 
Rev.  Increafe  N.  Tarbox,  D.D. 





Aberdeceft,  130,  n. 

Acomenticus  :  charter  granted  to,  by 
Gorges,  81;  Morton  dies  at,  91. 

Adams,  John :  on  name  of  Merry- 
Mount,  14,  n. ;  on  fate  of  Wollafton, 
15  ;  on  Thomas  Morton,  95,  n.  ;  in- 
juries to  library  of,  101,  n. 

Adams,  John  Q.,  101. 

Adders,  213. 

./Elianus,  345,  n. 

Air  of  New  England,  121,  137, 177,  190. 

Alcides,  292. 

Alefto,  275. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  quoted,  140, 

Alder,  the,  186. 

Allen,  J.  A.,  notes  on  wild  animals  of 
New  England  by,  199-215. 

Allerton,  Ifaac :  his  courfe  toward 
Morton  in  England,  35,  303  ;  his 
miffion  to  England  in  1629,  36;  car- 
ries Morton  back  to  Plymouth,  36  ; 
tries  to  obtain  charter  for  Plymouth, 
52  ;  brings  over  goods,  289,  n. 

Allize,  225. 

Alfatian  Squire,  the,  92. 

Amphitrite,  277,  281. 

Animals,  wild  of  New  England,  chap- 
ter on,  199-215. 

Antinomian  controverfy,  81,  323,  n. 

Antonomafia,  316. 

Anunhne,  123,  n. 

Arbor-vitae,  185,  n. 

Archimedes,  291. 

Argus  eyes,  303. 

Ariftotle,  cited,  117,  118. 

Armoniack,  219. 

Arms.     (See  Fire-arms.) 

Arthur's  Table,  King,  290. 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  60,  70. 

Afcowke,  213. 

Afh,  the,  1  S3. 

Afpinwall,  William,  319,  n. 

Audubon,  John  James,  quoted,  131,  n. ; 
192,  n. 

Auk,  the  great,  formerly  found  in  Bof- 
ton  Bay,  131,  n. 


Bacchanal  Triumph,  poem,  290-4. 
Bagnall,  Walter,  22,  206,  ;/.,  218,  n. 
Baptifm,  331,  n. 
"  Barren  doe,  the,"  94,  264-6,  272-7. 



Barrowe,  Henry,  on  Common  Prayer, 
332,  n. 

Bafs,  222. 

Beach,  the,  183. 

Bears  :  ufed  by  Indians,  142-4  ;  value 
of  fkins  of,  205  ;  defcription  of,  209  ; 
Indian  methods  of  hunting,  210  ; 
flefh  of,  210. 

Beaver  :  value  of  fkins  of,  22,  205,  295  ; 
gain  in,  32,282  ;  regulation  of  trade 
in,  39,  306 ;  virtues  of  tails  of,  162, 
205  ;  defcription  of,  204  ;  mufkrats 
paffed  for,  211;  Dutch  trade  in,  239, 
;/. ;  a  theft  compounded  in,  269; 
plenty  of,  at  Nipnet,  270 ;  compared 
to  Jafon's  Fleece,  295. 

Bible,  the,  94,  212,  260. 

Bibliography  of  New  Canaan,  99. 

Billington,  John,  217. 

Birch,  the,  186. 

Birds,  chapter  on,  189-99. 

Black-lead,  219. 

Blackftone,  William  :  moves  from  Wef- 
faguffet  to  Bofton,  24 ;  contributes 
to  Morton's  arreft,  30;  an  Epifco- 
palian,  94. 

Bluefifh,  222. 

Bole  Armoniack,  219. 

Book  of  Common  Prayer,  22,  68,  82, 
168,  260,  283,  311  ;  an  idol,  69,  332  ; 
Morton  perfecuted  for  ufing,  92-5. 

Book  of  Sports,  260,  ;/. 

Bofton  Bay  :  favages  about  in  1625,  n  ; 
fettlers  about  in  1628,  24;  defcrip- 
tion of  in  1630,  122;  great  auks 
feen  in,  131,  n.  ;  French  veflel 
wrecked  in,  131,  n. 

Bradford,  John,  on  Common  Prayer, 
332,  n. 

Bradford,  Governor  William  :  cited,  I, 

6, 13,  18,  20,  22,  25,  27,  31,  35,  36,  37, 

46,  49,  52,  79,  92, 133, «.,  205,  n.,  217, 

».,  323,  «.,  325,  n.,  330,  «.,  332,  n.  ; 

letters  of,  on  arreft  of  Morton,  30  ; 

generally  correct,    49;  literary  fkill 

of,  96  ;  abfence  of  humor  in,  97,  98  ; 

referred  to  as  Rhadamant,  291,  n. 
Brant,  189,  268. 
Breames,  227. 
Brereton,  Sir  William,  grant  to,  from 

John  Gorges,  34. 
Brewfter,  William,  notes  on  birds  by, 

189-99,  »•!  226,  11. 
Briareus,  288. 
Bridges,  Robert,  90. 
Bright,  Rev.  Francis,  300,  n.,  325,  n. 
Brimftone,  220. 
Briftol,  2. 

Brown,  Peter,  214. 
Browne,  Robert,  323,  n. 
Brutus,  fuppofed  defcent  of    Indians 

from,  126,  127,  129. 
Bubble,  266-8,  270-3. 
Buckingham,  Duke  of,  178,  n. 
Burdet,    Rev.      George,    correfponds 

with  Laud,  83,  88. 
Burglary,  319,  n. 
Burning  undergrowth  :   Indian  cuftom 

of,  172,  184,  186  ;  protection  againft, 


Burfley,  John,  at  Weflaguflet,  24,  31, 

162,  n. 
Buzzard's  Bay,  266. 
Butler,  Samuel,  96,  98,  251,  n. 


Caen,  William  and  Emery  de,  235,  n. 
Caiaphas,  300,  302,  n. 
Cain,  312. 



Campbell,  Lord  :  on  royal  proclama- 
tions, 26  ;  cited,  35. 

Canada  :  derivation  of  name,  235  ;  firft 
conqueft  of,  235,  n. 

Canary  Iflands  :  as  a  market,  182,  222  ; 
Morton  at,  342-3. 

Cane,  275. 

Canonicus,  funeral  rites  of  his  fon, 
170, ;/. 

Cape  Ann  :  Lyford  moves  to,  24;  Mor- 
ton at,  261. 

Cape  Cod,  21,  23,  226;  French  veffel 
•wrecked  on,  131,  n. 

Cape  Verde  Iflands,  116,  117,  n. 

Carheil,  Father,  cited,  17. 

Caribdis,  277,  280. 

Catttip  Keen,  137,  n. 

Carlifle,  Earl  of,  70. 

Cafco  Bay,  221  ;  royalifts  about,  85. 

Cau-ompjk,  124,  n. 

Cecrops,  293. 

Cedars  :  at  Mount  Wollafton,  10 ; 
where  to  be  found  large,  173  ;  abun- 
dance and  fizeof,  184  ;  white,  185,  n. 

Cerberus,  294. 

Chalk-ftones,  216. 

Champlain,  lake  :  protection  for  dif- 
covery  of,  77  ;  Morton  on,  78  ;  Jof- 
felyn's  expedition  to  difcover,  79 ; 
when  named,  234,  n.    (See  Erocoife.) 

Champlain  :  his  Voyages  quoted,  149, 
71.,  150,  n. ;  his  map.  236,  n. 

Charity  of  the  Separatists,  320. 

Charity,  the,  comes  to  New  England 
in  June,  1622,  7,  130. 

Chauqiiaqock,  254.  n. 

Charles  I.  :  corruption  of  court  of,  52  ; 
character  and  government  of,  54; 
financial  ftraits  of,  in  1635,  73  \  turn- 
ing point  in  fortunes  of,  78. 

Charleftown  :  fettlement  of,  34,  300, 
n.  ;  deacons  of  church  of,  319. 

Charon,  274. 

Charter  party,  304,  316,  317.  (See 
Cradock,  Matthew.) 

Chaftity,  abfence  of,  among  Indians, 
16,  17,  145,  n. 

Chelfea,  229,  300. 

CJieJJietite,  148. 

Cheftnut,  the,  183. 

Chickatawbut,  dwelling-place  of,  11  ; 
cunning  of,  162,  ?i.  ;  his  mother's 
grave  defpoiled,  170,  247  ;  fpeech  of, 
247-9  '■>  Wefton's  men  living  with, 

Chingachgook,  213,  n. 

Chriftmas,  18,  97;  "brave  gambols," 

Church  practices  in  New  England, 
69,  260,  262,  322-34. 

Church  of  England  :  Winthrop's  de- 
teftation  of,  63  ;  and  Morton,  92  ; 
and  Lyford,  263 ;  dignity  of,  ad- 
vanced in  New  England  by  Mor- 
ton,  283 ;    Ratcliff    a    member    of, 


Churching  of  women,  331,  ;/. 

Cicero,  quoted,  139,  181,  312. 

Cithyrea,  278. 

Clams,  227. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  cited,  52. 

Clayton's  Virginia,  cited,  199,  n.,  208, 

n.,  210,  n.,  214, n. 
Cleaves,  George:    Morton  in   employ 

of,  77  ;  in  employ  of  Rigby,  84  ;  "a 

fire-brand  of  diffenfion,"  85. 
Clerk,  Roger,  300,  n. 
Cockles,  227. 
Coddington,  Governor  William,  writes 

to  Winthrop  about  Morton,  85. 




Cod-fifh,  221  ;  markets  for,  222  ;  fu- 
periority  of  New  England,  ib. 

Cod-liver  oil,  222. 

Coins,  old,  found  at  Richmond  Ifiand, 
218,  n. 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  on  proclamations, 

Colchos,  292.  [26,  35. 

Commiffions,  fyftem  of,  in  favor  at 
court  of  Charles  I.,  57. 

Conies,  204,  210,  211. 

Common  Prayer  :  Book  of,  treatment 
of  in  Maffachufetts,  69;  trouble  oc- 
cafioned  by  in  Scotland,  82  ;  Mor- 
ton's ufe  of,  caufe  of  his  perfecution, 
92,  260,  283  ;  reference  to  in  New 
Canaan,  93,  169;  an  idol,  332,  n. 

Connecticut,  Blue  Laws  of,  252,  n. 

Copper,  220. 

Cormorants,  226. 

Cos,  124,  217. 

Cottington,  Lord,  60. 

Cotton,  John,  98. 

Council  for  New  England :  efforts  of 
to  fettle  the  Maffachufetts,  2  ;  grant 
to  Robert  Gorges,  3  ;  fecures  pro- 
clamation about  fale  of  fire-arms  to 
Indians,  20  ;  gives  patent  to  Com- 
pany of  Maffachufetts  Bay,  31  ;  quar- 
rel of  with  Maffachufetts  Company, 
33  ;  unequal  to  the  emergency  in 
1634,  59  ;  plan  for  dividing  territory 
of,  59 ;  divides  New  England,  70  ; 
furrender  of  patent  by,  72  ;  records 
of  quoted,  130,  11.,  196,  n.  ,  iffues 
patent  to  Walter  Bagnall,  219,  n. 

Court  :  held  at  Salem,  306  ;  at  Bofton, 
to  try  Morton,  311. 

Cradock,  Governor  Matthew,  298,  11. ; 
before  Privy  Council,  51,  56;  "an 
impofterous  knave,"  62 ;  default  of 

in  quo  warranto  proceedings,  75 ; 
on  Morton,  jj  ;  Matter  Charter- 
party  304,  «.,  316,  317. 

Cranes,  192. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  83. 

Crows,  195. 

Crow-blackbirds,  198. 

Cupid,  278. 

Cyprefs-trees,  185. 

Cynthius,  345. 


Dagon,  32,  n. 

Davis,  Captain  John,  104,  118,  n. 

Deaconefs,  323. 

Deacons,  322. 

Deane,  Charles  :  cited,  30,  56  ;  accur- 
acy of,  56. 

Decaincron,  94. 

De  Cofta,  B.  F.  :  quoted,  92-4 ;  re- 
ferred to,  100. 

Deer:  fkins  of,  135,  142-3,  202;  killed 
by  Indians,  162  ;  followed  by  fcent, 
166;  kinds  of,  200-2  ;  preyed  on  by 
wolves,  204,  208  ;  and  luzerans,  206. 

Deer-traps,  202. 

Deer  Ifiand,  155,  11. ,  204,  n. 

Delilah,  281. 

Demas,  part  of,  302,  n. 

Demophoon,  273. 

Dermer,  Captain  Thomas  :  redeems 
captives,  131,  n. ;  quoted  concerning 
peftilence  of  1616,  133,  n. 

Devil,  the  :  eftimation  of  among  In- 
dians, 139,  n.,  150,  n.,  165,  167; 
rules  the   Powows,  178. 

Dexter,  Rev.  H.  M.,  244,  n. 

Diogenes,  178  ;  tub  of,  286. 

Dodge,  General,  cited,  169,  n.,  174,  «. 

"  Doe,  the  barren,"  94,  264-6,  272-7. 



Dog-fifh,  223,  n. 

Don  Quixote,  94,  272,  286. 

Dorchefter,  Lord,  53. 

Dorfet,  Earl  of,  60. 

Dover,  N.  H.,  Hiltons  at,  30. 

Downing,  Emanuel :  before  Privy  Coun- 
cil, 51  ;  account  of,  52;  inftrucled  to 
find  evidence  againft  Morton,  88 ; 
on  humming-bird,  198,  n. 

Drails,  223. 

Drunkennefs,  Indian  tendency  to,  174. 

Ducks:  kinds  of,  190 ;  preyed  on  by 
luzeran,  206,  n. 

Dudley,  Governor  Thomas,  43,  80,  90  ; 
cited,  4,  46. 

Duxbury,  84. 


Eacus,  288,  293,  294,  309. 

Eager,  Pallor  Mafter.     {See  Skejton.) 

Eaft  Indies,  239. 

Edmunds,  Sir  Thomas,  60. 

Eels,  224. 

Egypt,  240. 

Elder-tree,  the,  186. 

Elders  of  church,  313,  322. 

Elephants,  their  fuppofed  religion, 
141,  n. 

Elias  houfe,  310. 

Eliot,  Dr.  John,  326,  n. 

Eliot,  John,  quoted,  124,  129,  n. 

Elk,  200, n.  . 

Ellis,  Rev.  Dr.  G.  E.,  quoted,  145,  n. 

Elm,  the,  183. 

En  a7iimia,  123. 

Endicott,  John :  arrival  of,  at  Salem, 
31;  vifits  Mt.  Wollafton,  32;  oc- 
cupies   the    Gorges  grant,  34;    his 

inftruttions,  38,  40,  45  ;  meets  "  old 
planters,"  39,  306  ;  attempts  to  rear- 
reft  Morton,  43  ;  derided  by  Morton, 
45  ;  mutilates  royal  ftandard,  66 ; 
{flues  warrant  to  arreft  Morton, 
86;  governor,  88;  libelled  in  New 
Canaan,  88,  304  ;  called  Littleworth, 
220,  298-9,  304,  306,  308,  31S  ;  Mor- 
ton's animofity  to,  220,  n.  ;  cured  of 
a  wife,  298,  n. ;  fends  fettlers  to 
Charleftown,  300,  n.  ;  at  Salem, 
303-7 ;  and  the  charter  cafe,  305  ; 
fraud  imputed  to,  308 ;  punifhes 
Ratcliff,   316;    fecond   marriage  of, 

33°>  «• 
Epicletus,  312,  n. 

Epifcopalians :  take  up  Morton's  caufe, 

92;  in  early  Maffachufetts,  95,  218, 

Erocoife,  lake  of,  78,  234-7,  24°>  241. 

{See  Champlain.) 
Efculapius,  278. 
Executions.     (See  Hanging.) 
Exercifing  in  church,  by  lay  members, 

262,  ».,  322-30. 


Faircloath,  Innocence     {See  Ratcliff.) 

Fairfax,  Lord,  83. 

Falcons  and  falconry,  6,  196. 

Falkland,  Lord,  83. 

Falftaff,  278,  n. 

Fauftus,  Dr.,  319. 

Fire-arms  :  fupplied  to  Indians,  20,  95  ; 

trade  in  forbidden,  21  ;  in  hands  of 

Indians  in  1628,  25. 
Firing  the  country.     {See  Burning.) 
Fifh,  poifonous  in  the  tropics,  116,  n. ; 

kinds  of  in  New  England,  221-8. 



Fifheries,  veffels  engaged  in,  221. 
Fitcher :    a   partner  of   Wollafton,  4; 

left  in  charge  at  Mt.  Wollafton  and 

expelled  by  Morton,  13. 
Finch,  Sir  John,  35. 
Flora,  patronefs  of  May-day,  19,  281. 
Flounders,  226. 
Flowers  in  New  England,  228. 
Footmen,  running,  329. 
Force's  Trails,  99. 
Foxes,  206-8. 

Fox-fkins,  value  of,  205,  «.,  207,  n. 
Franchife,  the,  in  Maffachufetts,  331, 


Freeles,  227. 

French  authority,  on  Indians'  fenfes, 

Frenchmen,  captured,  among  Indians, 
131,  n. 

"  Froth,  Nick  and,"  328,  n. 

Fuller,  Dr.  Samuel :  dies  of  peftilence, 
133,  n.  ;  fuppofed  to  be  alluded  to 
as  Eacus,  288,  291,  «.,  309  ;  note  on, 
297  ;  at  Salem,  298. 

Furmety,  163,  u.  ;  296. 

Furs  :  profit  of  trade  in,  22,  32 ;  regula- 
tion of  trade  in,  39 ;  Indian  ufe  of, 
141-4;  prices  of,  205,  ;/.,  207,  n., 
209.     (See  Beaver,  Deer,  Bear.) 


Galena,  found  in  Woburn,  219,  n. 

Ganymede,  279. 

Gardiner,  Sir  Chriftopher:  before  Privy 
Council,  50,  86  ;  his  prefatory  verfes 
to  New  EngliJJi  Carman,  112;  on 
defcent  of  Indians,  128;  intercedes 
for    Ratcliff,    320;    note    on,    338; 

adventures   of,  338-42;    fonnet  by, 


Geefe:  defcriptions  of,  189-90  ;  preyed 
on  by  luzeran,  206,  n. 

Gellius,  Aulus,  quoted,  312,  n. 

Gentry,  created  and  degraded  by  Win- 
throp,  313. 

Gerard's  Herbal,  referred  to,  185. 

Ghent,  236. 

Gibbons,  Major  Edward,  90-1. 

Gifte,  the,  44,  289. 

Gloucefter,  Morton  at,  86. 

Golgotha,  a  new-found,  133. 

Goodman,  John  :  adventure  of,  with  a 
wolf,  208,  n. ;  hears  lions  roar,  214,  n. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  quoted,  160,  174. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  2,  3,  36,  47, 
95  ;  procures  iffues  of  proclamation 
on  fire-arms,  21  ;  his  curiofity  as  to 
New  England,  32  ;  Morton  ingra- 
tiates himfelf  with,  36 ;  in  correfpon- 
dence  with  Morton,  41, 47  ;  intrigues 
againft  Maffachufetts,  49  ;  failure  in, 
53  ;  works  through  Court  influences, 
54 ;  renews  complaints  againft  Maf- 
fachufetts, 56;  fhapes  Laud's  policy 
to  New  England,  58  ;  his  plan,  58  ; 
to  be  governor-general,  59  ;  his  in- 
fluence with  Lords  Commifiioners, 
60  ;  reprefents  "  thorough  "  in  New 
England,  60,  74  ;  thought  to  be  on 
the  New  England  coaft  in  1635,  66; 
his  plans  in  1635,  67  ;  circumvents 
Winflow,  68 ;  grantee  of  Maine  from 
Council  for  New  England,  71  ;  ap- 
pointed by  King,  governor-general, 
71  ;  failure  of,  caufed  by  want  of 
money,  72  ;  age  of,  75,  n.  ;  death 
of  Mafon  fatal  to  plans  of,  76  ;  pub- 
lication of  New  Canaan  not  agree- 



able  to,  80  ;  pretends  to  be  friendly 
to  Maffachufetts,  80;  "  cafheers  " 
Morton,  80  ;  grants  charter  to  Aco- 
menticus,  81;  career  of,  119,  n.  ; 
eulogized,  189 ;  Sir  C.  Gardiner,  an 
agent  of,  338,  n. 

Gorges,  John :  fucceeds  to  R.  Gorges's 
grant,  33 ;  deeds  land  to  Brereton 
and  Oldham,  34,  40. 

Gorges,  Lord,  71. 

Gorges,  Captain  Robert,  2,  33,  143, 
162  ;  arrives  in  Bofton  Bay,  3  ;  ex- 
tent of  his  grant,  3  ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 4  ;  validity  of  grant  to,  denied, 
34  ;  arrefts  Wefton,  257,  n. 

Gofhawks,  197. 

Gover,  Anna,  298. 

Grant,  John,  62. 

Grapes  in  New  England,  186, 

Gray,  ProfefTor  Afa,  182,  188. 

Greek,  fuppofed  refemblance  of  Indian 
words  to,  123,  126. 

Greene,  Charles,  99-101. 

Greene,  Richard,  in  charge  of  Weffa- 
guffet  fettlement,  7. 

Greenland,  exceffive  cold  of,  118. 

Groufe  in  New  England,  194,  u. 


"  Habbe  or  nabbe,"  335. 
Hacche,  Roger  atte,  300,  n. 
Hake,  226. 

Hale,  Robert,  319,  n. 
Halibut,  225. 
Hame,  124. 

Hamilton,  Marquis  of,  70. 
Hampden,  John,  83. 
Handmaid,  the,  Morton's  voyage  in, 
45,  342-5- 

Hanging:  the  Weymouth,  217,  249-52; 

early  in  Maffachufetts,  217,  n. ;   in 

Virginia,  342. 
Hannibal,  263. 
Hares,  204. 

Harris,  Rev.  Thaddeus  Mafon,  101, 11. 
Harvard  Univerfity  :    Library  bulletin 

referred    to,    99-100;    ftudents    at, 

whipped,  319,  11. 
Hawks  and  falcons  in  New  England, 


"  Hawk  and  buzzard,"  336. 

Hawthorn-trees,  1S6. 

Heath-hen,  194,  71. 

Hebrew  tribes,  310;  origin  of  Indians 
traced  to,  129,  n. 

Hedgehogs,  211. 

Hemlock-trees,  185,  n. 

Hemp  in  New  England,  187,  202,  231. 

Herbs  of  New  England,  188,  228. 

Herons,  192. 

Herring,  224. 

Hickory,  183,  n. 

Higginfon,  Rev.  F.,  quoted,  213,  n., 
221,  n.,  232,  «.,  300,  11. 

Higginfon,  T.  W.,  quoted,  312,  n. 

Hiltons,  the  :  at  Pifcataqua,  23  ;  contri- 
bute to  Morton's  arreft,  30. 

"  Hippeus  pine-tree  horfe,"  2S4. 

Holbein,  Hans,  253, n. 

Holland,  70,  288. 

Hollis,  Sir  William,  253,  n. 

Horace,  quoted,  119. 

Horeb,  the  calf  of,  278. 

Horfe-mackerel,  223,  n. 

Howes,  Edward,  317,  n. 

Howes,  Edward,  Jr.,  334,  n. 

Hudibras,  96,  251,  n.,  339,  ft. 

Hudfon,  Hendrick,  voyages  and  fate  of, 
1 1 8,  n. 



Hudfon,  the,  236,  n.,  238. 

Hull,  fo  called  in  1628,  24,  337,  n. 

Hume,  David,  on  royal  proclamations, 

Humfrey,  John  :  before  Privy  Council, 

51  ;  '*an  impoflerous  knave,"  62,  64; 

goes  to  New  England,  64;  Gorges 

refers  to  patience  of,  80. 
Humming-bird,  102,  «.,  198. 
Hunt,  Captain  Thomas,  244,  n. 
Hutchinlbn,  Mrs.  Ann,  81,  323,  n. 
Hyde,  Sir  Nicholas,  35. 
Hydra,  286,  287,  292,  293. 


Indians  :  Morton's  popularity  with, 
10;  number  in  Maflachufetts,  11  ; 
modefty  of  women,  16;  defire  for 
guns  and  fpirits,  20 ;  fire-arms 
among,  20,  25 ;  peflilence  of  1616 
among,  120,  133,  n.  ;  origin  of, 
123-9  >  language  of,  123  ;  de- 
fendants of  Hebrew  tribes,  129,  n.  ; 
Frenchmen  captives  among,  131  ; 
their  wigwams,  134-8;  their  eating, 
137,  n.  ;  their  hofpitality,  137,  11. ; 
their  games  and  removals,  138; 
their  religion,  139-41,  167;  their 
drefs,  141-5;  their  trade,  141,  157- 
9  ;  their  modefty,  142  ;  their  children 
born  white,  147,  n.  ;  their  bodies 
well  fhaped,  147;  color  of  their  eyes, 
148,  165  ;  their  refpect  to  age,  148- 
50;  their  conjuring  tricks,  150-3; 
their  duels,  153-4;  their  money,  157 
-9;  their  manufactures,  159;  their 
florehoufes,  160;  their  bafkets,  160; 
did  not  ufe  fait,  161  ;  their  cunning, 

161-5;  acutenefs  of  their  fenfes, 
165-6;  diftinguifh  French  from 
Spanifh  by  fmell,  166;  crimes  among, 
169;  their  funerals,  169-71  ;  thievery 
among,  169;  their  cuftom  of  firing 
the  country,  172;  diftant  com- 
merce of,  172,  220,  «.,  237;  con- 
tented life  of,  175;  fuperiority  to 
Englifh  beggars,  175-6;  utenfils  and 
method  of  drinking,  177;  deer-traps 
of,  202  ;  method  of  hunting  bears, 
209-10  ;  lobfter-feafts  of,  226;  belied 
by  Plymouth  people,  256  ;  compound 
theft  at  Weffaguffet,  269  ;  accom- 
pany Bubble  to  Nipnet,  270  ;  return 
his  property,  272  ;  witnefs  Morton's 
punifhment,  312;  reprove  punifh- 
ment  of  Morton,  312.  (See  Mafla- 

Indian  women:  abfence  of  chaftity 
among,  16,  17,  145;  Morton's  rela- 
tions with,  94  ;  their  drefs,  144 ;  their 
modefty,  145  ;  their  child-bearing, 
145-8  ;  their  care  of  their  infants, 

Ireland,  no  venomous  beafts  in,  48. 

Irocoife,  the  great  lake.  {See  Cham- 

Iron-ftones,  219. 

Iroquois,  234. 

Ifles  of  Shoals,  Morton  at,  29,  296, 

Ifraelites,  310  ;  origin  of  Indians  traced 
to,  129,  n.,  160,  11. 


Jackals,  207,  n.,  214,  n. 
James  I.,  16,  35;    fends  fnake-ftones 
to  Virginia,  214,  n. 



Jafon,  292  ;  Golden  Fleece  of,  295. 

Jeffreys,  William :  at  Weffaguffet,  24, 
31,  162,  n. ;  correfponds  with  Gorges, 
60,  n. ;  letters  of  Morton  to,  61,  S6  ; 
carries  letters  to  Winthrop,  65  ;  let- 
ters from  quoted,  102. 

Jews,  origin  of  Indians  traced  to,  129,  u. 

Job,  281. 

Johnfon,  Edward,  250. 

Jonah,  103,  302,  327,  342-5- 

Jonfon,  Ben,  98 ;  may  have  met  Mor- 
ton, 96;  note  on  "poem,"  290,  312, 
n.  ;  quoted,  335,  11. 

Jordan,  310. 

JoiTelyn,  Captain  John,  quoted,  16,  «., 
133.  n~>  x36,  n.,  137,  ».,  147,  «•,  I58> 
».,  160,  «.,  171,  n.,  182,  «.,  185,  n., 
189,  «.,  191,  n.,  198,  «.,  201,  «.,  205, 
«.,  206,  «.,  210,  n.,  212,  n.,  214,  #., 
217,  «.,  221,  «.,  232,  «.,  235,  n. 

Joffelyn,  Henry,  237;  date  of  expedi- 
tion of,  to  New  Hampfhire,  79,  238. 

"  Jove,  let,  vouchfafe  to  thunder,"  62, 

i°3,  H3,  345- 
Jupiter,  279. 


Kantantowwit,  168,  n. 

Kennebec :  Morton  follows  Plymouth 
people  to  the,  23,  295  ;  Plymouth 
grant  on  the,  36. 

Kennet,  White,  99. 

Kytan,  an  Indian  god,  139,  n.,  167,  n., 
168,  169. 

Killock,  262. 

King's  Bench,  warrant  did  not  run  in 
MafTachufetts,  47. 

Kirk,  David,  Louis  and  Thomas,  con- 
quer! of  Canada  by,  235,  n. 

Kodliep  Ken,  137,  n. 
Koiis,  124,  n. 

Laconia,  235,  238,  n. 
Lannerets,  196,  198. 
Larks,  195. 

Latin,  fuppofed  fimilarity  with  Indian 
tongue,  123-6. 

Laud,  Archbilhop  William :  becomes 
Primate,  55  ;  influence  of,  57  ;  head 
of  Lords  Commiffioners,  58,  60,  93, 
322  ;  played  upon  by  Gorges,  64  ;  and 
Morton,  68,  93,  322-34 ;  New  Eng- 
land not  to  be  fuffered  to  languifh, 
71 ;  fupreme  in  England  in  1635,  74 ; 
his  fortunes  turn,  78  ;  correfponds 
with  Burdet,  83  ;  orders  Common 
Prayer  to  be  ufed,  333,  n. 

Lazarus,  344. 

Lead  ore,  219. 

Leadftones,  219. 

Learning,  vilified  in  New  England, 

Leather,  made  by  Indians,  142,  201. 

Lechford's  Plaine  Dealing  quoted, 
147,  322-34. 

Lenox,  Duke  of,  70. 

Lerna,  lake,  292. 

Lewis,  Alonzo,  quoted,  129. 

Libertines,  New    England    will     not 

brook,  48. 
Lime,  215. 

Limeftone  in  Weymouth,  216,  n. 
Lions  in  New  England,  214. 
Little  worth.     (See  Endicott.) 
Lobfters,  209,  226,  265. 
Lords   Commiffioners  of  Plantations  : 

appointment  of  board  of,   58,   100 ; 




who  compofed,  60 ;  powers  of,  60 ; 
news  of  appointment  of,  in  Mafla- 
chufetts,  65  ;  laft  meeting  of,  81  ; 
Morton's  dependence  on,  93 ;  dedi- 
cation of  New  Canaan  to,  109,  322. 

Louis  XI.,  326. 

Lowndes's  Manual,  100. 

Lucan,  141. 

Lufcus,  263. 

Luzerans :  defcription  of,  200 ;  value 
of  furs  of,  205,  n. 

Lyford,  Rev.  John  :  at  Hull,  24,  264 ; 
moves  to  Cape  Ann,  24  ;  at  Ply- 
mouth, 262-4,  332,  n. 

Lyman,  Theodore,  notes  on  fifh, 


Machiavelli,  339. 

Machdug,  237,  n. 

Mackerel,  223. 

Mackerel-fhark,  223,  n. 

Maine:  trading- ftations  in,  23,  218,221  ; 
royalifts  in,  85. 

Maja,  281. 

Manchefter,  Earl  of,  60. 

Manittooes,  207,  n. 

Maple,  186. 

Marble  in  New  England,  215. 

Marblehead,  quality  of  ftone  at,  215,  n. 

Ma-re-Mount,  14.  (See  Merry  Mount.) 

Marlins,  198. 

Marriage  in  Maffachufetts,  a  civil  con- 
trad,  69,  330. 

Mars,  292. 

Martens  :  value  of  furs  of,  205,  n. ;  de- 
fcribed,  206. 

Mary  &*  John,  arrival  of  at  Hull,  42. 

MaJ/ce,  the  North  Star,  125. 

Mafon,  Captain  John:  hoftile  to  Maffa- 
chufetts,  49  ;  grantee  of  New  Hamp- 
shire from  Council  of  New  England, 
71  ;  builds  fhips  to  take  governor- 
general  to  New  England,  73 ;  finan- 
cial needs  of,  74;  death  of,  and  note 
on,  76,  238. 

Maffachufetts :  latent  fpirit  of  rebellion 
in,  in  1632,  51,66;  emigration  to,  in 
i634,  55  ;  panic  in,  in  1635,  66,  7*  5 
preparations  againft,  in  1635,  67 ; 
church  practices  in,  69,  322-34; 
complaints  againft,  in  1638,  81  ;  ap- 
peals to  king  a  mifdemeanor  in,  87; 
location  and  advantages  of,  112; 
elk  feen  in,  200,  n. ;  population  of, 
in  1632-7,  230;  baptifm  limited  to 
franchife  in,  331,  n.\  defcription  of 
community  in,   334,  ;/.  ;  juftice   in, 


Maffachufetts  Charter:  attack  on  in 
Privy  Council,  in  1632,  49;  obtained 
by  influence,  52  ;  fent  for  by  Privy 
Council,  56 ;  fecond  attack  on,  58, 
61;  not  returned  to  England,  64; 
plan  for  vacating,  67  ;  quo  warranto 
proceedings  to  fet  afide,  75  ;  demand 
for  return  of,  in  1638,  82. 

Maffachufetts  Company  :  grant  to,  31  ; 
difficulty  of,  with  Council  of  New 
England,  33 ;  procures  charter,  34 ; 
"old  planters,"  jealoufy  of,  38;  in- 
ftruaions  of,  to  Endicott,  38,  40,  45  ; 
policy  of,  to,  39;  regulates  trade  in 
furs,  39 ;  complaints  againft,  50  ; 
treafurer  of,   305 ;     patent-cafe    of, 

Maffachufetts  Indians:  number  of,  11  ; 

Wefton's    men   killed   by,   252,  n.  ; 

humanity  of,  256. 



Maffafoit :  a  night  in  his  lodge,  136,  n. ; 

detains  Samofet,  244,  n. 
Mather,  Cotton,  quoted,  129,  n.,  132,  n., 

150,    «.,    152,    ».,    160,   n.,    175,  «., 

331,  «. 

Matta,  237. 

Mattapan,  12,  124. 

Maverick,  Rev.  John,  325,  «. 

Maverick,  Samuel :  fays  that  Morton 
had  a  patent,  8  ;  moves  from  Weffa- 
guffet  to  Noddle's  Ifland,  24;  in 
conneclion  with  Morton's  arreft,  30; 
his  afteffment  for  charge  of  Morton's 
arreft,  30  ;  cited,  46  ;  refers  to  Mor- 
ton's arraignment  at  Bolton,  88 ;  an 
Epifcopalian,  94. 

May,  Thomas,  quoted,  141,  n. 

Mayberry,  S.  P.,  on  Walter  Bagnall, 
218,  n. 

May-day  feftivities  :  immorality  of,  18  ; 
at  Mount  Wollafton,  18,  276-82. 

May-pole,  the  :  of  Merry-Mount,  17, 
270,  295  ;  cuftom  of  erecting,  17  ; 
cut  down  by  Endicott,  32. 

Medufa,  292. 

Meechin,  137. 

Melpomene,  275. 

Menhaden,  225,  n.,  226,  n. 

Mephiftopheles,  319. 

Mermaid,  the,  97. 

Merriam,  Mr.,  identifies  fimpes  as 
woodcock,  191,  ;/. 

Merry-Mount :  fountain  at,  276  ;  May- 
day at,  276-84 ;  to  be  made  a  woeful 
mount,  278  ;  monfter  at,  282.  (See 
Mt.  Wollafton.) 

Metawna,  194,  n. 

Mice,  214. 

Milo,  270. 

Milton,  John,  quoted,  129. 

Minerals  of  New  England,  215-21. 

Miniiters  :  ordination  of,  at  Plymouth, 
262;  at  Salem,  300,  «.,  306;  ufe  of 
notes  by,  322,  n. ;  ordination  of,  in 
New  England,  324  ;  fuperior  to 
magiftrates  in  New  England,  ib. ; 
firft  in  New  England,  325,  n. ;  ab- 
fent-mindednefs  of  a,  ib.  ;  did  not 
marry  in  New  England,  330. 

Minifters'  fons,  whipped,  319,  n. 

Minos,  275,  293,  294,  309. 

Mint  and  Cummin,  tithes  of,  102,  in, 
280,  333. 

Mittannug,  193,  n. 

Afona,  124. 

Monatoquit,  9,  28,  285  ;  limeftone  near 
to,  216. 

Money,  Indian.     (See  Wampum.) 

Monfall,  Ralph,  319,  n. 

Monthly  Anthology,  101,  320. 

Moofe,  description  and  ufes  of,  142, 

Morell,  Rev.  William,  quoted,  143,  n. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  cited,  5. 

Morton,  Thomas  :  comes  to  MafTachu- 
fetts  with  Wollafton,  1 ;  fufpetted  of 
murder,  2,  15,  46  ;  his  previous  life, 
4-5  ;  his  acquaintance  with  claffics, 
4,  345,  ;/. ;  his  firft  coming  to  New 
England,  6 ;  his  filence  about  Wol- 
lafton, 13  ;  inaccuracy  of,  14,  63,  96, 
123,  «.,  335,  n.  ;  his  fondnefs  for 
field  fports,  15  ;  his  treatment  of 
Indians,  16,  256 ;  relations  of,  with 
Indian  women,  16;  his  verfes,  19; 
fupplies  Indians  with  guns,  20; 
filence  of,  on  fubjecl:,  21  ;  trades  in 
Maine,  23;  vifits  Weffaguffet,  24; 
number  of  his  neighbors,  25 ;  remon- 
ftrated  with  for  fale  of  fire-arms,  25; 

3  74 


on  proclamations,  26;  arrefl  of,  by 
Standith,  27,  282-6 ;  efcape  of,  28, 
283 ;  taken  to  Plymouth,  29,  296 ; 
fent  to  England,  29,  289  ;  coft  of  ar- 
refl: of,  30,  302;  reaches  England, 
31 ;  not  proceeded  againft,  35,  303  ; 
could  have  been  proceeded  againft 
in  Star  Chamber,  35  ;  ingratiates 
himfelf  with  Gorges,  36  ;  and  Aller- 
ton,  36,  325;  good  refults  of,  37; 
returns  to  Plymouth,  37,  304;  to 
Mount  Wollafton,  38 ;  refufes  to 
fign  agreement,  39,  307  ;  difregards 
trade  regulations,  40,  308 ;  an  agent 
of  Gorges,  41;  profits  of,  41,  308; 
attempt  to  re-arreft,  41,  308 ;  re- 
arreft  of,  43  ;  trial  and  fentence  of, 
44 ;  fent  back  to  England,  45  ;  charges 
againft  him,  46;  punifliment  of,  46- 
8,  311,  312;  a  warrant  for  his  ar- 
refl; from  King's  Bench,  47,  311  ;  a 
"libertine,"  48;  driven  away  from 
Maflachufetts,  49,  336-7;  in  Exe- 
ter jail,  49;  allies  himfelf  to  ene- 
mies of  Maflachufetts  Charter,  50; 
makes  complaint  before  Privy  Coun- 
cil, 50  ;  gives  reafon  of  failure  of 
complaint,  54;  forwards  more  com- 
plaints, 56;  elation  of,  in  1634,  60; 
his  letters  to  William  Jeffreys, 
61  ;  crying  as  Jonas,  61,  103,  344; 
plays  on  Laud's  foibles,  64,  93, 
322-34,  n.,  n.\  has  Window  put 
in  Fleet  prifon,  69 ;  Solicitor  of 
Council  for  New  England,  72  ; 
promptnefs  of,  in  legal  proceedings, 
75  ;  on  Captain  John  Mafon,  76; 
Cradock  on,  77;  in  pay  of  Cleaves, 
77  ;  in  difgrace  with  Gorges,  80  ; 
witneffcs  Acomenticus  charter,  81 ; 

ftarved  out  of  England,  83  ;  at 
Plymouth  in  1643,84;  pretends  to 
be  a  Commonwealth's  man,  85 ; 
goes  to  Maine,  85  ;  to  Rhode 
Ifland,  85  ;  to  Bofton,  86 ;  ar- 
raigned, 86 ;  extraordinary  proceed- 
ings againft,  87  ;  petition  of,  88- 
90 ;  imprifonment,  releafe  and  death 
of,  91 ;  a  man  out  of  place,  92 ;  Epif- 
copalian  defenders  of,  92  ;  "  his 
faults,"  93 ;  oppreflively  dealt  with 
in  Maflachufetts,  94;  fmall  literary 
merit  of,  95  ;  may  have  met  Butler 
and  Jonfon,  96;  fenfe  of  humor  of, 
97;  ftyleof,  103;  at  Richmond  Ifland, 
218;  ufes  Common  Prayer,  260,  311  ; 
at  Cape  Ann,  261 ;  at  Nut  Ifland,  268 ; 
date  of  arrefl,  295  ;  references  of,  to 
Winthrop,  310,  n.,  321;  gets  game 
for  fettlers,  321 ;  at  Salem,  325,  ;/. ; 
at  Canary  Iflands,  342;  his  voyage 
to  England,  342-5. 

Mount  Dagon,  32,  278. 

Mount  Wollafton  :  why  fo  called,  1  ; 
character  and  number  of  fettlers  at, 
8,  286,  294;  defcription  and  fketch 
of,  9-10;  view  from,  12;  location  of, 
15  ;  morals  at,  17;  May-day  feftivities 
at,  18 ;  a  refuge  of  runaways,  22,  23 ; 
within  grant  to  Maflachufetts  Com- 
pany, 31 ;  deftruftion  of  houfe  at,  45  ; 
Common  Prayer  at,  94,  283  ;  foun- 
tain at,  229  ;  monfter  at,  282. 

Mufkrats,  204;  value  of  fkins  of,  205, 11. 
defcription  of,  210. 

Mufcles,  227. 

Afteuno/i,  124,  n. 




Nan  weeteo,  148,  n. 

Nantafket,  24,  25,  30,  325,  n.,  337,  n. 

Nanepafhemet,  155. 

Naumkeag,  25,  30. 

Nebuchadnezzar,  116. 

IVecut,  193,  n. 

Neent,  194,  n. 

Neptune,  277. 

Netherlands,  293. 

New  Canaan :  political  fignificance  of, 
68  ;  as  a  political  pamphlet,  68,  322, 
n.  ;  reference  to  Lake  Irocoife  in, 
78;  where  written,  78,  233,  n.  ;  re- 
ferred to  by  Bradford,  79  ;  lateft  re- 
vifion  of,  79 ;  no  copies  of,  get  to 
New  England,  79,  88  ;  publication 
of,  not  agreeable  to  Gorges,  80  ; 
referred  to  by  Winthrop,  86  ;  ref- 
erences to  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
in,  93;  ribaldry  of,  94;  criticifm  of, 
95-6 ;  referred  to  in  Hudibras,  96  ; 
humor  in,  97;  a  connecting  link,  98 ; 
bibliography  of,  99-101  ;  titlepages 
of,  100;  printing  of,  102;  caufe  of 
errors  in,  103;  rules  for  prefent  edi- 
tion of,  104. 

New  England  :  emigration  to,  in  1634, 
55  ;  royal  policy  towards,  57  ;  church 
practices  in,  69;  divifion  of,  in  1635, 
70;  commffion  for  governing,  in  1637, 
77;  location  and  temperature  of, 
120-1  ;  winds  not  violent  in,  122, 
232;  plenty  of,  175;  air  of,  177; 
beauty  of,  180 ;  motives  of  fettlers  in, 
181  ;  no  boggy  ground  in,  22S  ;  per- 
fumed air  of,  228,  231-2  ;  fuperiority 
of,  to  Virginia,  228,  229,  233,  265  ; 
natural  waters  of,  229;  population 

of,  230  ;  fertility  of,  231  ;  people  of, 
never  have  colds,  232  ;  rainfall  of, 
233  ;  coaft  and  harbors  of,  ib.  ;  fe- 
cundity of  women  in,  265  ;  univer- 
sities vilified  in,  282.  {See  Council 
for  New  England.) 
New  EngliJJi  Canaan.  {See  New 

New  Hampfhire,  population  of,  in  1634, 
230,  n. 

Newburyport:  galena  found  in,  219,  n. ; 

iilver  ore,  220,  n. 
Newcomein,  John,  216-7. 
Niagara  Falls,  236. 
"  Nick  and  Froth,"  328,  n. 
Nilus,  240. 
Niobe,  277,  281. 
Nipnets,  240,  270. 
Nneesnnednna,  193,  n. 
Noddy,  Doctor,  309. 
NokeJiick,  175,  n. 

North  Star,  the  Indian  name  of,  125,  n. 
Northweft  paffage,  intereft  in  the,  in 

1632,  118,  ».,  239. 
"  Nofes  out  of  joint,"  94,  281. 
Notes  ufed  in  preaching,  322. 
Nourfe,  H.  S.,  on  Elk  in  South  Lan- 

cafter,  Mafs.,  200,  n. 
Nowell,  Increafe,  305,  n. 
Nut  Ifland,  268. 
Nuttall's  Ornithology,  cited,  194,  n. 


Oaks  in  New  England,  182. 
Oates,  Jack,  253,  n. 
CEdipus,  277,  2S0. 
Oil,  cod-liver,  222. 

"Old  Planters,"  jealoufy  of  Maffachu- 
fetts  Company,  38. 



Oldham,  John,  40 ;  at  Hull,  24 ;  takes 
Morton  to  England,  29-32 ;  his  prom- 
ifes  of  gain  in  New  England,  32; 
his  fcheme  for  trading,  33 ;  does  not 
prefs  matters  againft  Morton,  33,  36; 
receives  grant  from  John  Gorges, 
34;  tries  to  organize  expedition,  34; 
"a  jack  in  his  mood,"  40;  his  treat- 
ment at  Plymouth,  262-4. 

Oliver  le  Daim,  326. 

Om,  124,  u. 

Ordination.     (See  Minifters.) 

Otters,  value  of  furs  of,  205,  n.,  206. 

Ounce,  the,  206,  n. 

Ovid,  quoted,  217,  273. 

Owls,  195. 

Oyfters,  227. 


Palfrey,  J.  G.,  quoted,  140,  ;/.,  148,  n. 

"Pan  the  Shepherds'  God,"  124. 

Papafiquineo.     {See  Pafconaway.) 

Parkman,  Francis,  quoted,  16,  17,  136, 
n.,  140,  71.,  145,  71.,  158,  71.,  166,  ;/., 
168,  71.,  234,  71. 

Partridges,  194. 

Pafconaway,  the  fachem,  150,  71.  ;  his 
tricks  and  incantations,  151  ;  his 
daughter's  marriage,  154-5. 

Pafcopa7i,  124. 

Pa/lca7i07itai7i,  124,  ;/. 

Paffonageffit :  defcription  of,  9;  fignifi- 
cation  of  name,  14,  276;  grave  at, 
defecrated,  247 ;  Mafter  Bubble  at, 
267;  revels  at,  276-82;  mine  holt, 
fachem  of,  289.    (See  Mt.  Wollafton.) 

Paftors.     (See  Minifters.) 

Patent  of  Maffachufetts  :  granted,  31  ; 
brought  over  by  Endicott,  305  ;  its 
cafe,  ib..  n. 

Paul's  Walk,  298,  11. 

Pawtucket,  124. 

Peabody,  W.  B.  O.,  referred  to,  189, 

Peddock,  Leonard,  130,  n. 
Peddock's  Ifland,  130,  n. 
Pemaquid,  244. 
Penelope,  281. 

Pe7i7iacook,  the  Bridal  of  ,  155,  n. 
Peftilence  among  Indians  in    1616-7, 

11,   120,  130-4;   nature  of.  133,  71.  ; 

Squanto's  fraud  about,  245. 
Phaethon,  293. 

Phaos  box,  280,  297;  explained,  345, 71. 
Pharfalia,  May's  continuation  of,  quo- 
ted, 141,  71. 
Pheafants,  194. 
Phillips,  Rev.  George,  326. 
Phillips    Creek,    Weymouth,    fite    of 

Weffaguffet  fettlement,  3. 
Phlegethon,  314. 
Phoebus,  293. 
Phyllis  273. 
Pike,  227. 
Pilchers,  226. 

Pillory  and  whetftone,  300,  71. 
Pine-trees,  184. 

Pipe-ftaves  as  merchandife,  182. 
Pifcataqua,  30;  Hiltons  and  Thomfon 

at,  22,  25,  255,  n. 
Plague.     (See  Peftilence.) 
Plaice,  226. 
Plantations,   Foreign,  board  of  Lords 

Commiffioners  of.    (See  Lords  Com- 

Plato,  Indians  praclife  Commonwealth 

of,  177. 
"Plough  patent"  in  Maine,  85. 
Plymouth,  30;  fettlers  at,  in  1628,  25  ; 

Morton  carried  to,  29;  Indians  about 



deftroyed  by  peftilence,  133, 11. ;  Bil- 
lington  hanged  at,  217,  n. ;  population 
of,  in  1634,  230,  11. ;  Samofet's  ap- 
pearance at,  244;  treatment  of  Wef- 
ton  at,  245-6,  255-7  ;  people  of,  at 
Paffonageffit  247,  n.  ;  Morton  vifits, 
259;  cattle  at,  260;  Lyford  and  Old- 
ham at,  262-4 ;  reordination  of  min- 
ifters  at,  262;  no  veffel  arrives  at,  in 
June  1628,  289,  n.  ;  Chriftmas  at, 
294,  n.  ;  Morton  arrives  again  at, 
304 ;  mini  Hers  at,  325,  n. ;  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  at,  332,  n. 

Pocahontas,  "a  well-featured  but  wan- 
ton young  girl,"  145,  n. 

Porcupines,  211. 

Portland,  Earl  of,  60. 

Portland  Harbor,  221,  n. 

Potomac,  the,  236,  239. 

Powahs,  Indian,  139,  «.,  150,  «.,  152, 


Pratt,  Phineas,  cited,  131,  ».,  132, 

Praying,  manner  of,  334. 

Priapus,  94,  205,  281. 

Privy  Council:  petition  to,  againft  Maf- 
fachufetts  Company,  51  ;  order  of, 
flopping  emigration  to  New  Eng- 
land, 56,  333,  n. 

Proclamations,  royal :  about  fire-arms, 
20 ;  not  law,  26  ;  violation  of,  pun- 
ifhable  in  Star  Chamber,  35. 

Procruftes,  335. 

Proteus,  94,  281. 

Purchafe,  Mr.,  cures  himfelf  of  fci- 
atica,  207,  n. 

Purification  of  women,  331. 

Putnam,  F.  W.,  131,  n.,  227,  11. 

Pygmalion,  315. 

Pythagoras,  329,  n. 

Ouackfalver,  punifhment  of,  299. 
Quail,  in  New  England,  194. 
Quebec,  capture  of,  by  Kirk,  235,  11. 
Ouincy :  feal  of  town  of,  10  ;  flate  in, 

216,  n. 
Quo  warranto  proceedings  to  fet  afide 

Maffachufetts  Charter,  74,  77,  82,  86. 


Rabbits,  204,  211. 

Rabelais,  94. 

Raccoon,  207. 

Rafdall:   a   partner  of  Wollafton,    1  ; 

follows  him  to  Virginia,  13  ;  difhp- 

pears,'  15. 
Ratcliff,  Philip:  before  Privy  Council, 

50  ;  thought  a  lunatic,  56  ;  promifed 

cropping  of  Winthrop's  ears,  62,  64; 

called  Faircloath,  316,  340;  punifh- 
ment of,  316-8. 
Rattlefnakes,  213  ;  antidotes  to  poifon 

of,  213,  214,  n. 
Rats,  214. 
Razor-fhell,  227. 
Readings,  conjectural,  105. 
Red-lead,  219. 

Reordination.     {See  Minifters.) 
Reproductions,  flavifhnefs  of,  104. 
Reynolds,  Dr.  John,  331,  n. 
Rhadamanthus,  293,  294,  309. 
Rhode  Ifland,  Morton  in,  86.  *, 

Richmond  Ifland  :  Walter  Bagnall.  at, 

200,  «.,  218,  n.  ;  coins  found  on,  ib. ; 

whetflrones  at,  217  ;  veffels  at,  221. 
Rigby,  Alexander,  84. 
Ring,  ufe  of,  in  marriage,  331. 
Rogers,   Mr.,   preacher  at  Plymouth, 

325,  n . 





Running  footmen,  329,  «. 
Rupert,  Prince,  83. 


Sables,  value  of,  205,  n. 

Sal,  Ifle  of,  116,  «.,  117,  #.,  343,  n. 

Salem  :  fuffering  at,  in  1629-30,  42  ; 
a  doctor  made  at,  298 ;  Dr.  Fuller 
at,  299 ;  Endicott  holds  a  court  at, 
306  ;  ordination  of  minifters  at,  306 ; 
Morton  at,  306,  325,  n. ;  church  of, 
abufed  by  Ratcliff,  317,  n.  ;  church 
of,  vilified,  317-8;  ufe  of  Common 
Prayer  at,  332,  n. 

Salmon,  224. 

Salt:  abundance  of,  in  tropics,  117; 
ufe  of,  unknown  among  Indians, 
161,  175,  n. ;  given  to  them  by  Mor- 
ton, 161. 

Saltonftall,  Sir  Richard,  43 ;  before 
Privy  Council,  51,  61. 

Samofet,  244,  n. 

Samfon,  281. 

Sanaconquam,  an  Indian  god,  167. 

Sanderling,  191. 

Sandpiper,  191. 

Sargent,  Profeflbr  C.  S.,  182,  n. 

Savage,  James,  cited,  30,  n. 

Scallops,  227. 

Scent,  acutenefs  of  Indian,  166. 

Sciatica,  cured  by  raccoon  greafe,  207. 

Scogan,  John,  278  ;  choice  of,  281. 

Scotland :  policy  of  Charles  I.  breaks 
down  in,  78  ;  troubles  of  1638  in,  82. 

Scylla,  278,  280. 

Sea-ficknefs,  298. 

Sequeftration,  in  New  Canaan,  308. 

Serat,  204. 

Sc/ick,  213. 

Shackles :     poffibly   Afpinwall,     319  ; 

whips  Faircloath,  320;  fed  by  Mor- 
ton, 321 ;  burns  Morton's  houfe,  337. 
Shad,  225. 

Shakefpeare,  William,  98. 
Shawmut,  12.  [215-20. 

Shaler,    Profeffor    N.    S.,    notes    by, 
Shell-heaps  :  at  Cotuit,  131,  n. ;  origin 

of,  226,  n. 
Ships,  number  of  engaged  in  fifheries, 

Shoals,  Ifles  of,  29,  289,  296,  302. 
Shrimpe,  Captaine.     {See  Standifh.) 
Silver  in  New  England,  220,  n. 
Simpes,  191. 
Skelton,    Rev.    Samuel,   39,   300,   «., 

325,  ;/. ;  called  Eager,  306. 
Slafter,  Rev.  E.  F.,  quoted,  234,  n. 
Slate :     in    Ouincy    and    Weymouth, 

216,  11. ;  at  Richmond  Ifland,  217,  n. 
Smart,  Captain,  brings  over  falcons  to 

the  king,  196,  n. 
Smelts,  225. 
Smith,  John,  95;  quoted,  I,  n.,  136, 

;;.,  144,  ;/.,  147,  «.,  150,  n. 
Smith,  Ralfe,  325,  n. 
Snakes,  212. 
Snipes,  191. 
Socrates,  quoted,  327. 
Solomon  :  fayings  of,  quoted,  119,  127, 

228  ;  referred  to,  184. 
Sommers,  Will,  253. 
South  Lancafter,  Mafs.,  elks  in,  200,  n. 
South  Sea,  239. 
"Sparke,"  160. 
Sparrow-hawks,  198. 
Spruce-trees,  185. 
Squanto,    271,   ;/.  ;    made    ufe    of   by 

Chickatawbut,       164  ;      kidnapped, 

244,   n. 



Squanto's   Chappel :    chalkftones    at, 

216;  fountain  at,  229. 
Squantum,  12,  216,  229;  flate  at,  216, 

Squidraket,  Sagamore,  218,  n. 
Squirrels,  2t2. 
St.  Michaels,  343. 
St.  Paul's  Church,  298. 
Stam,  Jacob  Frederick,  100. 
Standifh,  Miles  :  kills  Indians  at  Wef- 

faguffet,  1 1 ;  fent  to  arreft  Morton, 

27 ;  threatens  to  fhoot  him,  29,  296  ; 

takes  offence  at  Morton,  in  1643,  84 ; 

at    Weffaguffet,    247,    «.;     Captain 

Shrimpe,    285-7,    291,    «.,    296;    a 

quondam     drummer,    286 ;     called 

Minos,  291,  n. 
Star  Chamber,  court  of,  35. 
Stenography,  266. 
Sterling,  Earl  of,  70. 
Stones,  chapter  on,  215-20. 
Strachey,    Edward,    quoted,    145,   «., 

147,  «.,  208,  «.,  210,  n.,  215,  n. 
Strafford,  Earl  of,  60,  74. 
Stubbs,  his  Anatomy  of  Abufes  cited, 

Students  of  Harvard  College,  whipped, 

319,  n. 
Sturgeon,  223. 
Styx,  293,  314. 

Swan,  the,  Wefton's  veffel,  257,  n. 
Swans,  189. 
Swift,  Lindfay,  quoted,  328,  n.,  335,  «., 

345,  n. 

Tantoquineo,  152. 

Tartars,  fuppofed  defcent  of  Indians 

from,  125. 
Taffell  gentles,  196-7. 

Teal,  kinds  of,  in  New  England, 

Temperwell,  Jofhua.  (See  Winthrop, 

Thomfon,  David :  at  Pifcataqua,  24 ; 
moves  to  Bofton  Bay,  24 ;  on  origin 
of  Indians,  128  ;  authorities  concern- 
ing, 128. 

"Thorough,"  Gorges  policy,  the  New 
England  branch  of,  60,  74. 

Tin,  in  New  England,  220. 

Titta,  148. 

Tithes,  333. 

Tornadoes,  217. 

Trade  with  Indians,  liquor  the  life  of, 
20,  174.     (See  Fire-arms.) 

Trade  :  profits  of  in  New  England,  32; 
regulations  of  Maffachufetts  Com- 
pany, 39;  difregarded  by  Morton, 
40,  306,  308. 

Trade-winds,  effect  of,  118. 

Traps,  to  take  deer,  202. 

Trees  :  effect  of  burning  underbrufh  on, 
172;  where  to  look  for  large,  172; 
of  New  England,  182-7. 

Triton,  281. 

Trojans,  fuppofed  defcent  of  Indians 
from  the,  126-7,  I29- 

Trout,  227. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond :  on  name  of 
Paffonageffit,  14;  notes  by,  on  In- 
dian words,  123,  124,  137,  148,  160, 
167,  229  ;  his  notes  to  Plai)ie  Deal- 
ing referred  to,  322-34. 

Turbot,  225. 

Turkeys:  garments  made  of  feathers 
of,  142,  144,  11. ;  hunted  by  Indians, 
162;  wild,  in  New  England,  192. 

Turtledoves,  180. 

Tuttle,  C.  W.,  238,  n. 




Univerfities,  vilified  in  New  England, 

Uttaquatock,  216. 

Venice,  281. 

Venus,  265,  315,  345. 

Vermilion,  219. 

Virgil,  quoted,  217,  260,  345. 

Virginia:  prices  of  furs  in,  in  1650,  205, 
11.  ;  wolves  in,  208,  u. ;  corn  not 
planted  in,  225 ;  inferiority  of,  to 
New  England,  228,  229,  u.,  233, 
265  ;  the  '-barren  doe"  of,  264,  276  ; 
population  of,  265  ;  execution  in, 


Walnut,  the,  183. 

Wampum,  157-9,  301. 

Wampumpeack.     (See  Wampum.) 

Warham,  Rev.  John,  322,  n.,  325,  n. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  had  no  influence  at 
Court,  52. 

Wafhburne,  John,  305,  11. 

Walford,  Thomas  :  moves  from  Wefla- 
guffet  to  Mifhawum,  24  ;  an  Epif- 
copalian,  94. 

Weflaguflet :  plantations  at,  2,  246 ; 
Robert  Gorges  at,  3 ;  difperfion  of 
his  fettlement,  4  ;  Indians  killed  at, 
by  Standi fh,  II,  247,  n. ;  locality 
of,  12  ;  reparation  of  fettlers  at,  in 
1628,  24;  Morton  arretted  at,  27,  282, 
290,  n. ;  Epifcopalians,  95 ;  thofe 
dwelling  at,  162,  n. ;  mufcle-bank  at, 
227  ;  fkirmifli  at,  247  ;  the  hanging 
at,  249-51  ;    fettlers  killed  at,  253- 

4  ;  Lyford  at,  264 ;  Morton  at,  in 
winter,  268;  Indians  compound  theft 
at,  269  ;  bring  Bubble's  things  to, 
271.     (See  Weymouth.) 

Wefton,  Andrew :  comes  to  New  Eng- 
land in  Charity,  7;  takes  an  Indian 
boy  back  to  England,  130,  n. ;  date 
of  his  voyage,  130,  n. 

Wefton,  Thomas  :  eftablifhes  a  planta- 
tion at  Weffaguffet,  2  ;  account  of, 
245-6;  his  men  killed  by  Indians, 
252  ;  comes  to  New  England,  255-7  ; 
treatment  of,  257-9,  261. 

Wethercock,  Mr.,  337,  342-3. 

Weymouth,  2  ;  flate  and  limeftone  in, 
216,  //.     (See  Weffaguffet.) 

Whetflones,  124,  216;  at  Richmond 
Ifland,  217;  punifhment  of  pillory 
and,  299,  n.     (See  Cos.) 

Whipping-poll,  274,  319,  n. 

White,  William  and  Sufannah,  330,  n. 

Whitney,  Profeffor  J.  D.,  on  Ifle  of 
Sal  and  poifonous  fifli,  116. 

Whitney,  George,  quoted,  101. 

Whittier,  J.  G.,  155,  n. 

Widgeon,  191. 

Widow,  the,  323.     (See  Deaconefs.) 

Wiggin,  Thomas  :  cited  in  regard  to 
Morton,  5 ;  before  Privy  Council, 
52  ;  quoted,  320,  n. 

Wigwams,  defcribed,  134-8. 

Wildrake,  92. 

Williams,  Edward,  quoted,  182,  n. 

Williams,  Roger,  quoted,  16,  17,  124, 
«.,  125,  n.,  I36»  »•»  J37,  #•,  H^>,  «•, 
149,  «.,  158,  «.,  I59>  »•»  l68'  *-i  T7T» 
n.,  194,  ».,  202,  «.,  207,  «.,  221,  »., 

232,  n. 

Willis,  William,  218,  n. 
Wilfon,  Rev.  John,  325,  n. 



Winnifimmet,  25,  30,  ».,  300,  ».,  301  ; 
origin  of  name  of,  229,  n.  ;  fountain 
at,  229,  265. 

Winnepurkitt,  the  marriage  of,  155. 

Window,  Governor  Edward,  95  ; 
quoted,  16,  125,  n.,  140,  «.,  145,  n., 
149,  n. ;  fent  to  England  in  1634, 
64 ;  fails,  65  ;  reaches  London,  67  ; 
petitions  Lords  Commiffioners,  68  ; 
put  in  Fleet  prifon,  69,  322,  n.  ; 
defcribes  Morton  at  Plymouth  in 
1648,  84  ;  goes  on  miffion  to  Mafia- 
foit,  136,  n.  ;  marriage  of,  330,  ;/. 

Winfor,  Juftin,  99. 

Winthrop,  Governor  John,  43,  81,  95  ; 
arrival  of,  in  New  England,  42,  310  ; 
impofes  fentence  on  Morton,  44,  31 1  ; 
has  warrant  for  Morton's  arreft,  47, 
311  ;  criticifm  of,  on  complaint  to 
Privy  Council,  50 ;  rejoices  over 
failure  of  complaint,  53 ;  "  King 
Winthrop,"  63 ;  receives  letter  of 
Morton  to  Jeffreys,  65  ;  Gorges  re- 
fers to  patience  of,  80  ;  excufes  not 
fending  out  charter  in  1638,  83 
on  arreft  of  Morton  in  1644,  86 
quoted,  9r,  150,  n.,  218,  n.,  230,  n. 
abfence  of  humor  in,  98;  courfe 
towards  Bagnall,  218,  n.\  called 
Jofhua,  301 ;  referred  to  as  Tem- 
perwell,  302,  310,  314,  318,  320,  335, 
340;  degrades  gentry,  313;  has 
Ratcliff  whipped,  320 ;  refponfible 
for  wants  of  fettlement,  321  ;  upon 
civil  marriages,  330,  n. ;  on  Book  of 
Common  Prayer,  332,  n.\  methods 
of,  as  judge,  334-6  ;  courfe  towards 
Sir  C.  Gardiner,  340. 

"Without,   them  that  are,"   316,  321, 

Woburn  :  galena  found  in,  219;  lilver 
ore,  220,  n. 

Wollafton,  fadls  concerning  name  of, 
1,  n.     {See  Mount  Wollafton.) 

Wollafton,  Captain:  fettles  at  Maffa- 
chufetts,  1  ;  compofition  of  his  com- 
pany, 4;  leaves  Maffachufetts,  12; 
fells  his  fervants  in  Virginia,  13 ; 
tradition  as  to  death  of,  15. 

Wolves :  deer  perfecuted  by,  203  ; 
black,  value  of  furs  of,  207,  n., 
209  ;   defcription   of,    208-9. 

Wonder-  Working  Providence,  quoted, 
94,  300,  n. 

Wood,  William,  217. 

Woodcock,  191,  n. 

Woodman,  "Auld,"  216. 

Wood's  Profpecl :  quoted,  16,  95,  129, 
137,  «.,  138,  «.,  139,  n.,  140,  «.,  143, 
n.,  150,  11.,  160,  n.,  168,  ».,  184,  ;/., 
186,  «.,  189,  #.,  191,  n.,  192,  ;/.,  198, 
71.,  200,  11.,  206,  71.,  208,  ;/.,  210,  n., 
213,  «.,  223,  ft.,  224,  71.,  230,  n.,  238, 
71. ;  referred  to,  139,   141,  154,   172, 

l82,  71.,  184,  71.,  200,  71.,   217,   221,  71., 

233  ;  when  written,  233. 
Worcefter  :  black-lead  found  in,  219, 

71. ;  country  of  Nipnets,  240,  71. 
Wotaivqne7iange,  254. 
Wrentham,  black-lead  found  in,  219, 71. 
Wrington,  Samuel  Fuller  born  in,  298. 
Wu7ia7iu7natt,  123. 

York,  Archbifliop  of,  60. 

York,  Maine.     (See  Acomenticus.) 


Zones,  the  :  New  England,  how  placed 
in,  115-22;  Ariftotle's  theory  of,  117. 

Council  of  tl)e  prince  ^ocittv. 












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